Dietary models
p. 697-710
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1Consuming food is an eminently social practice, built on systems of values and standards and thus also involved in the construction of collective identities. Furthermore, the underlying interactions related to food consumption within families and between friends or colleagues allow it to play a key structuring role in societal life. In just a few decades the French overseas societies have shifted from being predominantly agricultural societies to becoming service- and mass consumption societies. As a result, with regard to diet, some of them (Guadeloupe, Martinique and La Réunion in particular) have, in barely fifty years, experienced the epidemiological, nutritional and dietary transitions it took European states four or five generations to go through (Popkin, 1993). Others (Mayotte and French Guiana) are still experiencing them – profound societal changes which have contributed to the development of new dietary habits in which the previous ones are nevertheless still present to varying degrees.
2Thus, with the exception of Mayotte, the dietary traditions of the French overseas departments and regions continue to revolve around certain common traditional elements resulting from a process of “creolisation”16, even though today practices are diversifying, bringing together traditional components and new features in a context of rapid changes in lifestyle and environment. These transitions very often come about through the adoption, replacement or addition of new elements (Fischler, 1990) and often have an impact on the nutritional- and health status in these territories.
3In its social dimensions several aspects of diet lends itself to study (see III.3): firstly, dietary behaviour (changes in eating habits, consumption typologies17 and current trends), then the structure of food intake and the sociability of food, and finally the representations which surround these dietary models and condition food intake (the meaning of the word “eat”, dietary perceptions and body models).
1. Dietary behaviour
1.1. Changing eating habits
4In most of the DROM, deeper societal changes (emergence of middle classes, changes in family and conjugal models, etc.) have been accompanied by a modernisation of homes (new household appliances, installation of running water and electricity, increased presence of communication technology). Such phenomena have contributed to shifts towards new eating habits among the DROM populations, blending tradition and mass consumption to varying degrees.
5For several decades, Guadeloupe has experienced an advanced nutrition transition, moving from a diet based on starchy foods with a relatively small proportion of animal protein to a diet that is richer in proteins, fats and simple carbohydrates (Orsag, 2010c). This trend is more pronounced in young people, and among those aged 16-29, intake of fruit, vegetables and dairy products is low. The reduction in complex carbohydrates demonstrates the decline of the traditional model, particularly represented by rice as one of Guadeloupe’s traditional dishes, along with meat and poultry. In addition young people seem to turn away from fishery products and tend to buy imported, less expensive frozen fish.
6As in Guadeloupe, dietary transition is reaching an advanced stage in Martinique, with the transition towards a diet which is richer in animal protein and fatty, sugary and salty foods (snacks, fast food, sugary drinks and foods, fried food). There is a noticeable generational change with a tendency for younger generations to turn away from seafood products (Quenel et al., 2008; Merle et al., 2008).
7Traditional meals in Mayotte are usually composed of a “chaoula” (made from cassava, bread, banana or rice) and a “chiréo”, a meat or fish accompaniment, or a plant-based accompaniment such as prepared leaves ( “fekli”) or grins (pulses) like “ambrevades” (Fontaine, 1995; Vernay et al., 2009; Guyot, 2013). Traditional foods, such as roumazave, mataba, rice and bananas still play a key role. The nutritional transition is more recent in Mayotte, occurring between the 1980s and the 2000s and moving from a diet based on coconuts, rice, bananas and cassava, with a low amount of protein, fat and simple carbohydrates (Fontaine, 1995) to an increase in the consumption of rice and low quantities of animal-based products (Vernay et al., 2009). Today more meals are composed of rice and chicken meat (wings – mabawa – or thighs) (Vernay et al., 2009; Guyot, 2013). Rice represents 40 % of Mayotte’s food intake (Guyot, 2013; Insee, 2014). Furthermore, the consumption of certain foods such as bread, butter, mayonnaise, hamburger steaks or chips is growing, as well as that of certain processed foods such as “crispy pancakes” or nuggets. Consumption of bread and pastries has doubled since 2005. In this context of rapid nutritional transition the population is increasingly exposed to risks of overweight and obesity.
8The nutritional transition in La Réunion is advanced. Prior to the 1980s the diet consisted of rice and grains and some animal protein and fat (Simon, 1990). From the 1980s onwards starters and/or desserts were added to ordinary Creole meals, as were sugary drinks and wine or beer, bread or pasta instead of rice (for example in the evening or for children’s meals) (Tibère, 2009; Pourchez, 2006; Galland, 2011). After the 1990s and during the 2000s other trends appear, such as having very simplified meals (pizzas, sandwiches, hamburgers).
9In conclusion, in the Antilles and La Réunion the nutritional transition is advanced, with a decline in starchy foods, plant-based foods and a rise in animal proteins, simple carbohydrates and new products (fast food, food industry products), but also with a more diverse range of foods being consumed. However, there is a difference in the structural changes in meals, with simplification in the Antilles and a tendency to make them more complex through addition in La Réunion. The transition began later in Mayotte and is still underway. French Guiana is also affected with regard to children’s eating habits; adult data is not available.
1.2. Consumption typologies
10The various studies carried out on the DROM populations revealed several dietary typologies depending on the overseas territory. These typologies highlight a variety of behaviours consistent with a dietary transition that is still on-going at different levels.
11In Guadeloupe, five profiles are identified (Orsag, 2010c), more or less similar to the traditional model:
- the “traditional” profile, corresponding to the Creole tradition, consists of three daily meals with a snack in the morning. Meals are eaten mostly at home, there is self-consumption18 of fruit and vegetables, found more among those receiving minimum social benefits and those with low levels of education and income;
- the “hedonist” profile is also fairly satisfactory in terms of nutrition and is even more similar to the mainland France model (three daily meals, more often than not away from home, including breakfast; consumption of sugary foods, snacks and alcohol; purchases in organic stores and small- and medium-sized stores); this profile is found more among people who have jobs and a steady income, as well as a high level of education;
- the “convenience” profile consists of eating simple breakfasts and lunches and dinners with few fruits and vegetables, including ready-to-eat foods. Meals are often eaten out. This profile is more represented by consumers with a job and a level of education up to the high school diploma or A levels;
- the “constrained” profile is usually defined by three daily meals at home, a varied diet and little reliance on self-consumption of fruit and vegetables. These consumers are mostly without qualifications
- the “precarious” profile corresponds to a less varied and balanced diet. This profile particularly applies to men and young people, often without jobs.
12More recently, data from the Kannari survey in Martinique and Guadeloupe have revealed four co-existing profiles, in which the Creole model is more or less established:
- the first profile ( “healthy” typology) has good overall compliance with the PNNS recommendations (high consumption of fruit, vegetables and pulses, wholegrain cereals, and low intake of fatty and sugary products and sugary drinks) and is more common among those with a high level of education;
- the second profile is more closely linked to the traditional Antilles models and meets the nutritional guidelines: high consumption of fruit, vegetables and fish, low consumption of potatoes, but high for other tubers; low consumption of meat and cured meats, pasta, sugary drinks, snacks and fast-food products. It primarily applies to women (90 %) and includes 38 % of people over the age of 60;
- the third-profile, known as “modern”, includes low consumption of fruit, vegetables and fish, but significant consumption of potatoes, pasta, meat, cured meats, sugary products and drinks, snacks and fastfood products. It particularly applies to people under the age of 46;
- the fourth profile ( “in transition” typology) brings together several models, with a preponderance of specialities from the Antilles. Consumption of potatoes, bread, cured meats, sauces, butter, sugary drinks, as well as tubers, pulses, fish and offal is high. This group includes more men, mostly middle-aged and with a high level of education (Colombet et al., 2019a).
13In French Guiana, there are four main dietary profiles (staple food, meal composition) (Comité du tourisme de Guyane, 2014; DAAF de La Réunion, 2015; DAAF de Guyane, 2018):
- the first profile corresponds to the Creole tradition (rice at each meal, dishes with meat, fish or prawns);
- the second profile is from the Amerindian culture; it is based on cassava and accompanied by kidney beans as well as fish or meat. The palm tree also features strongly;
- the third profile consists of hmong dietary practice, based on rice and vegetables with boiled or steamed food;
- the fourth profile is the bushinengé, inherited from the “Maroon Blacks”, and includes meals based on cassava and rice with meat or fish.
14In Mayotte, a survey identified three profiles depending on socioeconomic status (Guyot, 2013):
- the “economic” type profile for households with scarce resources (less than average food intake);
- the “intermediary” type profile for households of a medium socioeconomic level (with more food intake than average and a higher appreciation for the pleasure of eating);
- the “developed society” type profile for affluent households (with a below average amount of food intake).
15Finally, the three profiles in La Réunion more or less assimilate to the Creole model, i.e. they include Creole-La Réunion meals based on rice as a central element on which are placed pulses (grins) and cari (a dish with meat, fish or even vegetables in a sauce):
- in the first model the Creole meal features strongly, with an under-consumption of fruit and vegetables (Brasset et al., 2015; Ricquebourg, 2018);
- the second model, in addition to the Creole dietary tradition, includes a high consumption of sugary products and drinks, especially among younger people;
- finally, the third model is similar to the mainland France profile, with significant consumption of fruit, vegetables and olive oil, but also significant consumption of sugary drinks.
16The dietary transition has been accompanied by changes in consumption practices with a greater or lesser presence of traditional models. The Antilles and La Réunion have common dietary models formed as a result of “creolisation”. In French Guiana, where Creole cuisine is also present, the diet is marked by great diversity, reflecting the ethno-cultural composition of its population. Finally in Mayotte the dietary culture is largely marked by Bantu, Sahel and Madagascan influences. Of course the different dietary models change over time, resulting in the co-existence of several models (traditional and new) according to the diversity of populations, as well as the social and economic contexts.
1.3. Current trends
17Among the recent changes, it is important to highlight the increase in consumption of organic products in Guadeloupe, Martinique and La Réunion. In Guadeloupe, this consumption especially applies to consumers of a high social class, being almost twice as many as those with lower incomes to engage in “organic” consumption. At the same time, the consumption of local foods is becoming really popular, which for the majority of Guadeloupe inhabitants can be explained by the expected health benefits, support for the local food sector and appreciation of tradition (Orsag, 2010c). In La Réunion, the interest in organic products is particularly reflected in the proliferation of “organic” stores. At the same time, La Réunion inhabitants place great importance in the freshness of fruit and vegetables, which they buy from markets and greengrocers (Brasset et al., 2015), more so than in mainland France. Due to the high prices “organic” products are consumed more often by the financially well-off, however. With regard to the Martinique population, its expectations of organic products (Le Goff, 2004) are based on the desire for traceability given the pollution from pesticides, as well as a wish to protect the environment, to receive the health benefits of organic eating and also simply to eat tasty products.
18Alongside this trend, the young inhabitants of Martinique consume a lot of meat, sugary and alcoholic drinks and ready-to-eat products which are far from traditional practices (Quenel et al., 2008; Merle et al., 2008; BNPM, 2013). A different trend is worth noting for La Réunion: “deconsumerism”, which consist of “buying differently” (cheaper, cheaper elsewhere, of lesser quality), “buying less”, “buying something else” (returning to the original need, replacing the product), “not buying” (or making the product yourself), “influencing others and being influenced” (Pothin, 2017).
19The expectations of a diet that is both healthier, more geographically and locally based and more closely monitored in terms of health (the freshness of products, the use of pesticides, etc.) are stronger among certain population categories. These trends identified in mainland France are associated, by some observers, with transitional situations and health concerns, as well as accompanying heritage-related and environmental concerns.
2. Structure of food intake and sociability of food
2.1. Composition and frequency of food intake
20Transformations in consumption practices can be detected in all the DROM, as well as situations where traditional models and new models co-exist. These changes affect the frequency, structure and composition of food intake.
21With regard to the frequency of food intake, existing data in the different DROM point to the existence of two main patterns: three-meal days and two-meal days (the latter involving skipping breakfast or only having a hot drink). The inhabitants of Martinique mostly enjoy three daily meals, according to the Kannari survey, as do the inhabitants of French Guiana (adults and children). In Mayotte, adults prepare between three and four meals a day, while in La Réunion two-meal days are predominant (Valentin, 1982; Cohen, 2000, Tibère, 2009) and apply more to young adults (overall enjoyed by 50 % of the population) (Tibère, 2009, 2017). Among children taking breakfast at home is in sharp decline, as many children eat on the way to school.
22Another notable point is the frequency of eating between meals in the DROM. In the Antilles, the Kannari survey shows that over half of Martinique inhabitants ate between meals and that these snacks were eaten more during the afternoon. Likewise, over half of the Guadeloupe population ate snacks at least once a day, again more during the afternoon and often consisting of starchy foods and fruit juice. In comparison only 15 % of people in mainland France reported eating between meals (de Saint Pol, 2012). Over a third of children in French Guiana had a snack in the morning and another one in the afternoon. Among children in La Réunion, food intake increases throughout the day (Dougin and Louacheni, 2017). A little under half of the La Réunion inhabitants reported eating between meals, both in the morning and in the afternoon. Today these snacks consist of fatty, sugary or salty biscuits, fastfood products, etc. Young people aged 18-30 have also gotten into the habit of eating a morning snack (Debussche et al., 2006).
23With regard to meal structure, lunches and dinners in Guadeloupe include one or two courses for nearly three quarters of the population. The consumption of three or four courses as part of the same meal applies more to the 55-75 age group and young adults (aged 18-34) (Orsag, 2010c). French Guinean meals consist of a starter and a main course; a sugary element may be eaten either as a dessert or in the afternoon (see II.1). The changes in lunches and dinners in La Réunion have led to one in five people eating a starter, a main course and a dessert, while just under one-fifth of the inhabitants eat fast food at lunchtime (including local adaptations, such as “rougay” or “Creole” pizzas).
24In terms of meal composition, in Guadeloupe and Martinique the breakfast of adolescents (aged 12-17) in over seven out of ten cases contains foods from the “starchy foods, bread or cereals” group and dairy products. Meals in Martinique revolve around a starchy food (usually rice or root vegetables) accompanied by a type of pulse, a meat-, fish- or seafood dish and sometimes a vegetable dish. Traditional Mayotte meals are composed of a dish made from cassava, bread, banana or rice and a meat or fish accompaniment, or a plant-based accompaniment such as prepared leaves or seeds (Fontaine, 1995; Vernay et al., 2009; Guyot, 2013). Finally in La Réunion both transformation and some stability can be observed in the form and composition of the typical Creole meal.
25Studies show an initial convergence point in the DROM relating to the significant proportion of food days without breakfast (or where breakfast is only a hot drink). These results highlight the possibility of traditional models being structured around two daily meals, supplemented by eating between meals. These snacks are regular, though sweeter, fattier and more processed. Changes in the structure (the addition of elements in particular) of food intake or content (increase in fat consumption, meat dishes, sugary drinks, etc.) constitute another convergence point, while other types of meals also emerge, more westernised or involving fast food. These include many traditional elements (pulses, tubers, fish, etc.). Another point in common involves the changes in the form and content of meals, with significant generational variations.
2.2. Consumption contexts and sociability of food
26The consumption context plays a part in the type of diet followed. For example, eating at home or out, in the company restaurant, in the cafeteria or at the snack bar all have a differing influence on the quality and quantity of food consumed. Eating alone or in company also plays a role in nutritional aspects such as appetite or even the content and structure of intake, the quantity eaten or drunk as well as taste perception. In the DROM, even though socialising around food exists, sharing ordinary meals at the same table does not seem to be as strong a social norm as in mainland France. We will now look at the main locations where food is consumed, before describing in detail the mass catering situation in schools.
2.2.1. Main food consumption locations
27Adults and children in Guadeloupe mainly eat their meals at home, especially dinner and breakfast (Orsag, 2010c). With respect to gender differences, men eat their meals at friends’ homes more often than women. Men also eat more often in restaurants, as do those originally hailing from mainland France.
28Daily commensality19 is not a deeply entrenched social norm in Guadeloupe, nor in Martinique (Lombion, 2012) – fewer than four in ten meals eaten the day before the Orsag survey (2010a) were eaten in a convivial setting. It is also less common among low-income people, especially with regard to lunch. People aged 55 and over tend to take their meals at home alone (over six out of ten), while young adults tend to eat their meals more while watching a screen or reading. Young childless couples and people aged 35 and over tend to enjoy more communal dinners (Orsag, 2010c).
29The vast majority of food consumption in Mayotte takes place at home, and primarily together as a family (this also being the norm when eating outside the home). Nevertheless, some variations emerge according to age and gender: more men eat by themselves more often (Guyot, 2013), sometimes in one room of the house while the rest of the family eats in another. The man of the house is rarely invited to share meals with his wife’s family group because of the matrilocal living arrangement common on the island. Many women also eat by themselves, but they share their meals more often with their children than men, as a result of which the children develop a greater sense of food sociability than their parents.
30In La Réunion daily meals are not very convivial: up until the 1990s everyone used to eat quickly and in silence (Valentin, 1982; Hubert, 1996; Cohen, 2000). By contrast, conviviality is more important during festive meals and Sunday picnics. The development of mass catering (in schools or companies) has helped to change the relationship of inhabitants to commensality.
31The expert appraisal has not identified any studies on commensality in French Guiana.
2.2.2. Mass catering
32Mass catering is of particular importance because it can help effectively to improve the nutritional quality of the diet of overseas territory populations. However, there are great disparities between the various DROM and there are many areas needing improvement (see IV.4).
33More than 27 million meals a year are served in La Réunion compared to 10 million in Guadeloupe (DAAF de Guadeloupe, 2014; DAAF de La Réunion, 2015) and only 1.5 to 2 million in Martinique. Most of these meals are provided within the context of school catering (Restauration collective, 2018).
34Considering the situation per DROM we find that cafeterias are well developed in La Réunion, with 100,000 meals a day served in primary schools and 50,000 in secondary schools. Nine out of ten primary school pupils eat in the school cafeteria, as opposed to six out of ten secondary school pupils and only three in ten high school students (DAAF de La Réunion, 2015). This decrease during secondary education can be explained by the cost for low-income families. In terms of content, the La Réunion mass catering observatory recommends better promotion of local produce (seasonality, nutritional quality).
35In Guadeloupe, school cafeterias are also well developed, as between 51,000 and 65,000 meals are served every day for part-time boarders, who represent seven to eight in ten students in nurseries and primary schools and four to six in ten secondary and high school students. Both secondary and high school students prefer to have lunch outside of school.
36There is limited date currently available for Martinique, in particular for territorial coverage and attendance: 10,300 meals daily are served via school catering, with little room left for short distribution channels.
37School catering coverage for primary school pupils in French Guiana is highly uneven and broadly deficient, occurring mainly along the coastline and in the west. Two-thirds of French Guiana children do not have access to a school cafeteria due to a lack of catering services. Even in geographical areas which are better provided for, the proportion of children with access to school catering is not optimal: in 2009 only little more than one third of children aged 7 to 10 overall had access to the school cafeteria, and only 50 % at Cayenne. More than three-quarters of Year 4 pupils enjoy breakfast at home every day and the vast majority have lunch at home every day, as opposed to little more than a third in the school cafeteria (Gougaud et al., 2010). As for secondary schools and high schools, many of them have no school catering structure, so children buy snacks at the surrounding grocery stores instead.
38For its part, Mayotte only has a mass catering service operating in two of its modern high schools (out of eleven), while the other establishments serve cold meals (Restauration collective, 2018). A school catering support service set up in 2005 enables minimal parental participation.
3. Social and cultural representations
39Social representations include all knowledge systems and perceptions as well as the values and norms (Jodelet, 2015) involved in our relationship with food. Although differentiated according to socio-economic categories or levels of education, they are part of the cultural environment shared by members of the same society. The meaning given to the act of eating, the inhabitants’ perceptions of their food and the relationship to corpulence and body models will help better to identify the social and cultural representations which exist around food.
3.1. What “eating well” means
40Consideration of the question of “eating well” leads back to the values underlying everyone’s relationship with food in accordance with the society of which they are a part. In this regard satiety and the ingestion of a generous food intake are part of the representations of “eating well” for all of the DROM.
41In Guadeloupe, the act of eating firstly plays a functional role in ensuring survival (for over four in ten people) (Orsag, 2010c) and helps to maintain health (for over three in ten people). Only one person in ten associates food with a pleasurable tasting experience. Local produce generates contrasting feelings: those who are older buy of it more often (for its supposed better quality and for developmental impetus), while younger generations tend to focus on its high prices; for some, local produce is connected to a sense of belonging, whereas others see it as leading to soil pollution (Naud and Cornely, 2010).
42Mayotte inhabitants, who have inherited a society where shortages are common, still maintain as a primary value the quantity of food intake ( “eating your fill”) more than nutritional balance (see III.3). Men are more sensitive to this ( “everything is OK provided there is something to eat”), whereas women talk more about “dietary requirements” (Guyot, 2013, p. 58).
43Finally, for the inhabitants of La Réunion eating well firstly means eating in quantity, then for good health, before conviviality and pleasure factors are taken into account (Tibère, 2009). Among the foods considered essential rice and traditional Creole dishes come before water, then foods that taste nice such as sugary drinks and products. Fruit is sometimes devalued, as is the case for some vegetables and tubers, as they are associated with the idea of poverty (Valentin, 1982; Live, 1999; Cohen, 2000; Balcou-Debussche, 2015).
3.2. Dietary perceptions
44Consumers’ perception of their diet applies to several areas including the issue of health as well as generational products and food preferences.
45Despite a large proportion of the population not complying with the consumption guidelines for several food groups, seven Guadeloupe inhabitants in ten feel they have a balanced diet. As for adolescents, a large majority (eight out of ten) consider themselves to have a balanced diet, although a third thinks they eat too many sugary and fatty products. Almost one in two Guadeloupe inhabitants feels dissatisfied with his or her diet (especially in terms of quality).
46Half of the Guadeloupe inhabitants associate a balanced diet with a variety of products, regular meals and avoiding certain foods. Nine in ten inhabitants establish a link between diet and obesity, diabetes and cardiovascular disease. Menu composition would therefore be influenced firstly by health, followed by budget, preferences and habits and preparation time.
47For one quarter of Martinique inhabitants the choice of organic food was associated with a desire to prevent health problems (Le Goff, 2004). The very term “organic products” was associated with the idea of “healthy” and “natural” foods, and a “balanced diet”.
48For the inhabitants of La Réunion it is firstly the cost and taste (more for men) which are taken into consideration, far more so than health (a criterion chosen more by women) (Tibère, 2009). Among the types of foods considered in their relationship to health, basmati rice is increasingly purchased because of its social reputation for nutritional quality against a backdrop of high prevalence of diabetes and bad publicity given to other types of rice (Balcou-Debussche, 2015). Furthermore, in the Creole tradition Western medicine and traditional medicine co-exist: for reasons of spirituality certain permanent or temporary dietary restrictions are therefore still respected by over one in every two inhabitants (Tibère, 2009).
49In Mayotte, certain foods are either accepted or rejected because of their association with a particular age group: yoghurts are associated with childhood, mabawas are avoided by parents but sought after by youngsters, “dried cassava” or “small fish” are considered products for “the elderly”.
3.3. Body models
50The norms regarding corpulence vary from one society to another. Indeed, criteria for beauty in Guadeloupe favour curves regardless of age. However, almost four in ten Guadeloupe inhabitants – mainly women – think they are too fat (Orsag, 2010c). Body perception remains very relative, as some people do not accurately perceive their weight: seven out of ten thin Guadeloupe inhabitants think they weigh a normal weight, as do nearly four in ten who are overweight. For both men and women the lack of a diagnosis is connected to the population’s underestimation of overweight, and among women it is also correlated with belonging to Creole society (Carrère et al., 2016).
51In Mayotte corpulence in women is also valued, especially after delivering a baby (breastfeeding for 40 days accompanied by a veritable “fattening-up” of the mother). However, body models could be changing, especially in urban areas and among the most advantaged.
52Being overweight in La Réunion was associated with being respected in the 1990s (Cohen, 2000) and men considered fat women to be as charming as thin ones. Similarly, for children corpulence is synonymous with good health (Pourchez, 2006). However, slimness has been valued since the 1980s among the affluent social classes (Baggioni, 1988).
53In conclusion, dietary representations and behaviour, as well as body-and bodyweight perceptions, suitable to former situations of shortages and a more active lifestyle (farming, gardening, fewer cars, etc.) which was less open to external influences are often unsuitable in relation to new living environments and new nutritional diseases. The rapid modernisation of the DROM has led to significant social changes. Diet exemplifies this transformation through the shift from a situation of food shortage to a context of excessive choice. However, the perception of shortage remains and the overseas populations maintain a relationship with food which is mainly focused on satiety and quantity – the representations of eating, and indeed “eating well”, highlight the importance of quantity and satiety in the relationship with food in all of the DROM. Health, pleasure or the practical aspects of food are also involved, but unequally, depending on the context: in Mayotte it appears to be only just emerging among the affluent social classes and in particular among women and girls. As regards body models, the curvy body is valued more in the DROM (Creole culture, associations with femininity, maternity, good health) compared to mainland France – except among younger people – so even though the dynamics of valuing a thin body are noticeable among the young, a large proportion of women (and men) still often associate femininity with plumpness, and so too health (especially in children).
Notes de bas de page
16 “Creolisation” refers to the acculturation that occurs in certain societies arising from colonisation, in which the contacts that took place from the 17TH to the 19TH centuries between populations of different cultures led to hybridisation and cultural reformulations and created new languages, belief systems, aesthetic forms and culinary- and dietary cultures. These socio-anthropological creations were enriched by the influence of migrants who arrived after the 19TH century and the abolition of slavery, and who in turn adopted Creole cuisine while retaining some of their former dietary habits (Bastide 1996; Benoist 1998; Tibère, 2006, 2009; Lombion, 2012).
17 In this section, the term “consumption” means “ingestion of food” in most cases, not “food purchasing”.
18 Self-production refers to food produced directly by consumers (vegetable gardens, households), whereas self-consumption groups together self-production and food donations from family or others.
19 Commensality refers to sharing food with other people while conviviality also includes the intellectual receptiveness to conversation and a sufficient duration of food consumption. Although some analyses have begun to be made regarding commensality and conviviality associated with other types of food consumption (snacks or aperitifs), they are mainly considered in connection with meals (Corbeau, 2002; Fischler, 2012).
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