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    Plan

    Plan détaillé Texte intégral An ethno-culturally homogeneous country despite its diversityA tolerant KingdomIslam and christianity: two religions shared by different ethnic communitiesWell-defined factors of spatial distributionA demographic transition nearing completionA country still not extensively urbanizedA city network dominated by BangkokMigration to the Central PlainUrban migration begins to predominateProvinces where demographic characteristics mirror territorial settlement

    Atlas of Thailand

    Ce livre est recensé par

    Précédent Suivant
    Table des matières

    Chapter 2. Population

    p. 35-57

    Texte intégral Maintaining religious and family tiesAn ethno-culturally homogeneous country despite its diversityPlate 10 – Main ethno-linguistic groupsA tolerant KingdomPlate 11 – ReligionsIslam and christianity: two religions shared by different ethnic communitiesPlate 12 – Islam and ChristianityWell-defined factors of spatial distributionPlate 13 – Population Distribution and growthA demographic transition nearing completionPlate 14 – Demographic CharacteristicsA country still not extensively urbanizedPlate 15 – Rural and urban populationA city network dominated by BangkokPlate 16 – MunicipalitiesMigration to the Central PlainPlate 17 – Inter-regional migrationsUrban migration begins to predominatePlate 18 – Importance of migrations in the provincesProvinces where demographic characteristics mirror territorial settlementPlate 19 – Population distribution and demographic features

    Texte intégral

    1Thailand is not occupied solely by Thais, who probably originated in the Changjiang [Yang Tse Kiang] basin, though they do indeed make up a very large part of the population. The country is certainly an ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious mosaic, despite the imposition, from the time of King Chulalongkorn (1868-1910), of a unifying language and culture with the aim of creating national unity (plate 10 Main ethno-linguistic groups). Thailand is known as one of the last of the Theravada Buddhist monarchies (along with King Sihanouk’s Cambodia since 1993) whose ideologies are based on the nation (chat), religion (satsana) and monarchy (phramahakasat). For many centuries Buddhism, the national religion, has had the support of the King, who is required by the Constitution to be of the Buddhist religion, even though he is considered to be the protector of all religions practised by the population. Reformist and progressive movements that have emerged since the 1960s, to confront the challenges of the modern world, and also the various scandals involving popular abbots and bonzes have weakened the authority of the Supreme Patriarch (somdet phra sangkharat) and the Council of the Elders (mahatherasamakhom). Although there are indeed a religious code, clergy and temples, there are no rituals as such for being accepted into this religion, and the fact that some do not practise religion and that there are other beliefs, especially in spirits and supernatural forces, is fairly well accepted.

    2Beliefs specific to the Chinese, whether associated with Mahayana Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism or the cult of the spirits, have until now fed syncretic movements, often inspired by Buddhism, but they do seem to be the subject of renewed interest, contributing to a movement of sinisation that is becoming more and more evident in a kingdom renowned for its great spirit of religious tolerance (plate 11 Religions). Nor should the dynamism of Islam be underestimated, even though it affects only a few provinces, and the influence of Christianity too bears no relation to the small number of practising Christians, with Thailand the least Christianised country of South-East Asia (plate 12 Islam and Christianity). The Hindus are very much in the minority (21,500 in 1990) although the divinities, the Indian classical languages and other symbols of Hinduism are very much in evidence in Thai culture. Together with the Sikhs, however, they do make up a powerful economic group (finance, textile industry, real estate).

    3In the first half of the 19th century, Thailand was an under-populated country. The population of 1 to 3 millions was gathered around the political centers, along the waterways and the Mekong in the valleys and basins in the north and north-east, and in the Chao Phraya delta. It spread from these settlement cores as the cultivated area was extended into the Chao Phraya delta using new hydraulic improvements and the land was cleared upstream from the river delta towards the north and north-east. With the advance of the agricultural frontier right up until the 1980s the population was able to spread throughout the country and this helped slow the rate of urbanization. Whereas in South-East Asia, there are sometimes extremes of population distribution, between the uplands and the lowlands, the coastal areas and the interior, these differences are less marked in Thailand where the average population density is 110 inhabitants per km2 (plate 13 Population distribution and growth).

    4After the compulsory settling of prisoners of war from Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam at the very beginning of the 19th century, the populating of Siam was later based on immigration from China, which probably accounted for half the population increase in the 19th century. In 1949, the Immigration Act closed the borders and from the 1960s authorized the entry of only 2,000 Chinese annually. The massive population increase after the Second World War (at least 3 % per year until the 1970s) is due to natural increase, reinforced by a decrease in the mortality rate thanks to the eradication of malaria and a nationalistic policy supporting a rising birth rate. Although justified during the war, with the expansionist aims of Phibun Songkhram (1938-1944) (see plate 20 Changes in boundaries and frontiers (18th-20th century)), the natalistic policy was maintained after this to guard against the threat of communism. A birth control policy was instigated in 1970, resulting in a rapid decrease in the birth rate, then in an ageing population (plate 14 Demographic characteristics). Demographic growth decreased to 2.7 % per year between 1970 and 1980, before dropping to slightly less than 2 % between 1980 and 1990 and to 1.06 % between 1990 and 2000. The rising trend for the active population dropped off at the end of the 1990s, thus putting at risk the country’s model of economic growth which is highly dependent on manpower, especially in the industrial sector, where there is already an erosion of competitivity in relation to neighboring countries. The over-sixties will probably constitute more than 10 % of the population in 2010 and some thought will have to be given to how to cope with this ageing population, as life expectancy has now reached 70 years for men and 75 years for women.

    5Thailand ended the century with one of the lowest rates of urbanization in Eastern Asia, at only just 19 % according to the 1990 census and 31 % according to the 2000 census (plate 15 Rural and urban population). The urban population has in fact long been underestimated due to a purely administrative definition of urban areas. Under the heading of urban residents are included populations living within the municipalities (thetsaban), though the boundaries of these units are often too restricted, given the physical extension of the city. All the provincial centers and some other towns were promoted to municipalities by government decision after the Royal Decree of 1953 (plate 16 Municipa-lities). Until recently, the government, which was very highly centralized, was reluctant to agree to the devolution of power inherent in municipality status: municipalities numbered 117 in 1947, and this figure had increased to only 139 by 1996. The inclusion in the 1980 and 1990 census definition of urban popula-tion of the inhabitants of the sanitary districts (sukhaphiban), areas provided with sanitary amenities, with over 5,000 inhabitants, was intended to provide a more accurate picture of urbanization, but there were not yet sufficient of these defined areas to properly reflect the rate of urbanization. It was only in 1999, with the enforcement of the decentralization process, that the number of municipalities, through the Sanitary District to Municipality Conversion Act, was significantly increased to 1,131 through the classification of 981 sanitary districts. The purpose of this reform is administrative and political (see chapter 3 The state and the construction of the territory), and although it allows a better understanding of urbanization, the definition of urban areas is still not based on functional and socio-economic criteria.

    6Migrations between rural areas, which still predominated at the end of the 1980s, have decreased, mainly because land clearing for agriculture began to wind down in the 1960s (41 % of migrations in 1990, compared with 63 % in 1970) (plate 17 Inter-regional migrations). Such migrations today are simply short distance moves, whereas migrations into the cities cover much greater distances, from one region to another; by far the majority of these are into the central provinces, currently undergoing urbanization. Movement from the rural areas to the cities has increased from 10.5 % in 1970 to 18.4 % in 1990, giving rise to a corresponding increase in returning movement (5.4 % in 1970 compared with 12.6 % in 1990). However, the population census is not an exhaustive tool for the study of migrations. Only the five previous years are considered, using a person’s usual place of residence, which does not take into account their actual place of residence. It also masks the majority of temporary migrations, which represent an essential part of rural family strategy and which have increased considerably since the 1970s. The census basically gives information on permanent or semi-permanent migrations, which in fact apply to only 8 % of the population aged 5 and over between 1985 and 1990 and this brings out only a selective profile of migrants, young, unmarried people with a higher than average level of education.

    7The complex nature of migratory movements is such that they probably modify population distribution less, in fact, than their scale would suggest (plate 18 Importance of migration in the provin-ces). Whereas before, seasonal migration predomina-ted because of the importance of agricultural work, this is now tending to decline in favor of longer stays. Migration towards the pioneer fronts and areas of intensive agriculture as well as absorption by the agricultural sector of the excess active population tended to slow down the urbanization process until the 1980s. In 1990, 66.3 % of the active population still worked in the agricultural sector, according to the census which, although overestimating this percentage as it counted main employment only, nevertheless indicated the degree to which the agricultural sector still absorbs the working population.

    8The demographic profile of the provinces clearly reflects the spatial dynamics of the country (plate 19 Population distribution and demographic features). The extension of agriculture and then urbanization have resulted in a population distribution that forms a pattern of concentric circles around Bangkok with clearly defined major peripheral areas in the north, north-east and extreme-south.

    Maintaining religious and family ties

    Young monks at Wat Phra Keo in Bangkok

    Image 10000000000002280000034C43DC3DA5FD4F36CE.jpg

    The population is 95 % Buddhist. Buddhist institutions played an impor-tant role in schooling the young rural population up to the 1960s: the temple (wat) represents the center of the village education, just as it is the heart of the life of the community. The large urban monasteries still house schools. For a few months or perhaps years, the novitiate is an integral part of the crucial stages in a man’s life.

    Photo Doryane Kermel-Torrès

    Migrants welcomed by their village in the North-East for the Buddhist new year (songkran)

    Image 100000000000034A0000022445AB066471A9083B.jpg

    Urban centers, especially in the Bangkok metropolitan region, attract workers from rural areas, the majority from the North-East and the North. Ties with family and village remain strong, even for the youngest who return home for religious events and festivals and who take refuge there if ever they suffer job losses or illness. Income from migration contributes in return to support some farms.

    Photo Doryane Kermel-Torrès

    An ethno-culturally homogeneous country despite its diversity

    9Compared with its neighbors, Thailand is a fairly homogeneous state in terms of its ethno-cultural mix. More than 95 % of the population are declared Buddhists (Theravada Buddhism) and more than 90 % have a Thai language as their mother tongue. Primary school education is for the most part in central Thai (Siamese language), with the exception of a few mountain populations close to the borders with Myanmar or Laos. There are regional differences, of course, (Tai Yuan in the north, Lao or Khmer in the north-east), but the only populations still to resist assimilation into the Thai nation are the Muslims of Malaysian origin in the five southern provinces close to Malaysia and a few mountain groups in the north, who settled less than 50 years ago on Thai territory and grow opium poppies.

    10All cultural differences are seen by the bureaucracy as threats to the integrity of the nation, founded on the three pillars of the Buddhist religion, the monarchy and the Thai language (central Thai). The idea of autonomy, even in a uniquely cultural sense, is quite foreign to this centralist state where an overwhelming majority of the population speak the Thai language and are Buddhists. Ethnolinguistic differences emerge even among the Tai who make up the largest ethno-cultural group. Their importance must not be exaggerated, however, as they are much less than in neighboring countries like Myanmar or Laos. Unity greatly predominates over diversity, largely due to the power of the state, vector of modernity. The boundaries between units are fairly relative and imprecise, as can be seen from their outline on the map. The colors indicate only the relative predomi-nance of the ethno-linguistic group represented.

    11The mountain regions to the north and west are the southern fringe of this vast, divided polyethnic area, the “uplands of the north Indo-China range”, stretching from Assam to Guanxi and including parts of Vietnam, Laos and Myanmar. The same ethnic groups can be found on both sides of recently drawn, arbitrary boundaries. They are mobile and from a culture that is very different from that of the Tais, especially the Tibetan-Burmese, the Hmong and the Yao, who traditionally practise the cult of the spirits. The internal instability of neighboring regions, Laos and in particular Myanmar, maintains the mobility of these groups and a relative insecurity, strengthened by the existence of the Golden Triangle of drugs. Because the pressure of numbers limits access to the land in the basins and valleys, the Tais from the north (or Khon Muang) are tending to move back up onto the hill slopes. There are three distinct levels, the Khon Muang in the lowlands, the Karen and Mon-Khmer ethnic groups in the valleys, and up to a height of 1,200 meters the Tibetan-Burmese, or Hmong-Yao, grow opium on the uplands. These distinctions are tending to become blurred, with improved accessibility and the intensification of mountain agriculture, giving rise to migrations between altitude areas.

    12The Phak Isan (or North-East), which forms part of the Mekong basin, is inhabited for the most part by Lao who migrated there from Laos in the 18th and 19th centuries. On the southern edge, in the Nakhon Ratchasima region, Khmers and Khorat Tais (descended from the Siamese) have settled since the 14th century. When the Lao Isan became aware of their individuality after being educated in the Siamese language (after 1921) and migrating on a large-scale to the capital, a form of regionalism was born. The North-East has elected representatives from the left-wing opposition on a regular basis, especially since after the Second World War, the relative underdevelopment of this region compared with the rest of the country became more apparent.

    13In the South, the Islamic religion and the language barrier (Jawi, a local variant of Malay, is better understood and written than Thai) have delayed integration of the four mainly Muslim provinces of Pattani, Narathiwat, Yala and Satun. Autonomists and then separatists have occasionally carried out guerrilla action with varying degrees of force since the 1948 revolt. The north-south split through the Thai peninsula is clearly due to a large predominance of Thai Buddhists in the north, whereas in the provinces adjoining the border with Malaya, the result of an Anglo-Siamese treaty of 1909, Muslim Thais of Malaysian origin make up almost 80 % of the population. The Moken, pearl divers and shell gatherers, move about between the Malaysian and Myanmar islands, but they have also established two villages on the island of Phuket. Their dialects are related to Malay, with many Burmese and Mon-Khmer words, and they are animists.

    Plate 10 – Main ethno-linguistic groups

    Image 10000000000003D200000644F66B83BF5C43EAD7.jpg

    Sources : CeDRASEMI, CNRS-EHESS, CEGET-CNRS, 1985 ; Le Bar F. M., Hickey G.C., Musgrave J.K., 1964

    A tolerant Kingdom

    14Buddhism is the declared religion of 95 % of Thais and its followers represent by far the majority in almost all the provinces. In the 12th and 13th centuries the Mons brought Theravada Buddhism to the Thais, the only school of Hinayana ( “Lesser Vehicle”) Buddhism still in existence. The sacred language is Pali, in which the scriptures, the Tipitaka, are written. Buddhism is generally practised in monasteries (wat), which house the community of monks (sangha). The monk (bhikku) is the central figure in Buddhism.

    15To Thai people touring their country generally consists of visiting famous pagodas and Buddhist pilgrimage places: the sacred places of the central region have been well served since the late 19th century by waterways, roads and railways. Sunni Islam is the second religion, even though the proportion of Muslims in the country is contested between the administration and the Muslim institutions (between 4 % and 10 %). Representing the foremost religious minority (almost 2,240,000 in 1990), the percentage of Muslims varies considerably across more than half the country, but they are in the majority in the southernmost provinces of Pattani, Narathiwat, Yala and Satun. In 1990, Christians represented barely 0.5 % of the population, about 290,000 people, mainly Catholics. They are the principal minority in the north and the north-east, and account for almost 14 % of the population in Mae Hong Son.

    16The beliefs of the Chinese are very eclectic, almost as if they did not represent a well-defined category of “religion”. However, the supernatural is omnipresent: when a place of worship is required to protect a district or a market area, a small shrine is sufficient. The distribution of san chao shows that there are few Chinese in the most heavily populated regions in the north and especially the north-east, even though there are communities in all the provincial cities and in many rural areas. The Chinese are present in almost all the districts of Bangkok, where half the country’s entire Chinese population lives. Among all the countries of South-East Asia, it is in Thailand that the Chinese have most influence. Their power derives less from their numerical strength than from their dynamism and their forms of solidarity, which can be seen through their associations and now in their wealth. Estimated at 14 % of the population, they probably control more than 80 % of the capital, or as much as the Chinese in Singapore, where they represent about 78 % of the population.

    17The Chinese population comes mainly from the three coastal provinces of south-east China (Guangdong, Fujian, Guangxi) and the island of Hainan. For historical reasons, the Teochiu outnumber the Hakka, the Hainanese, the Hokkien and the Cantonese. The Chinese have come in large numbers since the end of the 19th century to work in the tin mines and rubber plantations in the south, in the paddy fields and the railroad yards and they gradually took over most of the trade. They then diversified their business activities, investing in such sectors as banking and manufacturing industries; they entered the professions, and were able to penetrate the administration sector. From 1987 onwards, they were the first to profit from the economy’s glorious decade which, being of their making, is the product of a certain Chinese culture.

    18There has never been much anti-Chinese sentiment in Thailand, even if some avenues of work were closed to them for a long time. Both nationalist and conservative governments, Phibun Songkhram (1938-1944 then 1948-1957) and Thanin Kraivichien (1976-1977), took measures to promote forced assimilation (thaisation of names, closing of Chinese schools, limiting time that the Chinese language was taught). With the re-establishment in 1975 of diplomatic relations with China, then the dissociation of China from the Thai Communist Party and its rural guerrilla campaign, and the strong economic relations between the countries from 1987, the “Chinese problem” was eliminated completely. The coming to power in 1988 of Chatichai Choonhavan resulted in a renaissance of Chinese schools and even the opening of the Hua Chiew Chalerm Prakiat university in Bangkok.

    19Chinese businessmen began to be involved in politics, financing political parties and standing for parliament. Of 22 Prime Ministers since 1932, at least 14 have been of Chinese origin. Because there has been a subtle movement towards sinisation since the 1970s, the successful assimilation of the Chinese, through schools and mixed marriages, is a model rejected by some analysts. The situation is right for the creation of a new Sino-Thai identity. This should be all the more easy to achieve as the Chinese have already had a tremendous influence on Thai culture.

    Plate 11 – Religions

    Image 10000000000003E6000005CAA18EE8A4C525C34A.jpg

    Sources: Ministry of Interior, 1994 NSO, 1990 ; Praphat Trinarong, 1959 TAT, [circa 1990]

    Islam and christianity: two religions shared by different ethnic communities

    20The distribution of Muslims throughout the country shows that Islam is not limited to just the few provinces adjoining Malaysia. Though they are much in evidence in the sparsely populated provinces of Pattani, Narathiwat, Yala and Satun, they are also an undeniable presence in other southern provinces: Songkhla has more Muslims than Yala and Satun though slightly fewer than Bangkok. These five southern provinces (containing more than 60 % of Thai Muslims) represent the heart of the native or long-established populations who have been converted, throughout the course of history, an entire province at a time.

    21The Malay Muslims, Jawi speakers, for a long time nurtured a separatist movement, incited by the ultra-nationalist policies of Thai governments between 1930 and the 1950s, and supported by the neighboring state of Kelantan in Malaysia and, since the 1970s, by a few Arab countries. For a long time this state of insecurity was endemic, despite a more conciliatory type of politics since the 1980s which has calmed tempers and reintroduced debate into the electoral and government arena: the south has benefited from the coming to power of two Prime Ministers from this region (though not Muslims), General Prem Tinsulanonda (1980-1988) and Chuan Leekpai (1992-1994 and 1998-2001). The “incidents” that have occurred from time to time are a reminder that some Muslims are still not satisfied with the thaisation process, even though between the 1970s and the 1990s a quota system dispensed Muslim students from taking an entrance exam into many higher educational establishments.

    22In those provinces where the Buddhist religion predominates, Muslims tend to belong to families who are or have been migrants, refugees or deportees, depending on the time of their arrival. Many in the Minburi and Nong Chok districts of north-east Bangkok are descended from prisoners of war, deported from Pattani in the 19th century. In the central provinces of Chachoengsao and Ayutthaya, there are many villages of Muslims of Malay origin. Muslims originating from the Indian sub-continent (Tamils, Bengalis, Pakistanis) settled in towns bordering Myanmar, where they have taken up cattle trading, and in Bangkok around the Harun mosque. The Chams, originally from Cambodia for the most part, number only a few thousand and have settled in Trat province and especially in Ban Khrua in the heart of the capital. In the northern provinces of Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, a fraction of the Yunnan Chinese or Ho Chinese minority is Muslim. Other Muslims originate from Java and Sumatra, Arabia or Persia. The main trend is of a great mixture of origins, to which are added Thai spouses converted from Buddhism, and this has happened to such an extent that in Bangkok in particular mutsalim (Muslim) tends to be presented as the sole category of identity, the ethnic origin being silently passed over.

    23Christianity reached Siam in 1555 with Portuguese Dominican friars. They were followed at the beginning of the 19th century by Protestant missionaries from the American Presbyterian Society, but this religion has never successfully implanted itself among the Theravada Buddhists. The Christian missionaries instead tried to convert the mountain-dwelling minorities in the north (Karen) and the Chinese in the center and the south of the country. In the south-east, especially in Chanthaburi, Catholicism involves Vietnamese and Chinese communities who originally arrived as 18th century immigrants. Many villagers of Vietnamese origin in north-east Thailand are Catholics and Sakon Nakhon has as many Catholics as Bangkok. Catholics are fairly well represented among teachers, doctors, intellectuals, politicians of Chinese and Vietnamese origin. Missionaries have played a vital part in introducing medicine and modern education into Siam: the Bangkok Nursing Home run by Protestants and the Saint Louis Hospital by Catholics are merely the best known of their kind. It is certainly in the education sector that their influence is most strongly felt: a large proportion of the country’s elite have passed through one of their schools (Mater Dei, Saint John) or their universities (Assumption Commercial College), which the less well-off Christians can no longer afford to attend. Christianity may still be trying to convert the mountain populations, said to be animists, and compete with the Buddhist monks, but its main task is trying to adapt to the inevitable urbanization of part of its faithful, while still preserving its influence, especially in the field of education.

    Plate 12 – Islam and Christianity

    Image 100000000000040E000005C75171CD27EAF2088C.jpg

    Sources: NSO, 1990 Praphat Trinarong, 1959 ; Saowani Chitmuak, 1988 TAT, [circa 1990]

    Well-defined factors of spatial distribution

    24The population of Thailand in 2000 was just over 60 million inhabitants, 60,606,947 according to the preliminary results of the 2000 population census. In contrast to neighboring countries, the inhabitants of Thailand are distributed fairly evenly, due mainly to the fact that agriculture is widespread throughout the entire country. There is a concentration of population, however, around the capital, in the North-East and in the provinces which include the major secondary cities (Nakhon Ratchasima, Chiang Mai and the Songkhla/Hat Yai conurbation).

    25Population densities that are truly urban, greater than 1,000 inhabitants per km2, are to be found in Bangkok, or slightly lower levels in the neighboring provinces of Samut Sakhon, Samut Prakan and Nonthaburi, which are incorporated into the Bangkok Metropolitan Region (BMR). A less dense form of urbanization has spread along the main communi-cation routes as far as Sing Buri province to the north. In the rest of the country only the province of Phuket has such high densities, due to major in-migrations because of tourist development. Beyond Sing Buri, population densities in the Central Plain, which remains the country’s most important agricultural area, drop to less than 200 inhabitants per km2, though this is still higher than the national average of 110 per km2.

    26Population densities of 100 to 200 inhabitants per km2 can be found in provinces of the North-East and the South (see also plate 63 Population in North-East and South). The high densities in the North-East, still a largely agricultural area, despite a difficult environment, are an important feature of Thailand’s spatial organization. In the South, high densities are found in the provinces with the longest established populations on the east coast. In the north and west of the country, population density is low. In the north, the mountains of the north Indo-Chinese range and the central chain isolate the heavily populated flood plains, which are separated one from the other by less densely occupied uplands. In the west, most of the population is concentrated in small valleys, leaving vast areas that were formerly covered by forest under-populated.

    27The country’s population dynamics are linked with two main factors: the advance of the agricultural frontier and the attraction of Bangkok. Like its neighbors, Thailand has developed for many years in a context of under-population, with people being grouped together around power centers located in the plains, in the valleys and along the waterways. Exploitation of the land was sustained in the 19th century by policies of agricultural expansion and the digging of irrigation and drainage canals. The agricultural frontier continued to extend to peripheral areas until the 1980s (see plate 31 Land utilization). This accounts for the high population growth until 1990 around the edge of the Central Plain (Kanchanaburi, Uthai Thani, Kamphaeng Phet) and then further towards the east, the south-east (Chanthaburi, Trat), the north-east (Nong Khai, Loei) and in some southern provinces. There, the movement of populations arriving from the east coast in order to establish rubber plantations accounts for the high population growth in the interior and in the western part of the peninsula, which continued throughout the 1990s.

    28The pull of Bangkok accounts for the increase in the city’s population (see plate 18 Importance of migrations in the provinces), and also explains the rise in the 1990s of the populations of the adjoining provinces and the nearest provinces to the east and west as the growth rate of the municipality itself tended to decline. This dynamic has been recognized by planners who, by “extended metropolitan region”, mean the region, vaster than the BMR, which includes adjoining provinces such as Chon Buri, Ayutthaya and Ratchaburi. Developments along the Eastern Seaboard, built with the intention of relieving congestion in the port and city of Bangkok, have already attracted a large population to Chachoengsao, Chon Buri and Rayong.

    29In the provinces of the North and the rest of the Central Plain, on the other hand, population growth is slow. The decrease in fertility, observed in Thailand since the middle of the 1970s, has been particularly rapid here and is combined with high rates of emigration. The population of these provinces as a proportion of the national total has decreased since 1970. In the North-East, fertility rates remain high, thus compensating for a high regional emigration rate and enabling the region to maintain its superiority in numbers in relation to the population of the country as a whole. Fertility rates are also high in the South, especially in the Muslim provinces in the far south, and population redistribution occurs mainly within the region.

    Plate 13 – Population Distribution and growth

    Image 1000000000000405000005C4A32287284236273C.jpg

    Sources: NSO, 1970, 1990, 2000

    A demographic transition nearing completion

    30Thailand has experienced a real demographic revolution since the 1970s. The country is witnessing the largest decrease in fertility rates of all the developing countries as can be seen from the rapid and continuing decline in the rate of population growth. The receptive mentality of the people, the level of literacy, the efficiency of the national information network, the rapid development of communications, these are among the main factors which account for women’s rapid adoption of contraception, made available through family planning clinics. 15 % of married women of child-bearing age used contraceptives in 1970, 68.4 % in 1990, according to the census figures. The decline in the fertility rate has been so rapid that Thailand entered the 1990s with a fertility level lower than the universal replacement threshold (2.1 children per woman). There is a time-lag between different regions and between rural and urban areas, as can be seen from demographic surveys regularly carried out by the National Statistical Office (NSO): in 1996 the fertility rate of women living in the municipalities was 1.3 children per woman (a figure largely influenced by the situation in Bangkok, where the fertility rate among immigrants is low), compared with 2.3 children in rural areas. However, the decline can be seen everywhere, being more rapid since the beginning of the 1990s in rural areas, which are now tending to catch up with the urban areas. Mortality rates, which are still higher in rural areas (6.5‰) than in urban areas (4.1‰), are also evening out.

    31The decline in fertility and birth rates is general, but the north-eastern and southern regions are slightly behind, maintaining a high degree of demographic pressure on the cultivated land and favoring migration towards the pioneer agricultural fronts. Poverty and the low level of development in the North-East do not sufficiently account for this trend, as they apply also to the North: the diversity of local situations seems to influence the rates calculated at regional level. In the South, the presence of a larger Muslim population accounts for the differences from the Thai average. However, the high birth rate cannot be attributed to religious practices as birth limitation policies have been extremely successful in the neighboring Muslim countries of Malaysia and Indonesia. This behavior, associated also with a lesser level of development, is rather an expression of their difference in relation to other Thais.

    32Changes in marriage-related behavior (marriage at a later age, frequency of celibacy) which could have an effect on the average number of children per woman would tend to favor a continued decline in the fertility rate. However, strong social trends idealizing the two-child family will probably slow the process. The aging of the population, and the subsequent increase in the number of deaths, means that a noticeable drop in the death rate (6‰) is not likely. Bangkok, where capital was invested at an early date in modern sanitary infrastructure, was the first to be affected, since the 1960s, by the drop in both the death rate and the infant mortality rate. The level of infant mortality (less than one year), which affects boys more than girls, was still at 26.1‰ in 1995- 1996, 31.4‰ if we count deaths of those under five years, and this remains a worrying statistic, even in the cities (where it stands at 15.2‰) and particularly in the peripheral regions where rural poverty is still endemic. For the minorities living on the mountain slopes in the north and the west, fertility rates and infant mortality rates are, as far as one can tell given the difficulties of registering births, very much higher than average, because of poverty and the difficulty of access to health services.

    33The decline in fertility has consequences for the national and regional age pyramids, which are being reduced at the base, except in the North-East and the South where fertility rates remain high, and broadening at the top. The map showing age groups, like the age pyramids by region, reveals the very specific profile of Bangkok and neighboring provinces: in Bangkok there is a deficit in the youngest age groups and an over-representation of young adults, who have come to the capital for training or to study or work. This is especially true for young women, whose migration to urban areas has become a striking feature of migration patterns. Beyond Bangkok and the neighboring provinces the older populations are in general better represented, because of the departure of the young adults to the capital and the return from Bangkok of migrants who have reached the end of their working life. Young children, on the other hand, are over-represented in almost all the provinces of the North-East and the South.

    Plate 14 – Demographic Characteristics

    Image 10000000000003D2000005C62FA2D16C98E074F3.jpg

    Sources: NSO, 1965, 1975, 1986, 1990, 1996

    A country still not extensively urbanized

    34Thailand is a country where the majority of the population still lives in rural areas. With more than 40 % of the land being used for agriculture, it is one of the countries of South-East Asia with the most extensive area of agricultural land and where the population, grouped together in villages, is consequently spread most widely throughout the country. The advance of the agricultural frontier on a national scale and the development of lands at local level have, at first, made it possible to absorb the popu-lation growth that has occurred in rural areas. Migra-tion to Bangkok then took over, but since the 1990s, urban mobility has been coupled with a diversification by rural dwellers into fields of activity other than agriculture and this has been possible by the trickle-down of growth as far as villages in the peripheral regions; this process of diversification of employment in the rural areas has checked physical urbanization.

    35The north-eastern provinces contain the largest rural population and also comprise the most densely populated rural areas. The provinces in the extreme north and the eastern provinces of the peninsula, former population centers associated historically with rice cultivation, still have a very large rural population.

    36The map of the urban population, compared with that of the rural population, shows the axes of urbanization that are in the process of being structured, and which can be more clearly identified in the plate 16 on municipalities: the Bangkok-Udon Thani axis is more clearly defined than the Bangkok-Chiang Mai axis and the Surat Thani-Songkhla axis, whereas around Bangkok the structure seems more one of concentric rings, with the most urbanized provinces being situated in immediate proximity to the capital. The urban area therefore follows the communication routes out of Bangkok in a star-shaped pattern: it is dense to the west towards Ratchaburi, to the north towards Ayutthaya, and to the south-east where the infrastructure of the Eastern Seaboard has encouraged a ribbon development along the canals and the coast road linking Bangkok and Rayong (see also plate 58 Urban and industrial development around Bangkok). Urban development is virtually continuous from Chon Buri to Pattaya, through newly created municipalities that are sometimes very heavily populated, like Ao Udon with more than 71,000 inhabitants. Since the implementation of the Eastern Seaboard, the urban population of Chon Buri and Rayong has doubled, reaching 760,500 in 2000, up from 378,300 in 1980.

    37The growth in urban population between 1980 and 2000 (2.4 %) was double that of the rural population (1.2 %) and much higher than that of the population as a whole (1.5 %). This assessment of the urban dynamic is however somewhat skewed by a definition of “urban” which is too administrative in character and changes from census to census. Although the 1970 census considered as urban dwellers only the population of the municipalities (all the province centers and some other large towns), the 1980 and 1990 censuses introduced the popu-lation of some sanitary districts and the 2000 census incorporated the population of all the sanitary districts which have been given municipality status. For comparison, the population of the sanitary districts in 1980 has been included in the map showing the growth in urban population for the period 1980-2000.

    38The growth rate of the rural population is rapid in those provinces where the birth rate remains high, in the North-East and the South. It is also rapid in provinces that were originally sparsely populated and which received a lot of migrants who came to clear the land. These include Nong Khai, Kamphaeng Phet, Phetchabun, Kanchanaburi and more recently Mae Hong Son and Tak or the provinces of the south-east along the Gulf of Thailand and the western part of the peninsula, pioneer areas for developing cash crops, like rubber trees, sugar cane or oil palm. The urbaniza-tion process is nevertheless well under way since, in almost all provinces, the urban population is increasing at a faster rate than the rural population, especially in those provinces that are so far little urbanized, those in the urbanization axis in the northeast of the country and in the provinces around Bangkok which benefit from the dynamics of periurbanization: in 2000 the urban dwellers of the Bangkok Metropolitan Region, with just over 8 million inhabitants, represented 45 % of the country’s entire urban population. The urbaniza-tion process is often only recognized after it has happened, and new sanitary districts or municipalities are then created, especially in regions where the population has only recently settled, and where new administrative bodies have been created.

    Plate 15 – Rural and urban population

    Image 10000000000003C3000005C634D3342849166003.jpg

    Sources: NSO, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000

    A city network dominated by Bangkok

    39The location of Thailand’s cities and urban areas has two main features: the primacy of Bangkok, and its axial pattern, structured by the major communication routes. The primacy of the capital is an extreme phenomenon, with its origins in the city’s geographical location and the country’s highly centralized style of territorial management (see chapter 7 Bangkok and the Bangkok metropolitan region). This central role, which can also be seen in the way other activities and decision-making are concentrated, is reflected in the demography of the country, for in 1996 Bangkok and the five neighboring provinces contained just over 50 % of the country’s municipal population. The primacy of Bangkok province has stabilized to form an extended metropolitan region which polarizes the country.

    40Excluding Bangkok, the city rank-size curve is fairly regular with a concentration of provincial centers at the top, apart from those in the sparsely populated or newly created provinces. The second-rank cities with populations of between 140,000 and 290,000 inhabitants, Nonthaburi, Nakhon Ratchasima, Chiang Mai, Udon Thani, Hat Yai, Pak Kret (Nonthaburi province) stand out clearly. After this, there is no major break in the ranking of cities by size. The spatial distribution of second-rank cities is determined by their distance from Bangkok: the Central Plain has no cities of this size, apart from the suburban cities of Nonthaburi and Pak Kret, which are functionally linked with the capital, as the concentration of all functions in Bangkok virtually prohibits the development of any other regional centers of command.

    41Beyond Bangkok, towns are more scattered. Some are the capitals of ancient peripheral kingdoms and principalities, like Chiang Mai or Nakhon Si Thammarat, but most have been developed by the centralizing will of an administration eager to control and serve the population and the territories. Because of its dense administrative network, Thailand has a remarkably regular scattering of small urban centers. As part of the decentralization process, 981 sanitary districts were transformed in 1999 into municipalities: almost half have less than 5,000 inhabitants and are barely urban. The road network has very much structured the system of cities: the northern axis from Bangkok to Chiang Mai via Ayutthaya and Phitsanulok; the main eastern axis, the Friendship Highway, linking Bangkok, Nakhon Ratchasima, Khon Kaen and Udon Thani and from which secondary roads branch off, from Khon Kaen to Nakhon Phanom and from Nakhon Ratchasima to Ubon Ratchathani; the southern axis, crossing the provinces of the eastern peninsula, Surat Thani, Nakhon Si Thammarat, Songkhla/Hat Yai, Yala and Narathiwat. The main cities along these axes saw rapid growth during the 1970s, which official population statistics do not always take into account. The size of most of the municipalities, especially the regional capitals, is an underestimation as there is always some delay before administrative boundaries are officially adjusted to take into account actual spatial extension.

    42Public and private participants have contributed to the growth of the municipalities (2.4 % per year from 1970 to 1996). The regional capitals have been given public facilities in accordance with their administrative rank. The ranking of cities by nominating growth centers was a policy started in the 1970s and continued until the Sixth Plan (1987-1991), and this also favored the development of the cities that were selected, even though the amount of investment that was forthcoming did not always match up to expectations (see also chapter 3 The state and the construction of the territory). This policy was extended to many cities before development efforts began to be concentrated in the extended metropolitan area around Bangkok, but did not really succeed in slowing the process of concentration around the capital, mainly because of the persistence of a political, economic and administrative hyper-centralization.

    43Supported by the benefits from the advance of the agricultural frontier, progress in commercial agriculture and Thailand’s very healthy economy, cities in the North-East and the South have experienced higher growth rates than the national average since the 1970s. Since the end of the 1980s, growth in the secondary and tertiary sectors has taken over from agriculture in cities such as Nakhon Ratchasima, Hat Yai or Udon Thani. Cities near the northern and northeastern borders are anticipating a new dynamism, with the opening up of neighboring countries such as Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, and the establishment of road and air routes as cooperation becomes established. In the south, the institutionalization of exchanges with northern Malaysia in the context of an economic cooperation zone also strengthens the country’s urban dynamic.

    Plate 16 – Municipalities

    Image 1000000000000400000005CC3327DFA557869DA8.jpg

    Sources: Ministry of Interior, 1970, 1996 ; NESDB, 1971, 1987, 1992

    Migration to the Central Plain

    44Inter-regional migration involves movement between regions, defined by the National Statistical Office (NSO), over the five years preceding each population census. Movement between 1985- 1990 reveals the predominance of migration in three main areas: the North-East, where the balance with all regions is negative, the Center and Bangkok. There is a very high level of exchange between these last two, because of the urbanization which is reaching neighboring provinces of the capital, and migration back to the Center of those who had migrated to Bangkok and are returning to their native province. The North-East, a densely populated and less developed region, is the greatest supplier of immigrants. Migrations towards the Center are partly urban, partly agricultural, due to the dynamism of a very diversified agricultural sector.

    45The evolution in inter-regional migration has produced an increase in migratory movements, although with a levelling off in 1975-1980 and a change in the nature of this movement. Migration towards the pioneer agricultural fronts accounts for movement towards the North (especially as the northern part of the Central Plain is considered as part of this region), the Center and the North-East since the 1950s with a marked increase in the 1960s, as the development process accelerated and demographic pressure on the cultivated land increased. At that time the Center appeared to be a major destination for migrations, with land unsuitable for rice production being cultivated with other crops at an accelerated rhythm towards the edges of the plain, as far as the west and the south-east where the first manioc and sugar cane plantations were developed. Until the 1980s, most migration was towards the agricultural edges of the central region. In the North, crops extended beyond the narrow flood plains towards the surrounding slopes. In the North-East, the settled area encroached into the forest, towards the western slopes of the Phetchabun and north beyond the Phu Phan mountains. In the South, the cultivation of the land in the west, then in the center of the peninsula accounts for the fact that for a long time migrations remained intra-regional. Other factors also contributed to limiting inter-regional migration. The North-East, for example, benefited at the end of the 1960s from the dynamic created by the installation of American military bases and the introduction of development programs.

    46It was during the 1970s that Bangkok began to supplant other destinations, and the total number of migrants decreased, indicating the beginning of the closing of the agricultural frontier and the stabilizing of the rural population. The net migration into Bangkok is positive for all the regions. The capital is the principal destination for migrants from the North-East, the largest provider of inter-regional migrants, and it appears to have been an increasingly popular destination in the period 1975-1980. Agricultural activity is still the reason for the Center region’s attracting a lot of migrants, especially as the departure of so many of the native population to Bangkok creates a seasonal shortage of agricultural workers which has been very noticeable since the 1970s. Migration to the Bangkok suburbs, the neighboring provinces, then the Eastern Seaboard intensified in the following decade. The monopolization of inter-regional migration by Bangkok and the Center increased still further in the 1980s.

    47In the period 1975-1980, the number of inter-regional migrations overtook intra-regional migration. The pull of Bangkok became even stronger as new agricultural land became a rare commodity and a more diversified economy took over from agricultural colonization: improvements in the road network facilitated long-distance migration to Bangkok and the neighboring provinces of the Center. In the South, isolated by distances, there was a lot of migratory movement, but for the most part within the region itself, especially from the east coast, which had been populated and cultivated at a much earlier date, to the west. But the region does follow the general trend of travelling increased distances as there is migration to Bangkok. Another feature of the South, is that half of migration is into Malaysia. Although until the 1950s, the southern region received many migrants, since this time the region has a negative balance of migrations, especially as the birth rate, which remained high here, accentuated the demographic pressure locally on the region’s resources.

    Plate 17 – Inter-regional migrations

    Inter-regional migrations (1985-1990)

    Image 100000000000037E000003388254BA1FDDBC7B2D.jpg

    Variation in inter-regional migrations (1955-1960 to 1985-1990)

    Image 100000000000042E000001FE7BC2CF86D4512871.jpg

    Sources: Goldstein S., Goldstein A., 1986 ; nso, 1990

    Urban migration begins to predominate

    48Population movements towards the agricultural frontier and the Bangkok metropolitan region represent the two major migratory movements since the 1950s. The map showing the proportion of residents born in another province confirms that of population growth rates (see plate 13 Population distribution and growth). It shows the major growth in population at the edges of the Central Plain, in the north-east and south-west, linked with the expansion, either spontaneous or organized, of the agricultural frontier.

    49The large proportion of immigrants to be found in the population of Kamphaeng Phet or Phetchabun is linked with the low population level originally and the high population levels in the neighboring provinces of Ayutthaya, Nakhon Sawan and Phichit, which were settled much earlier and provided a large proportion of their population as migrants. An example of a settlement program, the Self-Help Resettlement at Thung Pho Thaley in Kamphaeng Phet, attempted to settle populations from the Center and the North-East beside a population that had remained until then in the immediate area bordering the Mae Ping. In the south-east, in the provinces of Prachin Buri, Chanthaburi, Trat and Rayong there has been a diversification in agriculture due largely to the topographical conditions and especially to a favorable climate (see plate 8 Environment and natural resources). The west, then the center of the peninsula have been expansion zones for rubber tree cultivation since the beginning of the century and are currently the last frontier for agricultural colonization. Finally, in the North-East, once the nearest areas of land had been cultivated, the inhabitants of the dry and overpopulated heartland of the Khorat plateau came in massive numbers to clear the forest in the frontier province of Nong Khai, extending the settlement which had until then been restricted to the banks of the Mekong.

    50Migration into Bangkok and surrounding provinces are urban migrations. On the whole, urban migrations tend to outnumber migrations into rural areas. There is a strong positive correlation between the number of migrants and the urban population of the receiving province (correlation coefficient equals 0.89).

    51The provinces near the capital, those in the center of the Khorat plateau and on the east coast of the peninsula (Songkhla and Nakhon Si Thammarat) are the main regions of origin for immigrants to Bangkok. Whereas the provinces near Bangkok provided the capital with its largest proportion of immigrants, at least until the 1970s, the distances involved in this type of migration have tended to increase, especially since the 1980s, with immigrants from the North-East making up an ever increasing proportion of migrants to the capital (see also plate 17 Inter-regional migrations). This confirms the notion that the distance migrants cover is closely correlated with the poverty of the region of origin, especially as the differences between incomes in Bangkok and in the north-eastern provinces is not only a constant, but the gap is slightly widening.

    52Bangkok receives only half of urban migrants. The regional capitals have now begun to draw in migrants, especially due to their facilities and the diversification of functions and amenities (service sector, shops, universities, etc.). We can also see an increase in movement across the urban hierarchy, from small towns, to Bangkok itself, via medium-sized towns, mainly for economic reasons and for training. Bangkok, however, does polarize migration very heavily, whether temporary or longer-term.

    53The proportion of the population of Bangkok that is native to the city (64 %) appears to have been overestimated. Many Bangkok natives have left the city to live in the suburbs, forced out of the city center by the prohibitive cost of housing, following the homogenization of land use in favor of the tertiary sector (see chapter 7 Bangkok and the Bangkok metropolitan region). Industrial activity is expanding rapidly on the outskirts of the city, following the Development Plans to various degrees, in the north and the south-east, thus also giving rise to a reorganization of the residential systems. The new migrants are thus more and more likely to settle in the peri-urban area, which also receives populations from the city center. Moreover, the census expresses inadequately the importance of short-term migrants, a category which applies to a large proportion of migrants originally from the provinces who are not counted in the capital’s population statistics.

    Plate 18 – Importance of migrations in the provinces

    Image 1000000000000408000005C2F7635A87BAD5571E.jpg

    Sources: NSO, 1980, 1990

    Provinces where demographic characteristics mirror territorial settlement

    54Since the beginning of the last century, we have witnessed a constant expansion in the amount of usable land. From a line joining the principalities in the north with the heart of the country, the delta plain of the Chao Phraya, and continuing along the eastern coast of the peninsula, also from the center of the densely populated Khorat plateau, the cultivated area has consistently expanded at the edges in a variety of ways. The extension of rice agriculture as a result of a better control of flooding techniques has meant that a much larger area can be cultivated around the lowland fringes; the development of cash crops has made it possible to exploit the slopes and soils that are not particularly suitable for rice-growing. Colonization by the peasants of new agricultural lands is currently continuing at a slower rate in the extreme north-west and is intensifying in the interior of the peninsular and the south-east. Cities have now taken over the role of polarizing migrations. Bangkok and its immediate zone of influence (neighboring provinces and Eastern Seaboard) are the main beneficiaries of this, though the urbanization process is also speeding up in other areas.

    55The spatial organization of Thailand, spreading out in concentric rings with Bangkok as its focal point and on the periphery large, clearly defined areas (north, north-east) and some smaller areas (extreme-south), is reflected in the demographic profile of the provinces. The main features we observe in a principal component analysis of the demographic, migration and urbanization variables are, first of all, contrasts between rural provinces (high proportion of rural population, high birth rate, many young people) and urban provinces (high percentage of urban population, large size of provincial centers, high population densities, over-representation of young adults). Next we note those provinces where population growth is rapid, then the role of the birth rate (number of births per woman, over-representation of under-14s), or immigration (high proportion of nonnative residents, over-representation of young adults) in this demogra-phic dynamism.

    56In the center, only Bangkok has the specific profile of a major metropolis: the growth of its population, which was very rapid until 1990, is basically due to the immigration of young adults, whereas the birth rate is low. The city extends beyond its administrative boundaries into the surrounding class 2 provinces. Here, population growth and urbanization have been very rapid since 1970, and they have been fuelled by major migratory movements and the spread of industrial activity and residential estates. The urban dynamism generated by the capital does not extend beyond this initial circle of influence, as the primacy of Bangkok prevents the development of any other major cities in this area. Beyond this circle, classes 3 and 4 consist of rural provinces lying along a north-south axis, with little dynamism, aging communities, and from where many emigrate into Bangkok. The class 4 provinces in the agricultural plain of the Chao Phraya and close to the capital, however, still have high levels of population density, with higher levels of emigration into Bangkok and higher levels of nonnatives than the class 3 provinces, which are further away and where population growth is less.

    57The class 5 provinces are spread around the rim of the Central Plain, at the boundary with Laos and in the south-east. These provinces have been actively colonized and cultivated, especially until the 1980s. Urbanization is now thriving in these provinces where previously it was practically non-existent, especially as Rayong, which benefits from the infrastructure along the Eastern Seaboard, is included in this class. The active agricultural colonization front represents the class 6 provinces, which are very rural, with a low population density but where population growth is rapid through natural growth. The class 7 provinces are rural, aging, with their populations concentrated in the valleys, and they appear to be less dynamic, despite the inclusion of Chiang Mai, whose presence has not altered their overall demo-graphic features. Class 8 contains primarily the provinces on the fairly deprived area of the Khorat plateau to the northeast, where population densities and the birth rate are high and which is the main region of emigration to Bangkok. Some major secondary towns have developed here as a result of the road-building carried out in the 1960-1970 period, also the policy of growth poles and internal industrial relocations. The provinces in the extreme south of the country (class 9) differ from the other rural provinces with a high birth rate by their large Muslim population.

    Plate 19 – Population distribution and demographic features

    Image 10000000000003E8000005E2C1FD1C18AB13D884.jpg

    Sources: NSO, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000 ; Pasuk Pongpaichit, Baker C., 1995 ; Skinner W. G., [circa 1950]

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    Atlas of Thailand

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    Référence numérique du chapitre

    Format

    Kermel-Torrès, D. (éd.). (2004). Chapter 2. Population. In Atlas of Thailand. Marseille: IRD Éditions. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.irdeditions.32512
    Kermel-Torrès, Doryane, éd. « Chapter 2. Population ». In Atlas of Thailand. Marseille: IRD Éditions, 2004. doi:10.4000/books.irdeditions.32512.
    Kermel-Torrès, Doryane, éditeur. « Chapter 2. Population ». Atlas of Thailand, IRD Éditions, 2004, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.irdeditions.32512.

    Référence numérique du livre

    Format

    Kermel-Torrès, D. (éd.). (2004). Atlas of Thailand. Marseille: IRD Éditions. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.irdeditions.32387
    Kermel-Torrès, Doryane, éd. Atlas of Thailand. Marseille: IRD Éditions, 2004. doi:10.4000/books.irdeditions.32387.
    Kermel-Torrès, Doryane, éditeur. Atlas of Thailand. IRD Éditions, 2004, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.irdeditions.32387.
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