Version classiqueVersion mobile

Islam and the 2009 Indonesian Elections, Political and Cultural Issues

 | 
Rémy Madinier

Muslimising Indonesian Youths: The Tarbiyah Moral and Cultural Movement in Contemporary Indonesia

Najib Kailani

Texte intégral

1The life story of a teenager/ who searches for identity/ lost his way/ confused/ wrong way by adopting Western culture/ current fashion for reference/ trendy style attracts people’s attention/ want to be a famous, want to be cool/ want to have fans/ by doing everything, pity/ showing off property to attract attention/ gossip, and differentiating friends/ oh, Teenager, do not fall for/ the dangers of the beautiful world/ will cause you to lose control of yourself/ I do not know/ Life is just temporary/ do not fall for it/ because your desire manages you/ your father and mother as well as your aunt/ would be proud of you/ for having children who are good looking, smart, pious and their achievements are satisfactory/ teenager, their achievements are satisfactory.

1. Introduction

2The above lyrics belong to a song entitled “A Be Ge”, an abbreviation of “Anak Baru Gede” (“teenager”), referring to the current condition of Indonesian teenagers searching for their identities in a global era. The lyrics invite Indonesian teenagers to ignore Western pop culture as it is seen as a waste of time. The song suggests that the ideal Muslim teenager in contemporary Indonesia ought to be pious and intelligent instead.

  • 5 “Justice Voice jadi “Duta” Indonesia di ASEAN Internasional Nashed Festival” (Justice Voice becomes (...)

3The song is by Justice Voice, an acapella music group concerned with the propagation of Islam through nasyid by targeting Muslim teenagers. Their album titles have included “Baru Gede” (“Becoming an Adult”) and “Lihat Dunia: Generasi Funky tapi Syar’i” (“See the World: Funky as well as Syar’i Generation”). Justice Voice, also known as JV, promote the slogan “Funky as well as Syar’i”. Here, “funky” means smart, active and trendy, whereas “syar’i” denotes piety and staying true to the syari’ah way, as explained by Faris, a JV member5. In other words, the slogan implies the promotion of the image of an ideal type of Muslim teenager who is both pious and trendy.

  • 6 Tarbiyah is an arabic term that means education. It refers to the da’wa concept of the Ikhwan Al-Mu (...)

4The JV phenomenon provides insight to contemporary da’wa (Islamic propagation) movements in the Indonesian public sphere that focus on the moral issues of Indonesian Muslim teenagers. It also represents how da’wa is not only disseminated verbally but also through pop culture mediums like music, novels, comics and movies. This paper aims to describe these snapshots of the tarbiyah6 moral and cultural movement that focus specifically on Muslim youths in contemporary Indonesia.

5This essay starts by explaining the development of the tarbiyah da’wa movement and its da’wa foundation among youths in Indonesia. It further explores manifestations of the phenomenon, such as the emergence of alternative media and the development of da’wa tarbiyah among senior high school students.

2. The Development of the Tarbiyah Da’wa Movement in Indonesia7

  • 7 This is a historical account based on the mainstream opinion in exploring the development of tarbiy (...)
  • 8 During the late 1950s Soekarno suspected Masyumi of collaboration with the Darul Islam movement and (...)

6The foundation of the tarbiyah movement in Indonesia originated from da’wa efforts initiated by the Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (Indonesian Council for Islamic Propagation or DDII) in 1967. According to Liddle (1996) and Hefner (1993), after the collapse of communism in Indonesia, the Soeharto regime considered political Islam as a threat. Hence, for stability reasons, the early New Order government restricted political activities in public spaces, particularly in relation to manifestations of political Islam. He refused to restore the Masyumi party and endorsed the establishment of a new party, the Partai Muslimin Indonesia (PARMUSI)8. Likewise, the early New Order government neglected to adopt the Jakarta Charter as Indonesia’s constitution in the Tentative People’s Consultative Assembly sessions (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Sementara or MPRS). However, The New Order encouraged Islamic piety rather than public political activity. This in turn caused tensions between state and Islamic groups, especially with regards to Masyumi activists.

7In 1967 Masyumi activists met at Tanah Abang in Jakarta to set up the DDII as a response to the socio-political conditions of the early New Order era. The primary aim was to search for an alternative way to develop a cultural movement outside the political field restricted by Soeharto’s regime (Hefner, 2000). In addition, the DDII argued that the refusal of the Jakarta Charter during the Tentative People’s Consultative Assembly sessions (MPRS) was not only caused by political conditions but also the lack of consciousness about Islam among Indonesian Muslims. Hence, the DDII assumed da’wa activity was the only way to propagate Islam. In order to realise this goal, the DDII developed programmes that included training for Islamic propagators, translating the works of Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimun thinkers and sending Islamic propagators to villages around Indonesia on da’wa missions (Bubalo and Fealy, 2005: 59, Hefner 2000: 197). Moreover, the DDII accorded scholarships to Muslim youths for them study in the Middle East, especially in Saudi Arabia and Egypt. The DDII also received funding from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait to support its programmes (Feener, 2007: 106).

8In the 1970s Indonesia’s New Order faced an economic and political crisis. The government’s policy of laying heavy emphasis on foreign investment brought about unstable conditions. This stimulated critical protest from university students, the peak of which occurred in 1974 when they demonstrated in the streets during Japanese Prime Minister Kaukuei Tanaka’s visit to Jakarta.

  • 9 an acronym of ‘Malapetaka Lima Belas Januari’ (The Fifteenth of January Event)

9The demonstration ended in a serious riot known as Malari9. The New Order regime considered these protests as a danger to overall sociopolitical stability as well as its developmental agenda. Soeharto blamed ex-Masyumi activists for the Malari incident. Consequently, he dissolved Abadi, the Masyumi party’s daily newspaper, and employed a military approach in imprisoning student front liners. As a result, political activities in the public sphere became subject to strict government control (Hefner, 2000).

  • 10 A lecturer at Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) and a former leader of the Muslim Student Assoc (...)

10Furthermore, the resulting uncertain political climate after Malari encouraged the DDII to consider driving the cultural movement through da’wa rather than politics, particularly by targeting university students. This spurred a new phenomenon among Muslim youths at the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB), who showed considerable enthusiasm for the Islamic sermons delivered by Imaduddin Abdurrahim10 at Salman Mosque.

11The popularity of these Islamic sermons began several months after Malari, particularly when Imaduddin Abdurrahim developed da’wa training programmes held by an organisation named Latihan Mujahid Da’wa (Da’wa Strivers Training) that was strongly supported by Natsir, the founder of the DDII (Hasan, 2006: 43). It required all participants to undergo a selection process consisting of interviews. Candidates were chosen based on their knowledge of Islam, personality, motivation, aims and attitude towards the programme (Rosyad, 2006: 28). The purpose was to search for qualified cadres who possessed the qualities of faith and morality combined with scientific and intellectual abilities (Aziz, 2006, Jamas, 2006). The successful candidates underwent training for about seven days without any contact with the outside world. During this period students learned the basic teachings of Islam, such as al-Qur’an, Hadist and Islamic theology (Karim, 2006:35, Rosyad, 2006: 33).

12In 1978, the New Order regime implemented strict procedures to control and confine political activities in public, especially for university students. Through the Ministry of Education and Culture, the government executed the Normalisasi Kehidupan Kampus/Badan Koordinasi Kampus NKK/BKK (Normalisation of Campus Activities) policy, the purpose of which was to prevent university students from engaging in political activities. In other words, the NKK/BKK meant the subjugation of university students to the New Order in its quest to maintain its power and political stability.

13In 1979, Latihan Mujahid Dakwah (LMD) was redesigned and renamed Studi Islam Intensif (Islamic Intensive Study or SII) as a strategy to target broader audiences and participants such as senior high school students. According to Rosyad (2006:28, 34) the “new brand” of LMD was formulated in response to the political situation under the New Order which considered the term “Mujahid” in Latihan Mujahid Dakwah as a threat to the stability of the regime, which had led to the stagnation of the Latihan Mujahid Dakwah programme.

3. The Foundation of Tarbiyah Da’wa Movement among Youths

  • 11 Abdurrahim developed the Salman training programmes based on his experiences when he met with Musli (...)

14In September 1980 Salman Mosque organised several training programmes focusing on teenagers, including the Bimbingan Test (a university entrance exam), theatre plays, singing groups and other activities. These were part of the Program Pembinaan Remaja (Youth Education Program), which a year later was renamed Keluarga Remaja Islam Salman (Salman Mosque Youth Association), also known as Karisma.11

15The NKK/BKK policy was advantageous for the da’wa movement because the New Order did not consider its activities to be of a political nature. Accordingly, this led to the popularity of Salman training among both university students and senior high school students. Studi Islam Intensif or Karisma fascinated students and motivated them to attend and become involved with those training sessions (Jamas, 2006). Vitikiotis argues that they were a magnet for Muslim youths from the middle classes because Karisma added extracurricular activities beside the Islamic courses, such as computer training, English language courses and other courses that provided them with skills that would allow them to gain employment in a modern Indonesian context (Vitikiotis, 1998: 128-129). Moreover, Salman Mosque training not only attracted students from Bandung but also fascinated many university students from other regions in Indonesia such as Yogyakarta, Padang, Surabaya, Solo, Jakarta and Semarang. They went to Bandung to attend Salman Mosque training and later adopted and initiated the model of these training sessions in their own universities. These alumni in turn developed a da’wa campus network allowing them to maintain communication with each other.

16At the same time, the DDII sponsored projects to build mosques and Islamic centres in the areas around twelve different universities in Indonesia, including The University of Indonesia Jakarta, Andalas University Padang, Gadjah Mada University Yogyakarta, The State University Sebelas Maret Solo, and Diponegoro University Semarang. After the completion of those projects, the DDII initiated a programme named ‘Bina Masjid Kampus’ (cultivating the campus mosque) that involved students who had graduated from Middle Eastern universities, most of whom had been sponsored by the DDII, as mentors of the programme (Hasan, 2006:43-44). In brief, both the popularity of Salman mosque trainings and the DDII’s ‘Bina Masjid Kampus’ (Cultivating the Campus Mosque) in turn led to the widespread dissemination of the Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimun ideas or tarbiyah among university students in Indonesia.

17Above all, the most important of Karisma Salman mosque activity was the “mentoring programme” (Rosyad, 2006: 34-35). The concept of mentoring refers to the idea of the tarbiyah of al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun. Tarbiyah, an Arabic term meaning “education”, is a concept of the da’wa movement introduced by Hasan Al-Banna, the founder of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun). The primary purpose of tarbiyah is to prepare Muslim youths to implement total Islam (kaafah). The mentoring programme develops an usrah (nuclear family), a small circle for Islamic gatherings consisting of murabbi (mentor) and mutarabbi (pupil). Each murabbi assists five to seven mutarabbis. The murabbi is expected to be highly knowledgeable in Islamic teachings, including Islamic theology, the history of Muhammad and his followers, and the issues pertaining to Islamic movements in the Muslim world (Bruinessen, 2002, Damanik, 2003). In other words, the murabbi represents a “resource” for pupils both as a reference for consulting Islam and as a friend with whom to share the problems of everyday life.

  • 12 Interview with tarbiyah activists in Yogyakarta, 31 October 2007

18The mentoring programme is designed to be informal, exemplified by the model of idea sharing between the pupils and the mentors. It is usually conducted in mosques, rooms and gardens around schools and campuses. The teaching style also emphasises “democratic” values and having fun: for example, members could themselves initiate discussion topics. Moreover, a special rule prohibits pupils from telling other pupils who their mentor is. The mentor has the authority to arrange gatherings with the pupils12. As a result, the mentoring programme has not only cultivated devoted Muslims but also pioneers of da’wa in their respective communities.

19In the late 1980s the alumnus of Latihan Mujahid Dakwah and Studi Islam Intensif training not only concentrated their activities in mosques but also reached out to campuses (Machmudi, 2008). For instance, in 1987 Jama’ah Shalahuddin, a da’wa campus organisation at Gadjah Mada University Yogyakarta, proposed to manage the Program Pendampingan Agama Islam (Islamic Studies Mentoring Programme) for university students. This proposal was introduced as a follow-up to a poll conducted by them in 1986 about the effectiveness of Islamic classes on campus. They found that most Muslim students thought the lectures were ineffective and that they were attended by many Muslim students who could neither do shalat nor read the Qur’an. As a result, the proposal was approved by the university. The Pendampingan Agama Islam (Islamic Studies Mentoring programme) was conducted by the Seksi Kerohanian Islam (the Islamic section) of each faculty’s student council together with an ad hoc committee named Tim/Korp PAI or the Islamic Studies Mentoring Team/ Corps (Karim, 2006: 47-48).

20The “Islamic Studies Mentoring” programme existed not only at Gadjah Mada University but at all prominent universities in Indonesia. There are at least two explanations for this phenomenon. Firstly, according to Karim (2006), the university bureaucracy approved the da’wa campus activists’ proposal to manage the Islamic studies mentoring programme due to the university bureaucracy’s aim to focus students’ attention on non-political activities such as those related to Islamic da’wa. Secondly, the New Order restrictions on student political activities on campus allowed da’wa campus organisations to take up strategic positions at formal student organisations. These strategic positions opened trajectories that allowed them to access the university bureaucracy as well as to disseminate tarbiyah ideas easily among university students (Damanik, 2003, Machmudi, 2008). In brief, the above-mentioned situations allowed da’wa campus activities to gain prominence both culturally and politically.

4. The Rise of Western Pop Culture

21Meanwhile, the large-scale da’wa phenomenon among university students from the 1970s to the 1980s was paralleled by economic growth and sociocultural changes, followed by a substantial increase in mass media channels such as film, magazines and pop music, targeting the affluent and educated middle classes.

22In the 1970s some popular leisure and entertainment magazines aimed at teenagers were published, such as Kawanku, Gadis, Aneka, Hai and Anita Cemerlang. These teen magazines displayed and promoted a youth culture based on Western pop culture by focusing on current fashion, celebrity gossip, music and movies. These magazines played a role in constructing codes of sociability which became cultural reference points for young people in Indonesia (Handajani, 2005:87).

23In addition to the rapidly rising popularity of teen magazines during the 1970s and 1980s, popular novels also enjoyed wide readership among urban youths. These novels represented urban middle class settings and problems, as illustrated in Yudhistira Ardi Nugraha’s Arjuna Mencari Cinta and Ashadi Siregar’s Cintaku di Kampus Biru. Other famous writers of that period include Freddy S, Marga T and Motinggo Busye (Hatley, 1994: 246). Apart from capturing the problems and socio-cultural changes experienced by people who moved from rural to urban areas, writers also explored the subject of sexual desire. A trendy novel that interested most teenagers in the 1980s was Lupus by Hilman Hariwijaya, which originated from a serial story in Hai magazine, a publication that targeted a young male audience (Sen and Hill, 2000:33-34). In brief, these novels engrossed young readers either as reflections of their everyday problems or as illustrations of their dreams in an urban context.

24Furthermore, Western and Japanese comics enjoyed considerable success on the Indonesian teenage market. During the 1980s Sinar Harapan newspaper published French Asterix and Mexican Minim. Then, both were published as comic books by Pustaka Sinar Harapan publishing house. In the 1990s Japanese comics such as Dragon Ball, Doraemon and Sailor Moon flooded the market and found popularity with numerous Indonesian teenagers (Sen and Hill, 2000: 30-31). During this period, a number of new private television networks were established that aired cartoon versions of the aforementioned comic books. The RCTI presented a cartoon called Doraemon and later on introduced Dragon Ball (Kitley, 2000). This was a time when Japanese anime was becoming increasingly popular among Indonesian teenagers. According to Shiraishi (1997: 264), who quotes a survey conducted from April 24th to April 30th in 1994, Doraemon was the favourite children’s programme in many capital cities in Indonesia, including Medan, Jakarta, Surabaya and Semarang.

25As such, from the 1970s to the early 1990s Indonesia was not only marked by the development of the Islamic da’wa movement, targeting as well as attracting youths throughout campuses in Indonesia, but also by the increasing popularity of pop culture among young people in the form of teen and youth magazines, popular novels, movies and comics. These became a part of Indonesian youths’ everyday lives, particularly in constructing codes of sociability.

5. Making Alternative Media for Indonesian Muslim Youths

26The phenomenon of Western pop culture which has been promoted by teen magazines published since the early 1980s such as Aneka, Hai and Kawanku has prompted tarbiyah da’wa activists to attempt to counterbalance its effects on Muslim youths. They assume that popular youth culture has been inviting Indonesian Muslim teenagers to adopt what they perceive as Western values, such as ‘premarital sex’ and ‘sexy fashion’. Accordingly, they have initiated certain forms of alternative media targeted at Muslim teenagers in order to disseminate Islamic values among them, for example, by publishing youth magazines, books and comics, or through nasyid music. The purpose is to introduce and entrench Islam through pop culture, which becomes part of the everyday lives of contemporary Indonesian Muslim teenagers.

27The next section describes some alternative media channels founded by tarbiyah activists to promote and propagate Islamic values among Muslim youths.

5.1. Islamic Pop Magazines for Teens

Annida

  • 13 Annida is a subsidiary of Ummi magazine which was founded by tarbiyah activists and targets female (...)

28Annida, first published in 199113, literally means “call” in Arabic. This suggests a calling for Muslim teenagers to understand and implement Islamic values in a modern context. During this period “secular” magazines like Aneka, Anita, Gadis and Hai, were already popular among teenagers in Indonesia. The existence of Annida is not only an alternative to the secular magazines, but also to the religious magazines published by Muslim hardliners, like Sabili and Suara Hidayatullah, that appear rigid and strict (Kailani, 2006).

29Annida focuses on short stories that transmit da’wa messages, such as invitations to wear a headscraf or advice on avoiding courtship. Annida’s mottos have ranged from “Seruan Wanita Muslimah” (The Calling of Islamic Women, 1991-1993) and “Seri Kisah-kisah Islami” (A Series of Islamic Stories, 1993-2000) to “Sahabat Remaja Berbagi Cerita” (Youth’s Friend for Sharing Stories, 2000-2003), then “Cerdas, Gaul, Syar’i” (Smart, Trendy and Pious, 2003-2008) and finally, “Inspirasi tak terbatas” (Unlimited Inspirations, 2009).

30Although Annida emphasises da’wa messages, it always considers the latest codes of youth sociability, particularly in using current bahasa gaul (slang) such as “telmi” or telat mikir” (slower thinking) and “ok’s banget” (cool) (see Smith-Hefner, 2007) which is combined with Arabic words such as jaiz or jaga izzah (keep the dignity), “syar’i dan trendy” (pious and trendy), and “haraki” (movement). As a result, Annida blends Islam and youth culture, which makes it a popular magazine among Indonesian teenage girls.

  • 14 http://users.boardnation.com/~annida/index.php?board=1;action=display;threadid=2, cited 30 November (...)
  • 15 Rohis is an extracurricular activity that concerns the development of Islamic activities among seni (...)

31The popularity of Annida is evident from its circulation rate. At first, the magazine was published once a month with twenty-three thousand copies printed. Later on it appeared twice a month with an average of around forty-five thousand prints per issue. In other words, the circulation of Annida reaches around ninety thousand every month14. On the one hand, the popularity of Annida could be associated with the lack of other Muslim teen magazines. On the other hand, it could be associated with the establishment of the tarbiyah da’wa movement targeting teens in high schools through Kerohanian Islam or Rohis (Islamic Studies group)15 which I will discuss later. It is also worth noting that all Rohis activists are encouraged to read Annida by their mentors.

32In brief, Annida has presented and packaged Islam in a popular, cultural way and is becoming a favourite magazine among Muslim teenagers in Indonesia. Moreover, in contrast to youth magazines published in the 1990s that feature celebrities from Indonesia and abroad, and that focus on the lifestyles of fashionable teenagers and Hollywood movies, Annida’s early covers consisted of simple illustrations of flowers or animals, or panoramas, its content emphasising short stories, teen problems, the achievements of young people and the comic strip Nida.

  • 16 www.annidamultiply.com. Cited 30 November 2008

33After Annida introduced its motto “Cerdas, Gaul, Syar’i” (Smart, Trendy and Pious, 2003-2008), its popularity rose even more. The magazine started to feature boys and girls on its covers. However, the girls wear headscarves and longsleeved dresses while the boys often wear a traditional white robe called the ‘koko’. Selected from among the young people featured in the ‘Successful Youths’ section, they are presented as leading morally correct lifestyles by abstaining from acts like smoking or having girlfriends or boyfriends. Furthermore, the selection criteria is not only based on achievement but equally on intellectual integrity and piety16.

  • 17 various kinds of pop and hip-hop music associated with Islamic music
  • 18 An Islamic concept referring to males or females who could be married except brother and sister.
  • 19 traditional clothing usually worn for Shalat
  • 20 Ketika Mas Gagah Pergi” first published in 1999 in Annida magazine. Then republished in a volume i (...)

34A well-known short story that reflects Annida’s ideology is “Ketika Mas Gagah Pergi” (When Gagah Passed Away) written by Helvy Tiana Rosa, who was editor-in-chief at the magazine. The story is about Gita’s decision to wear a headscarf. One day, Gita becomes confused when she realises that her brother Gagah has changed. He has started growing a beard, listens to nasyid17 music, avoids touching non-mahram18, wears a koko19 and often attends public sermons. He no longer invites her to go to the mall or hang out with him and his friends, no longer listens to ‘Western’ music and ignores the latest fashion. Finally, Gita consults her best friend Tika who has recently decided to wear a headscarf. When Tika hears about Gita’s brother’s transformation, she tells Gita that her brother has become an “ikhwan”, the term used to designate males involved in Rohis (Islamic Studies group) as well as tarbiyah. The change in Gagah’s attitude towards his environment persuades his family to become more religious. Gita’s mother starts wearing a headscarf and increasingly attends public sermons. On Gita’s birthday, Gagah passes away in an accident after delivering a public sermon in Bogor. Gita finds out that he had prepared a special gift for her, namely a long green veil and headscarf. From that moment on Gita wears a headscarf every day (Rosa, 2000).20

The early cover of Annida

The current cover of Annida

Girliezone

35Girliezone was first published in February 2009 and mainly focuses on girls’personalities. It is published every two months and promotes the motto “Smart Girl or Nothing!”. Different from youth magazines that emphasise trendy lifestyles adopted from Western pop culture, Girliezone concerns itself with the construction of teenagers’personalities in their everyday lives. The magazine bases its content on Islamic values, such as wearing a veil, and self-motivation with reference to Muslim figures.

36Although it declares itself to be a Muslim magazine, Girliezone does not use an Arabic name like Annida. Nevertheless, its content and features are similar with an emphasis on short stories, teenage psychology, Muslim celebrities etc., but it accentuates personal development. In the first edition, for example, Girliezone discusses Valentine’s Day in an article entitled “1001 Ekspresi Cinta” (1001 Love Expressions). The article elaborates on “the origins” of Valentine’s Day and the potential “threats” it poses to young Muslims who celebrate it. It explains that Valentine’s Day originates from Western tradition and particularly from Christianity. In addition, Valentine’s Day is seen as an occasion for youths to freely express their love to their girlfriends or boyfriends by acts such as making love etc. Accordingly, if Muslim youths celebrate Valentine’s Day, they are “tasyabbuh bil kuffar” (imitating a non-Muslim tradition). Girliezone thus encourages young people to avoid Valentine’s Day and to follow Islam wholeheartedly (kaafah).

  • 21 For “ta’aruf” explanation targeting young Muslim readers see Leyla Imtichanah, Taaruf, Keren.. ! Pa (...)
  • 22 Ketika Cinta Bertasbih (When Love Chants) is based on a best-selling novel with a similar title. It (...)

37Moreover, in order to avoid the “dangers” of Valentine’s day, such as premarital sex, Girliezone suggests that young people avoid pacaran (having boyfriends or girlfriends) and states that pacaran is expressly forbidden by Islam. Islam only allows “ta’aruf21, an Arabic word referring to the introductory meeting before marriage during which mates get to know each other based on syari’ah ways, i.e. by avoiding all physical contact with non-mahram (male or female who could be married). to support the idea of avoiding pacaran, Girliezone featured the profile of current movie star Oki Setiana Dewi who plays the leading role of Anna Althafun Nisa in the 2009 movie Ketika Cinta Bertasbih (When Love Chants)22. Oki says that she refuses pacaran because Islam forbids it. In addition, she calls on Muslim youths to pay no attention to Valentine’s Day because of its origins and its effects, such as premarital sex etc. She argues that they ought to be smart, successful and pious rather than imitate Western lifestyles (Girliezone, Feb-March, 2009).

Girliezone’s cover

38Although a newcomer to the Muslim youth magazine scene, Girliezone is managed by senior da’wa activists, such as Afifa Afra from the Forum Lingkar Pena, who are experienced in propagating their ideology among teenagers. Forum Lingkar Pena (FLP), is an organisation concerned with preparing young Muslim writers to promote Islam through their work. It was founded in 1991 in Jakarta by tarbiyah da’wa activists Helvy Tiana Rosa and Asma Nadia. The organisation’s programmes include training in book publishing and writing. It also publishes many books that focus on personal development for Indonesian Muslim youths (Kailani, 2008).

5.2. Da’wa Comics and Muslim Personal Development Books

39Besides publishing Muslim youth magazines, tarbiyah da’wa activists create da’wa comics as a medium for disseminating moral values based on Islamic teachings. A good example of this is the Nida series published in Annida magazine. Nida is presented as a female high school student who wears a headscarf and is energetic, smart and always inspiring her friends. The first comic strip, entitled “Tunggu Aku Nida!” (Please Wait for Me Nida!), is about Nida’s decision to wear a headscarf. A young male named Yosi falls in love with her. However, Nida who is currently involved in Rohis (Islamic Studies group) assumes that Islam prohibits pacaran because it could stimulate behaviour forbidden by Islam such as physical contact with non-mahram (male or female who could be married) and premarital sex (Yasmina, 2005). In brief, the series describes how Nida, as a representation of the average Indonesian teenage girl, faces the problems of everyday life.

40Moreover, tarbiyah activists also create personal development books that address common problems faced by Muslim teenagers. For instance, the Annida team published Ini Nih yang Cewek Mesti Tau! (All Things that Female Needs to Know, 2005) and Let’s Talk About Love! (2006). These books contain collections of the Bianglala consultation column featured in the magazine. The covers are designed to be cool and trendy while content combines comic illustrations with psychological advice that focuses on teenagers’ problems and how to be a good Muslim in contemporary Indonesia.

41The illustrative style of da’wa comics is influenced by Japanese manga (comics) that have been popular among Indonesian teenagers since the 1990s (Shiraishi, 1997, Sen and Hill, 2000). Hence, it not surprising that Indonesian da’wa comics have copied this style. In addition, unlike the artists of the 1970s who worked individually, contemporary Indonesian comic book artists work in teams or within comic book studios, particularly with regards to the da’wa genre. The collaborative way of creating and producing comics results in a “marketable” product (Salim, 2007, Soenarto, 2008). The manga style appeals to teenagers because they are already familiar with it. This leads to wide readership as well as the widespread dissemination of da’wa messages.

The Serial Comic Nida

Nida’s Personal Development Comic

42Moreover, certain personal development books discuss tarbiyah terms, such as “ikhwan”, which denotes a calling for males to engage in tarbiyah. An example is Membongkar Rahasia Ikhwan Nyebelin (Exploring the Secret of Ikhwan), a book written by Koko Nata and Denny P, published by Forum Lingkar Pena Publishing. The book explores the “ideal” and “false” types of Ikhwan. Accordingly, a good Ikhwan usually wears the koko, maintains a thin beard, looks pious, averts his eyes from non-mahram (gaddul bashr) and participates in Rohis (Islamic Studies Group) activities. A “false” Ikhwan identifies himself as such but, in reality, has a girlfriend, smokes etc. In brief, the book invites Muslim teenagers to be good Ikhwans in order to become ideal young Muslims in contemporary Indonesia.

5.3. Nasyid

43In addition to Muslim youth magazines, da’wa comics and Muslim personal development books, nasyid music represents a medium for encouraging Muslim teenagers to be pious, smart and fashionable. The term nasyid is borrowed from Arabic and means song, hymn or anthem. It refers to the historical moment of the welcoming of the Prophet Muhammad and his followers where a song entitled “thala’al bad’ru alaina” (“finally the moon has arisen amidst us”) was sung after the victory at Badr. Moreover, the acapella song genre, which constitutes the contemporary nasyid style in South East Asia, was adopted from the Middle East, particularly from Egypt, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Jordan. It developed in Malaysia in the late 1980s and emerged in Indonesia in the early 1990s (Barendregt, 2006: 175). In South East Asia, Malaysia is seen as the trendsetter for the contemporary nasyid genre, especially for its neighbours Indonesia and Brunei Darussalam (Barendregt, 2006 and Sooi Beng, 2007).

44Examples of prominent nasyid groups in Indonesia who are much inspired by their neighbours in Malaysia are Snada, Justice Voice (JV) and Izzatul Islam. Although they are similar in that they propagate and promote Islam through nasyid, they are different in genre as well as style. For example, Justice voice (JV) mixes nasyid R & B and pop music with “cool” lyrics that appeal to Muslim teenagers (as demonstrated in the introduction). Furthermore, they perform in a trendy way and sport fashionable clothes and hairstyles reminiscent of Western boybands. In contrast, Izzatul Islam’s lyrics mainly focus on encouraging the spirit of jihad. The group refuse to experiment with newer forms of nasyid and insist that the religious messages must be primary. They do not use musical instruments other than the hand-held frame drum or the Malay kompang (Barendregt, 2006).

The audience of a nasyid performance Justice Voice in action 2008 (photos by Najib Kailani)

  • 23 A part of the body that should be covered

45Female nasyid groups face debate and controversy since the female voice is seen as aurat23’. This can be problematic with regards to audiences that include males. A band named Bestari founded in the 1990s by tarbiyah activists, including Asma Nadia, has enjoyed considerable success. Its songs are familiar among female tarbiyah activists at universities. A popular song of theirs, entitled Hijrah (Emigration), tells the story of a female who decides to wear a headscarf:

Finally, I have changed/ and leave behind my dark past/ Although my mother forbids me to, I wear Islamic clothing/ Because God is embedded in my heart/ Really, I want to go to Heaven/ Accordingly, I fell remorse/ All my friends say/ I am no longer beautiful/ because my hair is covered/ my face is not made up/ and my body is not shown.(2002)

46Bestari’s popularity among female university students is illustrated by Rembulan’s experience. She participated in tarbiyah activities during her studies at Gadjah Mada University in the faculty of Biology. She says that she sang Hijrah many times during Muslim events on campus, particularly while participating in the Islamic mentoring programme of her university. Furthermore, she always looked for and shared information about nasyid performances with her friends. They attended nasyid performances at various campuses in Jogjakarta once or twice a week. She said:

Like people who talk about music groups and singers who appear on television every day, we talked about nasyid groups and its munsyids (singers) among friends in the da’wa campus milieu.

  • 24 Aurat’ is an arabic term that designates a body part that should be covered. In the context of the (...)

47Rembulan explained that, when she was a senior high school student, she had to turn off her tape recorder if an Ikhwan passed by because the female voice is recognised as aurat24. But today, due to the popularity of nasyid and widespread dissemination by the media, the debate on female nasyid singers has been blurred. Everyone, whether male or female, listens to the radio and watches television.

48The popularity of nasyid is not only attracting university students but also fascinating senior high school students in Indonesia. In the present day almost all senior high schools in Indonesia participate in nasyid groups as an extracurricular school activity. Even the yearly Islamic book fair in Jogjakarta always features performances which are attended by senior high school students from all around the Jogjakarta region. This indicates how widely this type of music is appreciated and received by Indonesian Muslim youths. Furthermore, it is associated with teenage education. Barendregt (2006: 176) identifies that many in Indonesia believe that its rising popularity is having a positive impact on young adults who are often deemed vulnerable to the decline of society’s moral values.

6. Kerohanian Islam or Rohis (Islamic Studies Group)

49Beside employing the above-mentioned alternative media in order to Islamise Indonesian Muslim youths, the tarbiyah da’wa also directly addresses senior high school students by assisting the Islamic mentoring programme at schools especially through Rohis (Islamic Studies Group). Rohis is an extracurricular activity that concerns the development of Islamic activities among senior high school students by instigating Islamic mentoring programmes which are managed by da’wa campus activists. Its primary purpose is to render students and their milieu more “Islamic” by, for example, increasing the number of female students who wear headscarves and by implementing Islam in young people’s everyday lives.

50The tarbiyah da’wa employs two strategies in order to conduct da’wa in senior high schools, namely “da’wa ammah” (general da’wa) and “da’wa fardiyah” (particular da’wa). Da’wa ammah refers to activities that target all the constituents of a school, namely teachers, students as well as staff. These include public sermons, Islamic gatherings for teachers, Islamic gatherings for students, da’wa bulletins, wall magazines and Islamic book exhibitions. On the other hand, da’wa fardiyah specifically targets students who have the potential to lead the da’wa ammah in educational environments. This is referred to as the “Islamic mentoring programme.” Like mentoring programmes on campuses this involves a murrabbi (mentor) and a mutarabbi (pupil). A murabbi usually assists five to seven mutarabbis and manages a weekly gathering at the school to discuss Islam (Widiyantoro, 2007: 26-31, Ruswandi and Adeyasa, 2007).

51Unlike the Program Pendampingan Agama Islam (Islamic Studies Mentoring Program) at universities, where they have become part of religious lecture programmes since the 1990s, the Rohis programme does not replace religious classes at schools. However, religious teachers require pupils to attend Rohis mentoring activities by asking them to write reports about their experiences. While I conducted fieldwork among senior high school students in Yogyakarta, many of them seemed enthusiastic about attending the Rohis mentoring programme. For instance, Rima, a student who attended a high-ranking senior high school in Yogyakarta, said:

I was curious to attend the Rohis mentoring programme because it is more practical than Islamic class (Pelajaran Agama Islam di sekolah). In Islamic class we studied Islam in theory, but in the Rohis class we studied Islam in practice in relation to everyday life through subjects such as “Islam and sociability.” I really enjoyed participating in the Rohis mentoring programme.

52Moreover, some students I interviewed stated that they decided to wear headscarves after attending Rohis mentoring classes. Likewise, they explained that their mentors often suggested they read Annida magazine and Islamic books as additional reading outside the programme.

53In sum, there are at least three strategies employed by tarbiyah da’wa activists in order to infiltrate senior high schools. Firstly, this is done through the networks of students who are active in tarbiyah da’wa campus activities. Secondly, tarbiyah da’wa activists approach pupils from other schools and invite them to attend Islamic gatherings, which in turn prompts these pupils to ask for permission to establish an Islamic programme at their own schools. Thirdly, the school principal cooperates with da’wa campus activists to manage the Islamic mentoring programme (Kailani, 2009). In brief, the Rohis mentoring programme has played a significant role in spreading Islamic values among Indonesian Muslim students today.

7. Islamic Dormitory

54In addition, in order to further Islamise senior high school students, proponents of tarbiyah da’wa also encourage university students to implement Islamic values in a contemporary urban setting. In many prominent universities like Diponegoro University, Semarang State University and Gadjah Mada University there exists a programme initiated by tarbiyah called “wisma Islami” (Islamic dormitory). The programme is aimed at preparing young Muslims who have the intellectual and moral capacity to become leaders.

  • 25 Interview with Reza, the manager of PPSDMS Nurul Fikri Yogyakarta, 13 Juni 2009, see also www.ppsdm (...)

55The Islamic dormitory programme is usually managed in an informal way. A senior da’wa campus activist invites his/her juniors to rent a house which consists of five to seven rooms. The rental house in turn becomes a base for Islamic gatherings referred to as an “Islamic dormitory.” They also name the houses after the Prophet Muhammad’s followers, like “Abu Bakar”, “Salman Al-Farisi”, etc. However, there is also a formal Islamic dormitory called “Program Pembinaan Sumber Daya Manusia Strategis” (PPSDMS) Nurul Fikri (“The Strategic Development of Human Resources Programme”). PPSDMS Nurul Fikri is an Islamic dormitory founded by the Bina Nurul Fikri Foundation in August 2002 in Jakarta. The foundation’s objective is to train young Muslim leaders who demonstrate exceptional moral and intellectual integrity. PPSDMS Nurul Fikri has some branches throughout Indonesia, including in Bandung, Malang and Yogyakarta. The organisation recruits new members by targeting university students who have shown achievement and dedication in Islamic associations as well as Islamic activities on campus. The candidates are selected by the committee and the local board. Successful candidates receive around Rp. 700.000 every month to support their studies and stay at a PPSDMS dormitory for two years. To support the programme, the PPSDMS cooperates with many institutions, such as BNI Syariah, Dompet Dhu’afa Republika, or Bank Mayapada, and receives donations as well25.

56Both the informal and formal dormitories discussed above impose special regulations on members. For example, they are forbidden from having boyfriends or girlfriends, they are not allowed to smoke and are expected to attend all activities that take place at the dormitory. Shandy, a chairman of Insani 2009, a Rohis organisation at Diponegoro University explained that an Islamic dormitory is an institution created to promote values like piety, intellect, integrity and leadership among Muslim youths. It achieves this purpose by initiating activities like religious gatherings, book discussions, English courses and writing workshops.

8. Conclusion

57This essay has focused on the tarbiyah moral and cultural movement and its extensive endeavours to Muslimise Indonesian youths by vigorously promoting Islamic values in a global context. The term “Muslimise” refers to da’wa efforts to encourage the development of piety and moral integrity among Indonesia’s young Muslims. This in turn has raised the issue of the “moral crisis” faced by its proponents with regards to the influence of Western pop culture. In response to this they have developed sources of alternative media that aim to counter these effects by using channels that appeal to Muslim youths. For example, they identify the keys of youth sociability and accordingly use popular slang in magazine articles, or apply the Japanese manga style to da’wa comics.

58Furthermore, they establish themselves in senior high schools and universities and disseminate Islamic values among students through Rohis (Islamic Studies Group). In brief, the methods employed by tarbiyah activists reflect their ability to negotiate Islam and modernity in order to achieve their goals. In addition, it illustrates a phenomenon that some scholars call “Islam mondain.” The term could be translated as “Islam in the present world” and points to ways of being Muslim in secularising societies and spheres. In this context, Muslims are not only considered capable of participation in producing “modernity” but also socially and ethically compatible with the neo-liberal economy (Soares and Osella, 2009).

59The large-scale da’wa phenomenon positions the tarbiyah moral and cultural agenda within the larger framework of the ideology advanced by the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and emphasises the construction of a Muslim identity based on the idea of an Islamic way of life in contemporary Indonesia.

Bibliographie

Bibliography

Anwar, Zainah. 1987 Islamic Revivalism in Malaysia, Dakwah among the Students, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia: Pelanduk Publications

Aziz, Abdul, Imam Tholkhah, Soetarman (eds). 2006 Gerakan Islam Kontemporer di Indonesia (Contemporary Islamic Movements in Indonesia), Jakarta: Diva Pustaka

Aziz, Abdul. Varian-varian Fundamentalisme Islam di Indonesia ((The various of Islamic Fundamentalism in Indonesia), Jakarta: Diva Pustaka.

Abdullah, Awan and Abdillah, Adi. 2008 Ketika Ikhwan dan Akhwat Jatuh Cinta: Mengungkap Rahasia Cinta di Kalangan Aktivis (When Ikhwan and Akhwat Falling in Love: Opening the love secret among Muslim activists), Yogyakarta: Qudsi Media

Bruinessen, Martin van. 2002 “Genealogies of Islamic Radicalism in Post-Suharto Indonesia” South East Asian Research 10, 2.

Bubalo, Anthony and Greg Fealy. 2005 Joining the Caravan? The Middle East, Islamism and Indonesia, Australia: LOWY Institute for International Policy

Barendregt. B. 2006, “Cyber-Nasyid: Transnational Soundscapes in Muslim Southeast Asia” in Holden T. and T. Scrase (eds), Medi@asia: communication, culture, context, London: Routledge
—, 2006, “The Art of no-seduction: Muslim boy-band Music in Southeast Asiaand the Fear of the female voice”,
IIAS Newsletter

Damanik, Ali Said. 2003 Fenomena Partai Keadilan, Transformasi 20 Tahun Gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia (The Justice Party Phenomenon: Transformation over 20 Years Tarbiyah Movement in Indonesia) Bandung: Teraju

Feener, Micheal. 2007 Muslim Legal Thought in Modern Indonesia, London: Cambridge University Press

Girliezone, February-March, 2009

Hasan, Noorhaidi. 2006 Laskar Jihad; Islam, Militancy, and the Quest for Identity in Post-New Order Indonesia, SEAP: Cornel University Press.

Hatley, Barbara. 1994 “Cultural Exspression” in Hall Hill (ed) Indonesia’s New Order: The Dynamics of Socio-Economic Transformation, Australia: Allen & Unwin.

Handajani, Suzie. 2005 Globalizing Local Girls: The Representation of Adolescents in Indonesian Female Teen Magazines, Master thesis, The University of Western Australia.

Hefner, Robert W. 1993 “Islam, State, and Civil Society: ICMI and the Struggle for the Indonesian Middle Class.” Indonesia. 56, 1-35.

—, 2000 Civil Islam: Islam dan Demokratisasi di Indonesia, Jakarta: ISAI and The Asia Foundation.

Imtichanah, Laela, 2007 Taaruf, Keren... ! Pacaran Sorry Men! (Ta’aruf Cool.. ! Dating Sorry Men!), Jakarta: Lingkar Pena Publishing House

Jamas, Nurhayati. 2006 “Gerakan Kaum Muda Islam Mesjid Salman” (“The Muslim youths of Salman mosque movement”) in Abdul Aziz, Imam Tholkhah, Soetraman (eds) Gerakan Islam Kontemporer di Indonesia (Contemporary Islamic Movements in Indonesia), Jakarta: Pustaka Firdaus

Kailani, Najib. 2006 “Jilbab Annida dan Identitas Remaja Islami” (The Headscraf of Annida Magazines and Muslim Youth Identity), Tashwirul Afkar No 20.
—, 2008 “Budaya Populer Islam di Indonesia: Jaringan Dakwah Forum Lingkar Pena” (Islamic Pop Culture in Indonesia: The Da’wa Network of Forum Lingkar Pena),
Sosiologi Reflektif vol. 2. No. 2.
—, 2009 “Kami Adalah Mujahidin Berpedang Pena: Studi Gerakan Dakwah Forum Lingkar Pena Yogyakarta” (We Are The Mujahidin Armed with Pens: A Study of
Forum Lingkar Pena Da’wa Movement in Yogyakarta) Master thesis at the Department of Anthropology Gadjah Mada University

Kitley, Philips. 2000 Television, Nation and Culture in Indonesia, Ohio: Ohio University Center For International Studies.

Karim, Abdul Gaffar. 2006 “Jamaah Shalahuddin: Islamic Student Organisation in Indonesia's New Order”, Flinders Journal of History and Politics, Vol. 23.

Liddle, William. 1996 “The Islamic Turn in Indonesia: A Political Explanation”, Journal of Asian Studies 55.

Machmudi, Yon. 2006 Islamising Indonesia: The Rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah and The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), Canberra: ANU E-Press, 2008

Naipaul, V.S. 1999 Beyond Belief, Islamic Excursions Among The Converted People, London: Abacus

Nata, koko and P. Denny, 2006 Membongkar Rahasia Ikhwan Nyebelin (Exploring the secret of Ikhwan) Jakarta: Lingkar Pena Publishing house.

Rosa, Helvy Tiana. 2000 Ketika Mas Gagah Pergi (When Gagah Passed away), Bandung: Syamil.

Rosyad, Rifki. 2006 A Quest for True Islam: A Study of Islamic Resurgence Movement among The Youth in Bandung Indonesia:, Australia: ANU-E press

Ruswandi, Muhammad dan Adeyasa, Rama. 2007 Menajemen Mentoring (Mentoring Management), Bandung: Syaamil

Soares, Benjamin & Osella, Filippo. 2009 “Islam, Politics, Anthropology”, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N. S), S1-S23, 2009

Soenarto, Ermita. 2008 “Comic Books and The Identity Crises of Islam in Indonesia, paper presented at the Third Singapore Graduate Forum On Southeast Asian Studies 28-29 Juli.

Shiraishi, Saya. 1997 “Japan’s Soft Power: Doraemon Goes Overseas”, in Katzenstein and Shiraishi (ed) Network Power: Japan and Asia, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.

Sen, Krishna and David T. Hill. 2000 Media, Culture and Politics in Indonesia, London: Oxford University Press

Smith-Hefner, Nancy. “Youth Language, Gaul Sociability, and the New Indonesian Middle Class”, Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, Vol. 17, Issue 2.

Salim, Hairus. 2006 “Komik Islam: Suatu Pengamatan Awal,” (Islamic comics: an early observation) Paper presented at the Annual Conference for Islamic Studies, Bandung, 26-30 November.

Sooi Beng. Tan. 2007, “Singing Islamic Modernity: Recreating nasyid in Malaysia, Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia Issue 8 (March 2007)

Tim Annida dan Syaamil 2005 Ini Nih Yang Cewek Mesti Tau! (All Things that Female Needs to Know) Bandung: Syaamil

Tim Annida dan Syaamil. 2006 Let’s Talk About Love! Bandung: Syaamil.

Vitikiotis, Michael R.J. 1998 Indonesian Politics under Soeharto: The Rise and Fall of The New Order, Routledge: London and New York (third edition).

Widiyantoro, Nugroho. 2007 Panduan Dakwah Sekolah (guidance for propagating da’wa in the school), Bandung: Syaamil

Yasmina Fazri, Dian. 2005 Tunggu aku Nida! (Please Wait for Me Nida!), Bandung: Syaamil

Website

“Justice Voice jadi ‘Duta’ Indonesia di ASEAN Internasional Nashed Festival” (Justice Voice becomes “ambassador” of Indonesia in ASEAN International Nashed Festival), http://www.kapanlagi.com/h/0000189895.html, 3 August 2009.

http://users.boardnation.com/~annida/index.php?board=1;action=display;threadid=2, 30 November 2008

www.annidamultiply.com 30 November 2008

www.ppsdms.org

Notes

5 “Justice Voice jadi “Duta” Indonesia di ASEAN Internasional Nashed Festival” (Justice Voice becomes “ambassador” of Indonesia in ASEAN International Nashed Festival), http://www.kapanlagi.com/h/0000189895.html, cited 3 August 2009.

6 Tarbiyah is an arabic term that means education. It refers to the da’wa concept of the Ikhwan Al-Muslimun movement developed by Hasan al Bana in Egypt. Its purpose is to prepare Muslim society to implement Islam as whole in everyday life.

7 This is a historical account based on the mainstream opinion in exploring the development of tarbiyah in Indonesia. For further discussion related to the various opinions on the development of tarbiyah movement in Indonesia please see Ahmad Norma-Permata’s contribution “The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the Decline of Political Islam in the 2009 Election in Indonesia” in this volume.

8 During the late 1950s Soekarno suspected Masyumi of collaboration with the Darul Islam movement and plans rebel against Soekarno in the Javanese Islands. This in turn prompted Soekarno to dissolve Masyumi Party in 1962, followed by the imprisonment of its leaders in relation to the alleged political offenses (see Martin van Bruinessen, “Genealogies of Islamic Radicalism in Post-Soeharto Indonesia”, South East Asian Research 10, 2)

9 an acronym of ‘Malapetaka Lima Belas Januari’ (The Fifteenth of January Event)

10 A lecturer at Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) and a former leader of the Muslim Student Association (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam or HMI) who has opposed the liberal line of HMI led by Nurcholis Madjid. Moreover he was closer to the DDII of Natsir. He was briefly arrested in 1978 and was forced into exile in the USA during the mid-1980s but later returned and became one of the founders of the ICMI (See Naipaul V. S, Beyond Belief, Islamic Excursions Among the Converted People, London: Abacus, 1999 and Martin van Bruinessen, “Genealogies of Islamic Radicalism in Post-Soeharto Indonesia”, South East Asian Research 10, 2).

11 Abdurrahim developed the Salman training programmes based on his experiences when he met with Muslim activists from different Muslim countries while he held important positions in both the IFSO of Kuwait (the International Islamic Federation of Student Organisations) and WAMY of Saudi Arabia (The World Association of Muslim Youth). He was inspired by Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimun ideas and Jama’at Al-Islamiy, which had attracted many Muslim youth activists during that period. Abdurrahim’s training programme combined religious piety and awareness with modern technology (see Naipaul, 1999)

12 Interview with tarbiyah activists in Yogyakarta, 31 October 2007

13 Annida is a subsidiary of Ummi magazine which was founded by tarbiyah activists and targets female Muslim readers. For further explanation please see Ali Said Damanik, Fenomena Partai Keadilan: Transformasi 20 Tahun Gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia (The Justice Party Phenomenon: Transformation over 20 Years Tarbiyah Movement in Indonesia) Teraju: Jakarta, 2002 pp 160, footnote 199

14 http://users.boardnation.com/~annida/index.php?board=1;action=display;threadid=2, cited 30 November 2008

15 Rohis is an extracurricular activity that concerns the development of Islamic activities among senior high school students by initiating Islamic mentoring programmes which are managed by da’wa campus activists

16 www.annidamultiply.com. Cited 30 November 2008

17 various kinds of pop and hip-hop music associated with Islamic music

18 An Islamic concept referring to males or females who could be married except brother and sister.

19 traditional clothing usually worn for Shalat

20 Ketika Mas Gagah Pergi” first published in 1999 in Annida magazine. Then republished in a volume in 2000.

21 For “ta’aruf” explanation targeting young Muslim readers see Leyla Imtichanah, Taaruf, Keren.. ! Pacaran Sorry Men!” (Ta’aruf Cool, Dating sorry Men!) Jakarta: Lingkar Pena Publishing House, 2007 and Awan Abdullah & Adi Abdillah, Ketika Ikhwan dan Akhwat Jatuh Cinta: Mengungkap Rahasia Cinta di Kalangan Aktivis (When Ikhwan and Akhwat Falling in Love: Opening the love Secret among Muslim activists), Yogyakarta: Qudsi Media, 2008.

22 Ketika Cinta Bertasbih (When Love Chants) is based on a best-selling novel with a similar title. Its was written by Habiburahman El-Shirazy a famous Muslim novelist in Indonesia today. Previously, Habiburrahman’s novel entitled Ayat-ayat Cinta (Love Verses) became a bestseller and was made into a movie as well.

23 A part of the body that should be covered

24 Aurat’ is an arabic term that designates a body part that should be covered. In the context of the female voice, some conservative opinions assume that the female voice should be forbidden from being heard during public events because it could stimulate passion.

25 Interview with Reza, the manager of PPSDMS Nurul Fikri Yogyakarta, 13 Juni 2009, see also www.ppsdms.org

Table des illustrations

Légende The early cover of Annida
URL http://books.openedition.org/irasec/docannexe/image/772/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 392k
Légende The current cover of Annida
URL http://books.openedition.org/irasec/docannexe/image/772/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 236k
Légende Girliezone’s cover
URL http://books.openedition.org/irasec/docannexe/image/772/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 156k
Légende The Serial Comic Nida
URL http://books.openedition.org/irasec/docannexe/image/772/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 172k
Légende Nida’s Personal Development Comic
URL http://books.openedition.org/irasec/docannexe/image/772/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 152k
Légende The audience of a nasyid performance Justice Voice in action 2008 (photos by Najib Kailani)
URL http://books.openedition.org/irasec/docannexe/image/772/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 298k

Auteur

Researcher at the Centre for Southeast Asian Social Studies (CESASS) Gadjah Mada University Yogyakarta-Indonesia

Le texte et les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont sous Licence OpenEdition Books, sauf mention contraire.

Acheter

Rechercher dans OpenEdition Search

Vous allez être redirigé vers OpenEdition Search