Malaysia’s Electoral Processes: Tracing the Path from the Bersih Movement to Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim
p. 19-27
Résumé
This article examines the intricacies of electoral politics in Malaysia, specifically focusing on the period spanning from the inception of the electoral reform movement, commonly referred to as the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih), in 2005 to the present administration led by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. Malaysia’s electoral politics landscape has been characterised by constant dynamism and engagement throughout this duration. With Anwar’s long struggle in Malaysian politics, the anticipation surrounding his assumption of the role of prime minister was significant. Anwar has garnered international acclaim as a prominent figure in the pro-democracy movement and has enjoyed a comparable reputation domestically. Nevertheless, the formation of his unity government in November 2022, which included the former ruling coalition Barisan Nasional (BN) that he had long strived to topple throughout his political career, has sparked substantial debate. Against this backdrop, this article delves into the trajectory of Malaysia’s electoral processes, shedding light on the interplay between popular mobilisation and political compromise that ultimately shape the country’s ongoing process of democratisation.
Entrées d’index
Mots-clés : Malaisie, Anwar Ibrahim, démocratisation, mobilisation de masse, Bersih
Index géographique : Malaisie
Keywords : mass mobilisation, democratisation, Bersih, Anwar Ibrahim, Malaysia
Texte intégral
1There exists a prevailing consensus regarding the phenomenon of democratic backsliding, which has been observed not only globally but also within Southeast Asian nations. In this context, indicators of democratic erosion, such as the curtailment of civil liberties, the subversion of the rule of law, electoral manipulation, and the consolidation of power, have become increasingly apparent. Notably, two recent cases within the region exemplify these trends: the ongoing political upheaval caused by the military junta in Myanmar and the prolonged dictatorial rule of Hun Sen in Cambodia. These instances serve as noteworthy illustrations of the challenges faced by Southeast Asian countries in maintaining and advancing democratic principles and institutions (Khoo, 2022).
2Malaysia has undergone a tumultuous yet dynamic trajectory of political development throughout recent decades. Over six decades under the rule of the Barisan Nasional (BN)1 coalition, Malaysia witnessed a notable expansion of executive powers at the expense of judicial independence and the legislature, accompanied by a gradual constriction of the civic space. The leadership of former Prime Minister Najib Razak, who is presently incarcerated on corruption charges, witnessed the BN government’s failure to secure a majority in the 14th General Elections (GE14) held in 2018. The GE14 is widely recognised as a watershed moment in Malaysia’s democratic history and electoral politics, marking the conclusion of BN’s prolonged governance. The election’s outcome was hailed as transformative, signifying the demise of a long-standing single-party regime and the emergence of a new government led by Pakatan Harapan (PH), which championed a reform agenda for the nation (Hutchinson and Lee, 2019).
3With the advent of a “new” regime, civil society actors expressed a sense of optimism, expecting genuine efforts by the incoming government to initiate comprehensive reforms of existing institutions and socioeconomic policies. Additionally, there was an anticipation for a replacement of old political figures with fresh faces who had committed to constructing a “New Malaysia” (Loh and Netto, 2018). However, this hopeful atmosphere surrounding reforms quickly dissipated in February 2020, as the country witnessed the downfall of the PH government. Since 2018, Malaysians have witnessed an unprecedented turnover of four prime ministers: Mahathir Mohamad, Muhyiddin Yasin, Ismail Sabri, and the current prime minister, Anwar Ibrahim. This rapid succession of leadership changes has left the public disillusioned with regard to the prospect of meaningful reform (Loh and Netto, 2018).
4The election of Malaysia’s longstanding opposition leader, Anwar Ibrahim, as the country’s 10th prime minister has sparked waves of reform and is also perceived as a significant victory for democracy. The 15th General Election (GE15), which occurred on November 19, 2022, resulted in an unprecedented scenario of a hung Parliament. In order to form a government, Anwar had to forge unconventional political alliances, notably teaming up with the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), a party that has dominated Malaysian politics since the country’s independence. Anwar’s ascension to the role of prime minister carries profound emotional significance, particularly for his steadfast supporters who patiently awaited his return to the government for over two decades following his ousting in 1998. During this period, Anwar predominantly operated as an opposition figure, except for a brief tenure in government from 2018 to 2020 before reclaiming his position in 2022 and assuming the role of prime minister.
5Anwar Ibrahim was officially sworn in as prime minister on November 24, 2022, following a series of twists and turns that culminated in the establishment of a unity government comprising the previous ruling coalition BN, Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS), Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS), Parti Warisan, and the PH coalition. Contrary to the reform-oriented reputation associated with Anwar’s coalition, UMNO—a historically dominant, primarily Malay party—has been implicated in various scandals, most notably the extensive 1 Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) corruption scandal that led to the imprisonment of former UMNO leader and prime minister Najib Razak.
The Dynamics of Changing Political Coalitions
6Political analysts and commentators closely monitoring the trajectory of Malaysian politics are divided into their interpretations concerning several pertinent issues, including political fragmentation and voting behaviour. Within this discourse, certain voices contend that political parties in Malaysia persist in aligning themselves along ethnic or religious lines, thereby representing the distinct interests and concerns of particular communities. Consequently, this exacerbates the phenomenon of political fragmentation within the nation. Conversely, an alternative view posits that notwithstanding the political transformation witnessed in 2018, during which Malaysia experienced a change in administration, there has been limited institutional and structural change within the political system. Nonetheless, there exist optimists who maintain faith in the broader process of democratisation in Malaysia and choose to extend a measure of leniency towards the administration led by Anwar Ibrahim.
7The political landscape in Malaysia has been marked by frequent realignments of political alliances and coalitions. Parties and politicians often form new alliances or switch allegiances based on considerations of political expediency, resulting in a fluid and fragmented political environment. Notably, for over six decades following Malaysia’s independence in 1957, the country experienced a consistent continuity of government until 2018. However, from 2018 to 2022, Malaysia underwent a series of leadership changes, with four different prime ministers—Mahathir Mohamad, Muhyiddin Yassin, Ismail Sabri, and Anwar Ibrahim—assuming office during this period. One of the primary factors contributing to these shifts can be attributed to the collapse of coalition governments triggered by the formation of new coalitions and the occurrence of political defections, commonly referred to as “political frogs,” whereby politicians switch their party affiliations. In February 2020, the nation witnessed a significant event known as the “Sheraton Move,” which resulted in the downfall of the ruling PH coalition government and the subsequent resignation of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad after holding office for 22 months.
8Within the realm of Malaysian politics, the majority of political observers tend to focus their analysis on the dynamics of coalition politics and the prominent role played by political elites, primarily hailing from established parties such as the UMNO, Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu), and People’s Justice Party (PKR). Interestingly, it is noteworthy that most of these seasoned politicians trace their origins back to the same root, namely UMNO, which traditionally espouses right-wing conservative Malay politics.
9The current composition of the unity government encompasses coalitions and parties that previously found themselves on opposing ends of the political spectrum, as witnessed in the intense rivalry between PH and BN during the GE15. Scepticism has arisen among some political observers regarding the viability and longevity of the unity government. In many respects, Anwar finds himself in a precarious position as the prime minister, given that his deputy prime minister, Zahid Hamidi, faces over 40 charges related to corruption. This situation poses a challenge to the anti-corruption agenda, which was one of the key reform priorities under the previous PH administration.
The Nexus Between Mass Mobilisation and Democratisation
10Beyond the realm of coalition politics, the electoral process in Malaysia encompasses a prominent characteristic: the significant role of mass mobilisation, which has played a pivotal role in the country’s journey towards democratisation. The significance of mass mobilisation in Malaysia’s electoral process underscores the power of citizen engagement and the crucial role of political participation in shaping democratic systems. However, it is imperative to acknowledge that the significance of mass mobilisation is not devoid of challenges and complexities.
11The field of political science has long engaged in a debate concerning the implications of mass mobilisation during the process of democratisation, with much focus placed on its impact on elite support for democracy. In the Malaysian context, since the emergence of the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih), the landscape of electoral politics has been characterised by perpetual dynamism. Notably, the connection between protests and electoral outcomes in Malaysia’s general elections has been evidenced. Since its inaugural street protest in 2007, the mass mobilisation spearheaded by Bersih has served as a significant catalyst for political change. In contributing to the existing scholarly discourse on the attitudinal consequences of mobilisation, this article posits that the mass mobilisation led by Bersih has played a crucial role in shaping popular perceptions of democracy in Malaysia since its inception in 2005.
12These mass mobilisations have played a pivotal role in mobilising support for political change and have contributed to the emergence of a more competitive political landscape. The impact of the Bersih movement in fostering a sense of rights consciousness can be observed through its series of five mass protests conducted in 2007, 2011, 2012, 2015, and 2016, which coincided with Malaysia’s general elections held in 2008, 2013, 2018, and 2022. Throughout these years, mass mobilisation continued to exert a significant influence during the electoral process.
13Political parties and civil society actors organised large-scale rallies, roadshows, and campaign events to mobilise voters, raise awareness about pertinent issues, and garner support for their respective causes. These mobilisation endeavours effectively energised the electorate, fostered increased political engagement, and encouraged citizens to exercise their democratic rights through voting. An examination of the Bersih movement’s outcomes, whether in the short or long term, must take into account the transformation of the cultural domain it has influenced. This includes changes in public values and ideas and the formation of new cultural practices and collective identity (Earl, 2004). Such cultural transformations are integral to understanding the broader impact of mass mobilisation on the democratic fabric of Malaysian society.
14Several significant features of Malaysia’s electoral politics merit discussion in this context. The question of identity politics remains a subject of debate, particularly with regard to the voting patterns of Malays and the implications of the Undi18 policy, which enabled six million new voters to register for the GE15. Before the GE15, various political observers and politicians believed that these new voters, particularly the youth, might lean towards progressive reforms championed by Anwar’s PH coalition, which encompasses parties representing diverse racial backgrounds. However, the election results of GE15 reveal that voters have shown considerable support for right-wing Malay-dominated political parties, such as the PN coalition led by Bersatu and the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS). This outcome serves as a concerning signal, particularly for pro-democracy groups aspiring for Malaysia to transcend the dominance of identity politics that has pervaded the political landscape.
15The formation of a unity government by Anwar’s PH and the dominant political party, UMNO, within the BN coalition has evoked a mixed response from the electorate. Both parties have entered into a Memorandum of Understanding to uphold political stability in the country. This development also highlights the importance of considering the divergent reactions of civil society actors. While some view Anwar’s compromises as necessary to avert alternative scenarios, others adopt a more critical stance, urging him to follow through on the reform agenda he has championed for decades. For instance, Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM), a prominent local human rights non-governmental organisation (NGO), has expressed concerns regarding the government’s commitment to amending draconian and outdated laws, noting the slow progress in implementing policies that safeguard human rights (Hariz, 2023).
16Although a unity government can contribute to stability by mitigating political polarisation and fostering cooperation among different factions, proving particularly valuable during crises. However, the process of power-sharing and political compromises on certain policy positions come at a cost, namely, public perception and trust.
17In a previous study on the Bersih movement (Khoo, 2020), I argue that the emergence and persistence of Bersih, as well as the political participation of Malaysians, are primarily driven by a combination of accumulated grievances against the dominant BN coalition and political opportunities. Civil society actors have been able to mobilise around these issues, exerting pressure on the authorities for reform. This argument adopts a bottom-up approach to understanding the drivers of Bersih while acknowledging that civic activism is also influenced by institutional structures and other contextual factors.
18The Malaysian case highlights the involvement of political elites and civil society actors in the democratic process, and their actions shape the extent and forms of individual political participation. As the debate surrounding the survival of a unity government under Anwar Ibrahim alongside its long-time rival, UMNO, continues, the role of mass mobilisation and contentious politics in facilitating democratisation becomes increasingly significant. Democratisation occurs organically as more individuals engage in the political realm (Dahl, 1971). While mass mobilisation plays a crucial role in driving democratisation in Malaysia, it is also subject to change as democratisation alters the mobilisation context (Cho, 2000).
19It is noteworthy to recognise that the relationship between mass mobilisation and electoral politics is complex and multifaceted. Mass mobilisation can significantly impact electoral outcomes, but electoral politics also shape the opportunities and constraints of mobilised groups. The interaction between these dynamics is influenced by factors such as the political system, the nature of the issues at stake, the strategies employed by mobilised groups, and the response of political elites.
20The challenge for Malaysia’s electoral politics lies in navigating a path of continued political change to avoid democratic backsliding, as witnessed in some Southeast Asian countries. Understanding the interplay between mass mobilisation and electoral politics in Malaysia necessitates considering the specific political context, the issues at stake, the strategies of mobilised groups, and the response of political elites. This complex relationship is influenced by factors such as the political system, government policies, public sentiment, and the organisational capacity of mobilised groups.
21With the six state elections concluded on 12 August, all eyes are on how Anwar’s PH-BN coalition will sustain itself. The result shows the status quo of six states, with three currently held by Anwar’s PH-BN coalition (Penang, Selangor and Negeri Sembilan) and three held by the PN opposition coalition (Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah). The election results provide insights into the political inclinations of voters, particularly in the peninsula. At the same time, these elections also expose Anwar’s greatest challenge, especially in winning the Malay-Muslim votes. Consequently, Anwar faces the formidable task of reconciling the demands of diverse coalitions and governing parties with the aspirations of the electorate.
Bibliographie
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Bibliography
CHO, Hee-Yeon, 2000, “Democratic transition and social movement change in South Korea,” The Journal of Sungkonghoe University, vol. 14.
DAHL, Robert, 1971, Polyarchy: participation and opposition, New Haven: Yale University Press.
10.1002/9780470999103.ch22 :EARL, J, 2004, “The cultural consequences of social movements”, The Blackwell companion to social movements, pp. 508-530.
HARIZ MOHD, 2023, “Where are rights reforms, Suaram asks ‘former victim’ Anwar”, Malaysiakini, April 27, https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/663333.
10.1355/9789814843904 :HUTCHINSON, Francis E., and AUN, Lee Hwok, 2019, The defeat of Barisan Nasional: Missed signs or late surge?, Singapore: ISEAS-Ishak Yusof Institute.
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YING HOOI, Khoo, 2020, The Bersih movement and democratisation in Malaysia: Repression, dissent and opportunities, Pennsylvania: Lexington Books.
Notes de bas de page
1 The coalition of Barisan Nasional or National Front was an extension of the Alliance by incorporating other political parties into the ruling coalition. The Alliance formed before Independence originally consisted of three ethnic parties, namely the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). The expansion project was led by then Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak in the aftermath of the racial riots of 1969. The enlarged coalition had effectively reduced the political influences of MCA and MIC and enhanced the domineering role of UMNO over the government.
Auteur
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Ying Hooi Khoo
Khoo Ying Hooi, PhD is an Associate Professor and Head of Department at the Department of International and Strategic Studies, Universiti Malaya. Her research focuses on the intersectionality of power, human rights, democracy and civil society in Southeast Asia. She is the author of The Bersih Movement and Democratization in Malaysia and Seeds of Dissent. She has also co-edited several volumes, including “Marginalisation and Human Rights in Southeast Asia” and “Rethinking Human Rights and Peace in the Post-Independence Timor-Leste through Local Perspectives.” Ying Hooi is the Editor-in-Chief of the Malaysian Journal of International Relations and is also on the editorial board of the Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights and Indonesian Law Review. She has actively worked on human rights and democracy in Southeast Asia by combining academic and practical approaches.
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