Conclusion
Texte intégral
1It has only been thirty years since the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. In East Germany, Jewish victims of the Holocaust were barely mentioned thirty years after its conclusion (I. Davies, 2000). Thirty years after the end of the Khmer Rouge regime, very little content about the conflict was included in the curriculum (Dy, 2013; Munyas, 2008). In light of the relative youth of this conflict, there are many things Rwanda is doing well in the way it is teaching the next generation about a very influential portion of its history. Students have the chance to learn about the conflict and its influence on multiple aspects of society and are given the opportunity to engage with the content and think critically, at least to an extent. Although other scholars (Davidson, 2018; Guichaoua, 2020; Henry, 2016) have lamented the exclusion of Hutu victims from the official narratives about the conflict, these victims receive explicit recognition in the 2020 curriculum. Furthermore, distinctions are made between extremist Hutu and the general Hutu population, severing portrayals of collective guilt placed as a result of ethnic identifiers alone.
2There are narrative elements, however, that may not be entirely peacebuilding. On the surface, creating a narrative invalidating essentialist ethnic identities in pursuit of a post-ethnic society may be perceived as a positive step. However, as Buckley-Zistel (2009) shows, it is not entirely reflective of how many Rwandans actually see themselves, and could instead be used as a tool to dismiss legitimate grievances that have a place in the peacebuilding process. Thus, the de-emphasised role of ethnicity in education may be positive in some respects and negative in others. Although combatting genocide denial is, in principal, a positive step for peacebuilding (Altanian, 2021; Bilali et al., 2019; Elósegui, 2017), it can also be used to promote a single narrative view. Students are given a very clear narrative, separating a dreary and violent past from a hopeful future of unity and justice. This narrative is the only one given space, without giving students the tools to understand other potentially valid experiences that do not align perfectly with the characterisation and the flow of what is presented. Despite providing ample time devoted to the study of the genocide, the majority of Rwandans are relegated to being minor characters in the narrative, denied agency and allocated three simplified potential motivations without room to discuss the breadth of experience. Rather than being given tools to reconcile narrative differences, students are instead taught to reject what does not fit as genocide denial or genocide ideology.
3Ultimately there are multiple factors influencing decision makers in how they portray events in a textbook. The desire to bring about reconciliation in a society marred by conflict can certainly be one of them, but it is not the only factor. Different contexts have different needs, and they cannot all be judged in the same way. Though only the decision makers themselves can ascertain their motivations with absolute certainty, the Rwandan case study shows how the apparent motivation to garner support for the ruling regime, in this case the RPF, also shapes the portrayal of different narrative elements. This reflects what Dy (2015) suggested about Cambodian political goals influencing education decisions rather than educational theory alone. Importantly, one cannot come to the conclusion that this will be present in all situations just based on these two studies. Further research in additional cases may identify other elements motivating curriculum designers as well. These are not inherently conflict-supporting, but they can also simply decrease the efficacy of peacebuilding narratives as evidenced by the way that lived experience may not mesh with the top-down narratives being provided.
4As such, care must be taken by international advisors to truly understand the context of post-conflict countries and the needs of the local actors they are working with in shaping post-conflict history education. Just as top-down narratives from the national government may lose their efficacy if they do not match the experiences of the population, solutions posed at an international level need to be reflective of the local situation as well. In pursuing a greater understanding of how these additional factors influence the creation of post-conflict narratives, better guidance can be given to decision makers as to how to accomplish these goals without adversely impacting vital peacebuilding work.

Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence Creative Commons - Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International - CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.
The Development of International Refugee Protection through the Practice of the UN Security Council
Christiane Ahlborn
2010
The SWIFT Affair
Swiss Banking Secrecy and the Fight against Terrorist Financing
Johannes Köppel
2011
The Evolving Patterns of Lebanese Politics in Post-Syria Lebanon
The Perceptions of Hizballah among Members of the Free Patriotic Movement
Fouad Ilias
2010
La justice internationale à l'épreuve du terrorisme
Défis, enjeux et perspectives concernant la Commission d'enquête internationale indépendante (UNIIIC) et le Tribunal spécial pour le Liban
Sébastien Moretti
2009
Aut Dedere, aut Judicare: The Extradite or Prosecute Clause in International Law
Claire Mitchell
2009