Introduction
Texte intégral
1Education is a tool. It can be weaponised in ways that lead to violence. In some cases, this may emerge due to the structure of the educational system. As increased economic opportunities often stem from higher educational attainment, these systems may privilege certain groups within a country in a way which furthers socio-economic inequalities between the different groups later down the line. This can be subtle, such as fixing the language of instruction to one spoken by members of the societal elite (Brown, 2011). In some cases, it can be more directly discriminatory, actively preventing members of certain groups from accessing educational resources through policy choices, a warning of potentially violent actions to come (Bush & Saltarelli, 2000).
2It may also emerge in the content taught to the youth. An example of this would be the consistent use of heavily nationalist narratives in German education under the Nazi regime, including the introduction of ‘racial sciences’ as a method to influence students ideologically (Gallagher, 2004). Bush and Saltarelli (2000) argue that oppressive regimes do not necessarily need active acceptance of heinous acts in order to maintain control, as it is enough for members of society to passively neglect to reject these actions. As such, education plays a vital role in helping legitimise actions against targeted groups so as to, at a minimum, discourage resistance from the broader public. However, the argument goes on to acknowledge that, although education can be used in overtly destructive ways, it can also be powerfully constructive in the peacebuilding process.
3In assessing the state of education in a post-conflict environment, it is often easier for decision makers and evaluators to focus on measurable targets such as literacy rates or enrolment rather than more qualitative work such as curriculum development (L. Davies, 2004). However, given the potential inflammatory power of these curricular elements, it is important to understand them as a way of evaluating peacebuilding efforts. A group’s collective memory can be powerful, in passing on not only the history of a group, but what it fundamentally means to be a member of that group (Bartlett, 1995). States have a capacity unmatched by other actors to influence collective memory of the past, propagating narrative resources such as educational materials (Wertsch, 2008). Where conflict-supporting narratives exist, changing the narratives can be an important part of the reconciliation process (Bar-Tal et al., 2014; Sanz, 2012; Taka, 2020), particularly as societies move from an environment of strictly ‘negative peace’ where no direct violence is experienced to one of ‘positive peace’ where the structural and cultural causes of said violence are no longer present as described by Galtung (1969). History textbooks can perpetuate cycles of retributive violence by peddling narratives clearly delineating victims and oppressors, encouraging hatred for the out-group whilst doing little to discourage acts of revenge (L. Davies, 2004). As such, analysing the narratives present in post-conflict society through the lens of educational material can be a useful way of assessing and understanding the efficacy of the peacebuilding process.
4The present research seeks to contribute to the literature analysing the impact of peacebuilding education by focusing on how narratives surrounding an intra-state armed conflict are presented in history textbooks. Building upon previous research and using analysis gathered from a case study of Rwanda, this research seeks to identify which elements of the narrative are supportive of the peacebuilding process, and which elements are damaging to it. The Rwandan resources provide an example where both constructive and limiting elements can be seen acting simultaneously, making it particularly relevant to this central research question. Importantly, this research does not seek to evaluate whether or not narratives found in Rwanda are the most accurate portrayal of history, nor does it seek to predict whether or not conflict will re-emerge based solely on the narratives present in the literature. The primary goal is not even to provide a definitive answer as to whether or not the educational system as a whole is an effective peacebuilding tool. Rather, by identifying patterns within the narratives being produced and analysing their potential impact, it seeks to provide a resource for those creating future post-conflict educational material to reflect on the narratives being constructed in those contexts.
Structure of the Paper
5This paper will begin by exploring previous literature dedicated to the central question of how narratives about intra-state armed conflicts are presented, or in some cases deliberately not presented, in the areas that have experienced them. This will be followed by sections introducing the conceptual framework used to identify and evaluate narrative elements, followed by the methodology used, which will provide justification for the use of the Rwanda case study to answer the research question as well as outlining the materials used and why they were chosen. The subsequent section analyses narratives found in the Rwandan case study, utilising information collected from the six textbooks currently in use in Rwandan schools. It begins broadly by providing an overview of the prevalence of the conflict throughout the entire secondary school curriculum as is relevant to present discussion, before analysing the narrative structure and flow of units specifically relating to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi,1 and only then diving into the specific recurrent narratives found in the texts. Once these elements have been presented, the next section connects these narratives with the broader research question as well as with previous literature written about history education in post-conflict settings to identify factors that aid in and detract from peacebuilding efforts. Ultimately, the research shows that, within the same educational framework, there are elements that do both. The research posits that a greater understanding of how and where these elements play out can help future decision makers approach curriculum design in a way that maximises positive elements and minimises negative elements while still being responsive to the local context.
Notes de bas de page
1This specific terminology is used to reflect how the conflict is discussed within the Rwandan curriculum.

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