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IFRA Special Research Issue Vol. 2

Perceived Relevance of Human Rights and Peace Education in Post-Military Nigeria

Biodun Ogunyemi et Kolawole Raheem


This survey investigated Nigerians’ perception of recent calls for Human Rights and Peace Education (HRPE) to entrench democratic culture in the country. Respondents were 1122 Lagos residents who came from the country’s six geopolitical zones. Majority of them saw the interrelated problems of underdevelopment, incessant conflicts and human rights abuse as products of bad leadership, but were sceptical of the capability of elected officiais to manage the crisis-ridden polity. They supported emergent calls for introducing human rights, peace education and sustainable development themes into school programmes to complement the activities of non-governmental organizations (NOGs) in the country.

Note de l’auteur

Note portant l’auteur1

Note portant l’auteur2

Texte intégral


1With an estimated population of about 130 million and over 250 ethnic nationalities, Nigeria ranks the most populous country in black Africa. It is also one of the most resource-endowed countries in the continent, having an enormous stock of natural resources that include petroleum, bitumen, gold, coal, and bauxite. Its soil and climate are suitable for an all-year round farming and there is ample distribution of rivers for commercial fishing. Many observers (Achebe, 1983; Ayida, 1990; Fasanmi, 2002) have therefore argued that, given the vast pool of human and natural resources at its disposai, Nigeria should have emerged one of the richest countries not only in Africa but in entire the world.

2This however has not been so. Nigeria is one of the 13 poorest nations in the world. About 70 per cent of Nigerians earn less than one dollar a day and the country’s per capita income is put at a little above US $300 (UNICEF, 2001). Its economy is in shambles, characterized by low investment, hyperinflation, mass unemployment and heavy debt commitments to countries of Europe and America (Yaqub, 2003). Social infrastructures remain iargely under-developed as evident in poor road networks, inadequate public health facilities, and underfunding of education (Oyejide, 1998; Aboyade 2004). Nigeria is politically unstable. The military has dominated the country’s affairs for about thirty out of its forty-four years of independence from Britain; providing the context for the pervasive social crisis and violence manifesting in ethno-religious conflicts, politically motivated assassinations, violent youth agitations, and others (Babalola, 2000). Phrases like “a giant with the feet of clay”, “the sleeping giant”, and “a land of scarcity in the midst of plenty” have thus been used at different times (Fasanmi, 2002) to portray the fact of Nigeria’s potentials which remain untapped for enhancing the people’s quality of life and for sustainable development of the country.

3Following the successful hand over of power by the military to an elected civilian leadership on May 29, 1999, hopes were raised on entrenching a lasting democratic culture which would galvanize the citizenry into positive actions for the country’s development in an atmosphere of peace and respect for human rights. This was against the backdrop of widespread reports of human rights abuse by successive military administrations climaxing in the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, widely believed to be the freest and fairest in the country’s history, and the official execution of nine leading environmental rights activists in 1995. Many indeed have argued that the overwhelming dominance of Nigeria’s political and economic space since 1960 by military dictators and their collaborators has been largely responsible for the country’s continued underdevelopment (Olorode, 2001; Akinyanju, 2001; Fasanmi, 2002).

4And a major fallout of this trend was the emergence of several human rights organizations within the civil society (estimated at over 5,000 organisations in different areas of development) which “challenged the government by criticizing government policies as well as their oppressive tendencies” (Dipo-Salami, 2003:14).

5Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), particularly in the last decade, have no doubt made significant contributions in exposing the pretensions of military actors in Nigeria’s search for a politically stable, economically viable and socially vibrant nation. Nevertheless, NGOs are not without their own limitations. For instance, they lack the financial muscle to cope with the level of public information, education and communication required to sustain the entrenchment of human rights norms and ethos in Nigerians. This is especially so because their foreign donors might no longer see the need to further support them in a post-military dispensation. Again, there is the problem of focus. Since most NGOs are externally funded, the focal points of their activities are, more often than not, donor-driven. In addition, there is usually the crisis of legitimacy when activists claim to represent the “voice of the people” as against elected officiais who readily advertise their credentials as “democratically elected’’ leaders of the same people (Eade, 2002; Dipo-Salami, 2003; Aboyade, 2004).

6It is in view of the perceived limitations of human rights organizations, and against the background of the pervasive legacy of violent culture of military dictatorship, that there has been a growing demand for the introduction of human rights and peace education into Nigerian school programmes (Makinde, 1999; Ogundare, 1999; lyunade, 2001; Olusola, 2003; The Guardian, March 9, 2004). With particular reference to universities and other higher educationale institutions, Falana (2001:6) has argued:

It is our considered opinion that the basic provisions on human rights and civic responsibilities should be part of the curriculum of our tertiary institutions. This we see as a flrst step towards a return to the past when such courses as Civics and Social Studies had provisions on rights and responsibilities designed in them.

7This call might be quite relevant, at least from the viewpoint of ‘experts’. The question, however, remains whether Nigerians across the social strata fully appreciate the issues involved. What does human rights and peace education (HRPE) mean to the average Nigerian? Are current provisions of the school system capable of achieving the goals of HRPE or is there a need for fundamental activities of curriculum review? To what extent do Nigerians across gender, occupational, educational, ethnic, religious, age, and marital groups see relevance in introducing HRPE as part of school curricula in Nigeria? These questions, in particular, constitute the problematic of this preliminary investigation.


8The idea of development has shifted from the traditional focus on the economic growth index of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) to that of holistic concept of human capital development. Central to this emergent paradigm are the need to invest in human capacities, particularly education, skill acquisition and health; adaptation, transformation and creation of institutions which assist in channelling people’s energy towards the achievement of the goals of development on sustainable basis; and formulating good policies that are critical for success in the human development process (Oyejide, 1998). The essence of human development in that context, Akande (2000) explains, is to enlarge people’s choices in the political, economic and social spheres of life in order to be creative, productive and enjoy personal self-respect and guaranteed human rights.

9In other words, it is the people that make things happen at the level of social, political, cultural, economic, scientific and technological advancement (Adedeji, 1991). The greater the opportunites people have to develop and exercise their innate abilities in an uninhibited manner, the faster they progress on the path of a development process that would be trans-generational or sustainable.

10The question of opportunities in the human development process borders on human rights. These are universal moral entitlements or basic needs without which human beings cease to be complete creatures. All human beings should be accorded those rights by law irrespective of their race, colour, creed, gender or social status. Such rights range from legal through moral, civil and political, economic, social and cultural, to collective or group aspects and are often enshrined in national constitutions (Makinde, 1999). However, in societies where the military governments hold sway (as Nigeria experienced for the better part of its post-independence history), the human rights components of the constitutions are suspended thereby undermining the citizens’ fundamental freedoms and negatively impacting the human development process which foregrounds the building of human capital.

11While it may be argued that it is the political economy of the ruling class, and not the military perse, that shapes a government’s approach towards human development or respect of human rights (Olorode 2001), it cannot be denied that the professional orientation of the military leadership has no room for dialogue, debates, dissent and other basic tenets of a democratie culture and concrete expression of fundamental rights (Fasanmi, 2002). What then emerges is the graduai disarticulation and castration of the civil society in a manner that forces its opinion leaders “to keep quiet because their lives and the lives of their family members were (are) in danger” (Dipo-Salami, 2003). And with the silencing of the critical segment of the society, the problem becomes not just that of being “saddled with leaders without vision most of the time, but that the majority of the citizenry have no idea as to what they really want out of governance Biodun Ogunyemi and Kolawole Raheem except the basic necessities like food, drinkable water, shelter and good roads” (Aboyade, 2004: 65). A disillusioned people produced by a military-driven Society of this nature cannot be expected to become the prime movers of innovation and ideas for a country desperately in need of development as in the case of Nigeria.

12In consequence, a people coming out a military government are, willynilly, like a people coming out of a war. The military are, by nature, a violent professional group. “They have no organization for mobilizing the people the secret weapon of modem power” (Ayida, 1990:10). Although there might have been no direct war, the fact of attack on, or deniai of, the people’s fondamental human rights in one form or the other is incontrovertible and this, in itself, constitutes an indirect war against the people. To re-focus the developmental challenges of a post-military society like Nigeria may thus require a process which put the people’s awareness of their choices on the front burners and a programme of human rights and peace education thus becomes imperative.

13When people are conscious of their rights to speak against bad government policies, for instance, they are likely to gain deeper insight into their creative potentials as agents of innovation and development. The knowledge, skills and values people require to achieve this life-time human development goal are provided within the ambit of human rights education. Concurrently, the actualization of these rights equally demands certain obligations in terms of creating an enabling environment for other people and groups to enjoy their own rights as well. And this is at the heart of peace education which has been associated with other interrelated concepts such as disarmament education, education for non-violence, human rights education, development education or education for social justice, education for international understanding, intercultural education, non-racist education, and education for sustainable development (Swee-Hin, 1997; Lasonen, 2003). Peace Education, according to UNESCO (2002), aims at empowering people with skills, attitudes and knowledge needed to build, maintain and restore relationships at all levels of human interaction; developpositive approaches towards dealing with conflicts from the personal to the international; create safe environments, both physically and emotionally, that nurture each individual; create a safe world based on justice and human rights; and build a sustainable environment and protect it from exploitation and war.

14“Human rights education” and “peace education” are thus mentioned separately only for convemence. In reality, the former is subsumed in the latter. The justification for human rights and peace education lies in not just the national crisis which military dictatorships engender in developing countries like Nigeria, it is also imperative for regional and global understanding. The United Nations (UN) prepared the ground for contemporary rights advocacy with its 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. However, the current human rights and peace education movement is given additional impetus in several UN decia Perceived relevance of human rights and peace education...rations and resolutions including its Decade of Human Rights Education (1995-2004), the International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence for Children of the World (2001-2010), and the Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (2005-2014). Specifically, Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) calls for public understanding of the principles behind sustainability, and that the social process needs to be mainstreamed into all sectors including business, agriculture, tourism, natural resource management, local government and mass media, adding value to programme development and implementation. Indeed, ESD is life-long learning for all, regardless of peoples’ occupations and circumstances. It is therefore relevant to all nations, be they industrialized, less industrialised or agrarian. In addition, ESD calls for specialised training programmes to ensure that all sectors of society have skills necessary to relate to their world in a sustainable manner (IUCH, 2003).

15The United Nations (UN), within the context of the human development index (HD1) and in the pursuit of sustainable development, has set its nine Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) against the year 2015 and ESD is to be a key factor in realising the goals. These goals are based on the need to (1) halve the proportion of people living below poverty line; (2) hait and reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS; (3) halve the proportion of underweight under five year olds; (4) halve the proportion of people without access to safe drinking water; (5) achieye universal primary education; (6) reduce maternai mortality ratios by three quarters; (7) reduce under-5 mortality by two-thirds; (8) reverse loss of environmental resources by 2015; and (9) achieve equal access for the boys and girls to primary and secondary schooling by 2015.

16Yaqub (2003:45) observes that “a tenth goal for Nigeria is the need to consolidate democracy as its process is likely to serve as a catalyst to the minimization or eventual elimination of poverty in the social formation”. For an underdeveloped country like Nigeria, whose latest experiment in democratic governance is just about six years, it is apposite to analyse people’s perceptions in relation to the variables of human rights, peace promotion and sustainable development if the country is to make meaningful progress in its strive fora free and democratie society; a jiist and egalitarian society; a united, strong and selfreliant nation; a greal and dynamic economy; and a land full of bright opportunites for all citizens through the instrumentality of education (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1998). The question, to paraphrase Patrick (1999:54), is: Do Nigerians have the intellectual and social capital needed to sustain and improve upon their constitutional liberal democracy through their roles as citizens? “And. if not, how do we use our schools and other venues of education to more adequately prepare the people to assume their responsibilities of citizenship?” (Patrick. 1999:54).

Purpose of the study and research questions

17Against the backdrop of the foregoing, this pilot investigation was carried out with the purpose of providing some baseline data for intervening in the current advocacy for human rights and peace education in the curricula of Nigerian educational institutions. To guide the investigation, the following research questions were raised:

  1. How do Nigerians perceive the interrelated issues of development, peace and human rights?

  2. How do Nigerians perceive the role of education in promoting human rights and peace issues in relation to sustainable development?

  3. Are there significant differences in Nigerians’ perceptions of human rights, peace education and sustainable development with reference to like gender, marital status, educational qualification, geopolitical zone of origin, religion and occupation?


18The survey involved a total of 1,300 respondents who were residents of Lagos, Nigeria’s former capital city, as at the time of the investigation. However, 1122 (86.3 %) of the survey questionnaires were valid and used for this report. Lagos could be regarded as miniature Nigeria because nearly all the country’s ethnic nationalities (estimated at about 300) are fairly represented in the city. Lagos State is estimated to have a population of over 12 million which is about 10 per cent of the total population of Nigeria (Shekoni, 2002). Respondents in this study were drawn from across the six geopolitical zones adopted by the Military Government in 1996 as represented in the city of Lagos. The zones represented in the sample are southwest (544), southeast (182), south-south (207), north-central (54), north-east (84) and north-west (51). The accidental-incidental sampling technique was used for randomly selecting the respondents who were drawn from four major locations in the Lagos metropolis (Ikeja, Mushin, Ebute Metta and Victorial Island). This technique involved street sampling as the trained field assistants came across willing respondents because of the largely mobile nature of the city residents. Akinkanye (1994) explains that this technique is helpful in situations where the study involves an unstable population. A total of 12 field assistants worked on the data collection process over a period of eight weeks.

19About 54 per cent of the respondents were maie while the rest were female. Also 62 per cent were single while about 38 were married. Majority of the respondents were Christians (70.6 %), followed by Moslems (28.8), and an insignifiant number of local traditional worshippers (0.4 %). About 65 per cent of the respondents were youth between the age of 18 and 29 years; the next 32 percent were those in the 30-49 year bracket while the rest were rest were 50 years and above. The educational background of respondents was quite diverse.

20Perceived relevance of human rights and peace education... About 28 per cent had no formal education at all, six per cent had primary education while a total of 12 per cent had either secondary or technical/initial teacher education (Teachers’ Grade II certificate). The major cohort of the respondents however was those with the mid-level teacher education (i.e. Nigerian Certificate in Education)/Ordinary National Diploma (OND). In addition, about 12 percent had bachelor’s degree or Higher National Diploma (HND) and another two percent had either masters or doctorate degrees.

21The survey adopted a 29-item survey questionnaire which was divided into three parts. The first part of the questionnaire focuses on demographie background of the respondents while the second adopts the Likert scale model focusing on issues of development, peace and human rights. The last part is largely open-ended and it is meant to tease out some general comments from respondents.

22Analysis of data involved the use of the SPSS to tease out some descriptive and inferential information for addressing the research questions.

Major findings and discussion

23Table 1 presents the summary of respondents’ perceptions of human rights and peace education issues in relation to school curriculum. In Table 2, the resuit of the t-test of differences in the perceptions of the respondents according to sex is presented while Table 3 summarises the resuit of the analysis of variance (ANOVA) test of differences according to age, marital status, geopolitical zone, highest qualification, religion and occupation.

  • * Percentages (%) in parentheses

Table 1: Perceptions of Human Rights and Peace Education issues (N = 1122)*

Table 1: Perceptions of Human Rights and Peace Education issues (N = 1122)*

Table 1 continues

Table 1 continues

Table 2: T-test of differences in perception according to sex

Table 2: T-test of differences in perception according to sex

ns = Not significant at .05 alpha level

Table 3: ANOVA test of differences in perception according to age, marital status, state of originstate of origin, highest educationalqualification, religion and occupation

Table 3: ANOVA test of differences in perception according to age, marital status, state of originstate of origin, highest educationalqualification, religion and occupation

s = significant at .05 alpha level

24An overview of Table 1 in relation to the first research question suggests that majority of the respondents strongly believe that the numerous social, political, economic and developmental proMems facing Nigeria are caused by bad leadership. However, it is interesting to note that only a little above 50 per cent of the respondents (21.0 % strongly agree; 31.4 % agree) thought Nigeria’s multidimensional problems are better solved under a civilian administration than the military. On the other hand, about 40 per cent (13.4 % strong agree; 26.9 % agree) of them would support the view that “Military governments are in the best position to promote peace and development” in Nigeria. Indeed, majority of the respondents believed that “Nigerians need tough leaders like military to make them do the right thing”, and that “Military leaders take over power only when it is absolutely necessary”.

25These findings immediately point to at least three plausible conclusions.

26The first one is that the long regime of military intervention in Nigeria’s bodypolitic might have influenced a sizeable number of the people to see military rule as “part of the norm” rather than “an aberration” in the political process.

27Secondly, the use of military force to quell the not-infrequent incidence of communal, ethnic, religious and politic crises in Nigeria may have also led many Nigerians into believing that elected officiais are not sufficiently equipped to govern the country. And thirdly, many Nigerians may not fully appreciate the implications of military governments for their rights to choose those who govern them and that opportunities for self-development and the development of the country are better guaranteed in a civilian dispensation in view of the competing manifestoes of the political parties. At least, this is the case in other societies where the military establishment limits itself to its professional calling of defending the country against internai and sxternal aggressors, unlike in Nigeria where the military sometimes take over the reigns of government purely for self-interest (Olorode, 2001; Fasanmi, 2002).

28An overwhelming majority of the respondents (53.4 % strongly agree; 31.1 % agree) subscribed to the view that “Equal opportunity for all Nigerians is the best guarantee for peace and sustainable development”. However, more than 50 per cent were sceptical about the possibility of achieving this, even though over 60 per cent agreed that “Free and compulsory education at primary and junior secondary school levels will provide for equal opportunity in Nigeria”.

29This seems to be an acknowledgement of the present civilian administration’s nine-year compulsory education under the Universal Basic Education (UBE) programme launched in September, 1999.

30On the second research question which probes into how Nigerians perceive the role of education in promoting human rights and peace issues in relation to sustainable development, the sampled Nigerians seemed to be favourably disposed to introducing different aspects of peace education into the school curricula.

31An overwhelming 92.6 per cent (52.5 strongly agree; 40.1 agree) of the respondents believed that “Nigerian youths need to be taught about tolerance to address issues like religious and ethnic conflicts”, while another 84.6 per cent thought that “Human rights education is what Nigerians need to maintain peace and help achieve self-confidence”. In addition, about 82 per cent of the respondents saw global citizenship education as “relevant to the development of the Nigerian youth”; with 78.8 per cent calling for education for non-violence “to help achieve Nigerians achieve a stable polity”; and 73.4 per cent stating that “Multicultural education should be made compulsory for Nigerian youths to accept the reality of cultural diversity” nationally, regionally and globally. The obvious conclusion here is that the respondents in the study seemed to invest much hope in the ability of the Nigerian school system to address the numerous issues that constitute the flashpoints in the process of building a stable, dynamic and progressive country. However, about 70 per cent of them felt that the existing school programmes are capable of achieving that purpose, 17.2 felt otherwise while 11.9 were undecided. These findings tend to give empirical support for earlier calls (e.g. Ogundare, 1999; Makinde, 1999; Ogunyemi, 2003) for curricula review, rather than introducing an entirely new programme, in the course of introducing peace education and its other variants into formal and non-formal educational programmes in Nigeria.

32A cursory look at the Tables 2 and 3 reveals that there are no statistically significant differences according to gender, educational qualification and occupation.

33However, respondents are likely to differ in their views in relation to age, marital status, eopolitical zone and religion. The specific dimensions of these differences are to be explored in a follow-up investigation to this study.

Implications of findings for Nigeria’s sustainable development

34There is an expressed preference for democracy as against military dictatorship in much of Africa today. According to The New Partnership for Africa ‘s Development (NEPAD) adopted by African leaders in Abuja, Nigeria, in October 2001,Across the continent, democracy is spreading, backed by the African Union (AU), which has shown a new resolve to deal with conflicts and censure deviation from the norm. These efforts are reinforced by voices in civil society, including associations of women, youth and the independent media (NEPAD, 2001:10).

35Nigeria, being one of the architects of NEPAD, is thus challenged to pay serious attention to the prevalent conceptions of governance vis-à-vis the core elements of sustainable democracy such as opportunites for self-expression and enforcement of fundamental rights, enthronement of democratic institutions and policy environment supportive of justice and peace. Evidence from this study suggests that, if the ongoing efforts at institutionalizing a lasting democracy in Nigeria are to yield the expected dividends, Nigerians need a comprehensive programme of formal and non-formal education in human rights and peace promotion. Such programme should complement the activities of civil society organizations whose capacity for changing the entrenched orientation towards “militocracy” (Fasanmi, 2002) is highly circumscribed. One obvious implication of this is the need for serious activities of curricular review preceded by baseline studies, unlike officiai dictations from government ministries and agencies as currently going on in Nigeria (e.g. see The Guardian, March 9, 2004).

36Another major implication of findings from this study is the need for elected leaders to conduct the country’s affaire in manners that practically demonstrate the superior status of civil rule over the military. One practical way of doing this is to squarely tackle the problem of corruption for which Nigeria’s corporate image has been severely dented. To quote Yaqub (2003:44),

Corruption and dictatorship belong in the socio-economic and political quagmire into hich the country has sunk for more than twothirds of the period of self-rule... The twin evils of corruption and dictatorship have exacted a variety of costs - psychic, economic, political, social, cultural, etc - on the people and the nation-state; the costs are expensive and huge, although the exact quantum may never be known.

37The current civilian administration introduced The Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act, 2000 as its strategy for arresting the seemingly hydra-headed problem. However, many critical observers are wont to argue that the personal lifestyles and disposition of civilian officiais do not go far enough to demonstrate their sincerity in tackling the problem headlong (Yaqub, 2003), although some evidence of the potency of the crusade is beginning to emerge.

38To strengthen people’s faith in the crusade, elected officiais in Nigeria must constantly keep NEPAD’s injunction on “developing clear standards of accountability, transparency and participatory governance at the national and sub-national levels” (NEPAD, 2001:11) in focus.

39For the an enduring culture of peace and the survival of democracy in Nigeria, the parlous state of the economy, the widespread incidence of poverty, the poor state of social infrastructures (health, education, roads, etc.) and the mismanagement of environmentalresources all call for critical attention. Indeed, there is.a tendency for the citizens to prefer a military ruler who caters for their welfare needs for food, shelter and employment than a civilian who makes pretensions without concrete actions on the ground; perhaps not minding the snowballing effect on;heir political and civil rights in the long run as implied in this study. The existential needs of the people must be addressed in a holistic and fondamental, not ad hoc, manner to make lasting impact capable of developing the stock of human capital that would guarantee the sustainable development of the Nigerian nation. NEPAD (2001) anticipates that states in Africa will continue to rely on the global community in building their capacity to set and enforce the legal framework as well as maintaining law and order. However, much is expected of a resource-endowed country like Nigeria in demonstrating continental leadership for sustainable development and its capacity to respond in the expected manner may be seriously curtalled unless its creditor nations across the world do something drastic by either writing off a substantial part of the country’s foreign debts or renegotiating many of these debt obligations which are hampering local development efforts. The intervention of the global community is required in this direction if Nigeria is expected to achieve much in the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) and be an active player during the UN Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (ESD).


40This study has provided some preliminary evidence in support of the call for curricular review with the purpose of introducing thematic issues about human rights, peace promotion and sustainable development in Nigerian educational institutions. When completed, the curricular review should serve as part of the country’s strategy for entrenching democratie values particularly within the contexts of MDG and ESD. Findings from this study however cannot be taken as conclusive. Further analyses of determinants of Nigerians’ perceptions of the relevance human rights and peace education are required. Also, more studies at various sites in the 36 states and the six geopolitical zones are required to a gain a deeper insight into the profile of Nigerians’ attitude towards the military in governance, promotion of peace and human rights, and sustainable development of the country because the present study was limited to the former capital city of Lagos mainly for reason of inadequate fund.



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Notes de fin

* Percentages (%) in parentheses

1 Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, Nigeria

2 University of Jyvaskyla, Jyvaskyla, Finland

Table des illustrations

Titre Table 1: Perceptions of Human Rights and Peace Education issues (N = 1122)*
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Titre Table 1 continues
Fichier image/jpeg, 236k
Titre Table 2: T-test of differences in perception according to sex
Légende ns = Not significant at .05 alpha level
Fichier image/jpeg, 40k
Titre Table 3: ANOVA test of differences in perception according to age, marital status, state of originstate of origin, highest educationalqualification, religion and occupation
Légende s = significant at .05 alpha level
Fichier image/jpeg, 130k

© IFRA-Nigeria, 2006

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