Old Wine, New Wineskin: The Woodcarvings of the Fàkéye of Ìlá-Òràngún
p. 1-23
Texte intégral
Bíná bá kú d feéru bojú
Bógèdè kú á fomo re rópò
At the death of the fire
Come the ashes
At the death of the plantain
Blossoms the young shoot
1In the history of Yorùbá woodcarvihg, the Fákéye Family of Ìlá-Òràngún takes pride of place. Although the forebears of the family who started the carving tradition for which they are renowned in Yorubaland and beyond are no more, subsequent generations in the family have produced artists who continue to fan the embers of its tradition. However, they have had to contend with the challenges of modernity, namely, the introduction of new religions (Islam and Christianity), Western education, and other influences that have, over time, overshadowed the vernacular of their oeuvres. While keeping alive the tradition, they have engendered significant transformation in their works. What then is left of the legacy of their forebears? To what degree is the perceived departure from the past and to what extent has the old work been given a fresh lifeline? Làmidi is often the reference point in art historical discourse on the Fákéye and Yorubá woodcarving but he is not the only heir of the tradition. The aim of this study is to locate and or identify other new-generation woodcarvers of the lineage and to properly situate related issues. This study also investigates the term “traditional” often used in describing this category of artists in view of the controversy it has generated in art-historical discourse in recent times.
Family history
2The forebears of the lineage were formerly inhabitants of Ìkòlé in Èkìtì area of Yorubaland. Oláwoyin, their great grandfather once lived at Ayédùn Ìkòlé.1 It was from there that he first migrated to a place called Ìdí-Emidodo (now Omido) in Kwara State. Ìdí-Emidodo is named after “emidondon” a tree without many leaves, which is used for carving mortar because of its notable strength.2 According to tradition, Oláwoyin used to visit Omido frequently for the wood before he finally went there to settle. Omido is north of Ìlá-Òràngún, on the way to Esie, and it was there that Oláwoyin brought his people and resided for some time. He became their Baálè. After his demise a bitter family feud ensued over who should become the Baálè and this led to the dispersal of the warring parties to Igbájo and Ìla-Òrangún. The historic dispute is commemorated in the lineage’s oríkì:
T’Omido ló yéye
Ìrèpè òtè
Kò séni ti ò jó
A dùràn ju’ra wa lo
The strife at Omido was most catastrophic
The scourge of rebellion
No one escaped it
We are differently affected3
3It was Gbogunjókõ (d.1870) the son of Oláwoyin who led the group that migrated to Ìlá-Òràngún where the family eventually settled and became famous woodcarvers. Although Gbógunjókõ had been carving before he arrived at Ìlá-Òràngún, his artistic skill flourished after he came to settle there. When Gbógunjókõ’s group arrived at Ìlá-Òràngún, it was about the time for the annual Orò festival during which it was the practice for all woodcarvers to make special carvings to present to the Òrangún, the monarch of the town. The woodcarver families at Ìlá-Òràngún who normally take part in the carving exercise include Ilé-Awugbó, Ilé-Agà, Ile-Olóríawo, Ilé-Ajiyánmonà and Ile-Ìnúrin, the last being the lineage compound founded by Gbógunjókõ and his group4. Since Gbógunjókõ had inherited the craft from his famous woodcarver father, Oláwoyin before coming to settle at Ìlá-Òràngún, he did not hesitate to take part in the carving competition for the annual Orò festival. He made very impressive objects that eventually brought him fame as one of the notable woodcarvers at Ila-Òràngún. Oba Ofinni Aniloye, the monarch, was so impressed with Gbógunjókõ’s carving that he gave him Adénùmí his daughter in marriage.5 AdenumI bore him Dàda, who combined farming with woodcarving. He was not a full time carver but his son Fákéye Àkóbí Ògún (ca. 1870-1945) was dedicated to the family craft. His devotion to it was partly responsible for the further development of woodcarving in the lineage.
4Àkóbí Ògún became quite famous at Ìlá-Òràngún but Làmidi his son (b. 1925) achieved greater fame as one of the heirs of the family craft and brought tremendous development to it. His achievements were greatly enhanced, not by the tradition that he inherited from his progenitors, but by his apprenticeship to Bámidélé of Osi and the Western influence spearheaded in 1947 by Rev. Father Kevin Carroll at the famous Oyé-Èkìtì Roman Catholic workshop. The chance meeting with Father Carroll saved his career, which at the time was near comatose, and gave it a new lifeline. Before this time, Làmídì’s experience as a woodcarver offered very little income and fulfilment. The years between 1930 and 1940 were particularly difficult for him because the demand for woodcarving had diminished as a consequence of the incursion and overwhelming influence of both Islam and Christianity in Yorubaland. Both religions regarded carvings as fetish and disapproved of the carving profession. This disapproval led to an appreciable decline in the followership of traditional religion. So woodcarvers who produced objects used in traditional worship could no longer find work to do and were consequently greatly impoverished. Làmídì tried his hands at different vocations in order to make ends meet.6 He later left Ìlá-Òràngún for Ìlórò-Èkiti where a certain Mr. Ògúnsùsi informed him of the art workshop set up by the Roman Catholic Mission at Oyé-Èkìtì. Ògunsùsì introduced him to George Bámidélé, the son of Àreògún of Osí-Ìlorin, who, in turn, introduced him to Father Carroll in 1949. Carroll later facilitated Làmídì’s apprenticeship to Bámidélé by admitting him into the workshop where the artist who thought himself a master carver at Ìlá-Òràngún, became a pupil woodcarver at Oyé-Èkìtì. He realized that his style was not better than that of his new master and subjected himself to more training in order to become a good carver like Bámidélé. As he confessed:
I knew that I already had the techniques and skills necessary but I recognized that my ideas were raw and could only be used advantageously if exposed and properly monitored.7
5From then on Làmidi took Bámidélé’s words on woodcarving as gospel truth and following his directions, he became a proficient carver. Father Carroll, recognizing Làmídì’s skills, had some projects allocated to him. They were mostly Christian projects-the theme was Christian but the form was Yorùbá – which he produced between 1950 and 1954. From 1955 to 1974, he produced postworkshop carvings8, which brought him into the limelight.
6Since his eventful encounter with Ògunsusi, Bámidélé and Carroll, Làmidi has been able to build upon old forms, which he applied to new repertoire. He acquired a new status and was also able to eclipse the feats of his forebears. Today he is a reference point in his lineage, in Ila-Orangiin and among Yorùbá woodcarvers.9 Kojo Fosu describes Làmidi as a “fillip to the neo-traditional revival”10. He is also a rallying point within his family and it is through him that an additional artistic tradition was established in the Fákéye family. Other carver-members of the Fákéye lineage, namely, Joseph (b. 1927), Akinlabí (b. 1941), Ganiyu (b.1939), Bisi (b. 1942), Azeez (b.1964?) and Akeem (b. 1974) have benefited from his wealth of experience and, through him, have been able to acquire skills different from those of their forefathers.
7Joseph Fákéye is the immediate younger brother of Làmídì. He was born at a time when his father was carvi ng a part of the 1927-door at the Òràngún of Ila’s palace11. He did not go to any elementary school but had learnt woodcarving at the age of twelve. Like Làmídì, his practice after apprenticeship was also threatened by loss of relevance and lack of patronage. However, Làmídì’s luck and greater exposure became fillips to his artistic development. In the late 1950’s, Làmidi took Joseph to Oyé-Èkìtì to assist him in completing some of the commissions that Father Carroll provided him with. It was while he assisted Làmidi that Joseph had the opportunity of improving his skill and learning new techniques. He studied the techniques of the carvers at the workshop, especially since the techniques were quite different from those he and the other Fákéye family members inherited from their grandfather. He remained with Làmidi between 1958 and 1968 until he had acquired adequate skill to enable him to stand and to further develop on his own. In 1968 he moved from Làmídì’s studio to establish his own at Òréméjì, Coca-cola area, in Ìbàdàn, Oyo State, Nigeria12, where he continues to carve wood in the Yorùbá style. He restricts himself to carving different traditional themes such as devotees of Yorubá gods, namely, Sango, Òsanyìn, Ogún and Oya. He also carves figures depicting babalawo (Ifa diviner), Olode (hunter), Arugbd (calabash-bowl carrier), Oba (monarch) and Abiyamo (mother and child or motherhood).
8Next to Joseph is Ganiyu Alawode Fákéye (b. 1941). His mother hails from Ekan13, a town in-between Òmù-Àrán and Òtùn area of Kwara State, where the artist spent his childhood. He had no formal education; therefore he had to learn a craft. In 1958, Gàníyù left Ekan for Ìlá-Òràngún for two reasons: He desired to be with his siblings, and he wished to identify with the family’s woodcarving tradition. His return was timely. Làmídì, his elder brother, who had just returned home from the Roman Catholic workshop at Oyé-Èkìtì where he had been apprenticed and had made a significant impact, met him and encouraged him to go with him to Òndó, his new base. Làmidi had already taken Joseph his brother and Akinlabí, his nephew, to work with him at Òndó and they were already doing well. Encouraged by their performance, Làmidi was determined to launch yet another brother into artistic prominence. Gàníyù worked with Làmidi from 1958 to 1960, had a break from then till April 8, 1964 when he rejoined Làmídì’s studio to continue to master the craft that had become a family heirloom. At his residence at Adamasingba (1967-72), which also doubled as his studio he began to work on his own carving for both local and international patrons. He later moved to Omítówojú (1972-79), Ire-Akárí (1979-83?) and, finally, to Ináléndé (1983-present), all in Ìbàdàn. His notable works in public institutions include the house posts in the office complex of the Co-operative Bank, opposite Ajé House, Ìbàdàn. These are highly illustrative of the Yorubá woodcarving tradition. Azeez his son (b. 1964?) is following in his footsteps and shares his Omítówojú studio with him. Here father and son continue to carve for both local and international patrons14.
9Ibrahim Akinlabí, born at Ìlá-Òràngún in 1939, is the grandson of Fákéye Àkóbí Ògún, Làmídì’s father. He had a brief primary education before he was attracted to woodcarving by the immense success Làmídì and his other uncles had recorded as Yoruba woodcarvers. Although Adéwuyì his father and Fákéye Àkóbí Ògún his grandfather had taught him woodcarving at a tender age, it was Làmidi who taught him the style that is the hallmark of his career today. According to Làmídì, “I taught him woodcarving (between 1958 and 78) in Òndó and Ìbàdàn”. For twenty years15 Làmídì taught him new techniques, which Làmidi himself had acquired at the Oyé-Èkìtì workshop. This transmission of ideas from the Osí (Òpin?)-Èkìtì masters to Làmidi and later to Akinlabí and the other Fákéye siblings had a multiplier effect on later apprentices. Akinlabí trained people like Isaac Kómoláfe (now, according to Akinlabí, practising woodcarving in the United States of America) and Ayò Bánkólé, now a seasoned woodcarver at Inálénde in Òde-Òóló area of Ibadan, Oyo State. Other apprentices included Olálékan Agbóládé, Múkailà16 and Nùrénì Lawal.17 Most significant, however, is the way he monitored the artistic development of one of his sons, Akeem (b. Iáléndé, Ìbàdàn. 1974). Akeem has shown great skill in woodcarving. He attended Abadina Primary School at University of Ìbàdàn, and later Orogún Grammar School, Ìbàdàn (1987-1992). He started learning woodcarving in 1987 while he was still in school and has in the course of sixteen years cultivated his own style. Unlike his father who carves large objects, including massive house posts, doors and masks, most of Akeem’s carvings are miniature pieces. The differences in scale notwithstanding, Akeem’s carvings are small prototypes of the traditional forms that were handed down to him by his father.
10These heirs to the Fákéye family craft tradition were able to learn and master the Èkìtì style introduced to them by Bámidélé through Làmídì. Most of the Ekiti woodcarvings are very large, robust and usually heavily embellished with traditional motifs. Their themes were mostly war anecdotes and scenes of village life, illustrative of human figures in culturally determined sex roles. In contrast, the works of the forebears of the Fákéye lineage are smaller statuary (plate 1), leaner house posts (plate 2) and sparsely embellished sculptures. However, it is from these sources that the contemporary Fákéye woodcarvers derive their artistic origin and development.
11An examination of the typologies of the repertoire of the contemporary carver- members of the Fákéye family suggests that they are a product of two major artistic influences, those of their forebears and those of the northeastern Yoruba woodcarvers. The latter have informed the major changes that have evolved in their artistic production over time. Some other socio-cultural factors, including religion and western education, have also influenced the craft of their carvings. Using a comparative approach, this study highlights paradigms of these observable influences and aspects of thematic and stylistic conformity to Yorubá woodcarving tradition. In addition, it explores the stylistic and incremental changes in the ensembles of the Fákeye woodcarvers. Put differently, this study elucidates the old and the new in the works of the Fákéye against the backdrop of identifiable influences and the legacy they inherited from their forefathers.
Sea-bound rivers re-call the echoes of the mountain18
12Part of the legacy bequeathed to the contemporary woodcarvers of the Fákéye family and their Osí masters is the production of popular themes in Yorubá woodcarving. Ìbejì figures (twin statuettes), jagunjagun (warrior on horseback), abiyamo (mother and child or motherhood), Olúmeye (Gift presenter or caregiver), babaldwo (Ifa priest/diviner), Opon Ifa (diviners board), Èsu (the trickster god), Sango (the god of thunder), and Ìya (goddess of the river and Sango’s wife) wood sculptures and a number of other religious icons and cult paraphernalia are classic Yorùbá woodcarvings that are kept alive in the repertoire of the Fákéye. They have continued to produce this variety of carvings despite the fact that the traditional religious practices that gave rise to them have drastically declined. Ibeji worship and the production of the requisite woodcarvings that enriched the twin cult in Yorubaland have almost disappeared. Similarly, Èsù figures are no longer commissioned because in the universe of Yorubá Christian or Muslim converts, Èsù is the devil that visits evil on mankind. The priest diviners of Orunmila (“the only cult which at the moment is undergoing radical reorganisation”19), who used to make regular demands for requisite items such as opon and iroke for Ifa worship, have reduced their patronage. Similarly, the demands for the massive Epa/Eléfòn masks, which are popular in northeastern Yorubaland, have drastically waned with the decline in Epa performances. In the pre-1960’s, Làmídi Fákeye produced some imposing. Epa/ Eléfòn masks, which were used in context; but with the loss of patronage such large-scale carvings for religious use have since given way to smaller secular masks.
13As a rule, traditional Yorùbá woodcarvers maintain thematic tradition in their works. However, with the reduction in the demand for the old works, the woodcarvers of the Fákéye family now produce applied images on typological objects such as house posts, doors and other decorative panels, boxes, caryatid stools, tables, seated and genuflecting arugbá and olumèye (bowl carrier/caregiver) figures. They also produce free-standing images portraying Yorùbá kings and devotees of gods such as Sàngd, Ògun, Oya, Erinlè, Òrisà Oko and Òsanyìn. Other figural themes contained in their works and indicative of the Yorubá woodcarving tradition include mother and child, equestrian, flutist, and babaláwo (Ifá diviner).
14Yorubá door panels portray a variety of topics. However, the most common are scenes of ritual worship and cultural events. In the cultural scenes, genuflecting or dancing male and female devotees bearing gifts to the benefactor deities are portrayed in relief on door panels. Similarly, in the ritual scenes, the posture and attitude of devotees are illustrated20. Làmídi articulates this tradition in a carved panel (plate 3). The genuflecting worshipper is shown carrying in her hands a presentation bowl in front of a priest. The priest holds aloft in his two hands, two half open presentation bowls. The way in which Làmídì has articulated the Yorubá religious norm is noteworthy. Bóláji Ìdòwú notes that it is a breach of tradition if, in an open-air shrine, the priest is encircled by a throng of pushing and shuffling spectators and worshippers.21 Such overcrowding may disturb the ritual process, hence, the abhorrence. In conformity with this tradition, Làmidi has limited the number of figures portrayed on the door panel (plate 1) to a few important ones. In a similar carving by Ganíyù Fákéye (plate 4) overcrowding is also avoided and ample space has been left in-between the figures.
15Of great significance is the way the Fákéye woodcarvers have maintained, in conformity with the Yorubá style, the figures on door panels either in profile or frontal positions, and these are carved in low relief. The figures are ranked in terms of their relative importance. An important figure is usually placed at the centre of the panel, with the subsidiary figures flanking it on both sides. This style is evident in Yorubá woodcarving and is tagged “sympathetic rendering.”22
16Drewal states that a precise and accurate depiction of all essential features, such as hair, eyelids, nose, nostrils, hands, fingers, nails, and toes is paramount to Yorubá woodcarving.23 Thompson’s discussion on completeness pipe,24 one of the Yorubá aesthetic criteria, corroborates Drewal’s view and emphasizes the fact that the Yorubá consider a carving complete when the basic features of a human being are indicated. The Fákéye woodcarvers are aware of this aesthetic criterion and its implication in the Yorubá context and have articulated these essentials in their carvings. Although the figures are not very naturalistic, they allude to the morphology of an ideal human being as distinct from a handicapped person (abirùn) or Omolangidi, an ordinary doll (that which is not human).
17Artists may belong to the same school, train under the same hands and learn the same techniques and yet exhibit discernible differences in their works. The repertoire of the Fákéye proves this point and validates the notion that an artist is capable of making his own artistic statements. Thus, the degree of conformity to tradition and innovations varies according to the individual artists in the family.
18An examination of a number of statuary (free standing figures) made by the artists shows that, with the exception of Bísí’s carvings almost all the figures are fashioned after the Yorubá classic model: the heads are characteristically larger than the smaller body frames.25 Facial features, particularly the eyes, are well pronounced. The lips and noses are either moderately or grossly rendered, and the ears are prominently chiseled out from each side of the face. The other exception to these is the gigantic Odùduwà statue26 carved in 1987 by Làmidi with the assistance of Akinlabí at the Obáfémi Awólówò University, Ilé-Ifè. The scale of the figure and the sizes of the subsidiary figures tend to break the Yorubá stylistic cannon.
19Other indices of stylistic conformity in the works of the Fákéye include the representation of human figures in the prime of life (òdó27). The representation of human figures in the prime of life has its precedents in the naturalistic art of Ifè in which human figures were portrayed without wrinkles or blemish, and ugliness is decidedly avoided.28 Similarly, youthfulness of form is maintained in the carvings of the Fákéye (plates 5,6 and 7). Suggestion of advanced age is expressed through other visual means, such as the portrayal of figures in adult garments or in adult roles (as priests, mothers, monarchs, hunters and warriors). As Thompson rightly observes, “There are hints of maturity or even old age in details of dress, coiffure and regalia where represented. The boundaries of the generation in these cases are, however, blurred and kings and priestesses are rendered honorifically young.”29 In plate 5, a Yorubá monarch has been portrayed as if he were a. young boy; but his accoutrements and his royal paraphernalia such as Adé (crown) and irùkèrè (fly whisk), clearly and simultaneously indicate both his status and his age. This creative versatility is also demonstrated in the carving of a priest (plate 8). His face is rendered as that of a young boy; however, his half-shaved hairstyle, (reminiscent of the hairstyles of the Emesè or Ìlàrí30 of Ilé-Ifè and the Ilàri of Òyó), his regalia, and the pipe stuck in-between his lips suggest advanced age. It is important to note that only Bísí Fákéye, among the woodcarvers of the Fákéye family, seems to have successfully violated this aesthetic criterion. His representation of two women (plates 9 & 10) articulates the advanced age of the subjects.
20Apart from illustrating, in conformity with tradition, the age, features and identity of figural subjects, the posture, dress and attitude of devotees of gods at worship, the carvers of the Fákéye family also articulate the religious gestures of worshippers in their work. Such gestures include the presentation of a variety of gifts. Plate 3 (right panel and top left panel) shows women bringing requisite gifts to the shrines of traditional gods.
Old moons insist on the advent of new skies31
21Some transformations are noticeable in the works of the Fákéye as a result of the challenges of modernity. Drastic changes in the Yorubá traditional religious ethos and in other aspects of the cultural life of the people, which no longer require the old forms, have engendered the appearance of new forms from the ateliers of most of the woodcarvers in the lineage. In response to these stimuli, some stylistic, thematic and other innovations have evolved in the typology of masks, figures and other genres of carvings now produced by the Fákéyes. For instance, instead of the typical large Epa/Eléfòn masks, which most northeastern Yorùbá woodcarvers normally produce, the Fákéyes now make masks that are briefer and lighter in composition and weight. Of all the carver-members in the family, only Làmidi and Bisi appear to have introduced the new masks into their work. This is obviously due to their western education32 and greater exposure to traditions outside their own.
22The contemporary masks by Làmidi and Bísí Fákéye are of different types. Làmidi has carved some close and open-mouth (plate 11), pierced-pupil (plate 12) and open-eyelid (plate 13) types. Blade works and intricate patterns embellish the surface of the pierced-pupil type; in the open-mouth type there is an attempt to portray emotion in the starry eyes of the figure, suggesting fear, in contrast to the tranquil stance common to typical traditional Yorubá woodcarving. Similarly, anxiety33 is expressed in another carving, which bears formal aesthetic similarity to the legendary Festac ’77 mask. The embellished arch-shapes, which frame the head, chin and cheek of the pierced-pupil mask share strong stylistic similarities with the Festac’77 mask. The third mask captures the semblance of someone peeping from underneath a helmet. A common strand that runs through these mask types is the proficiency and consistency demonstrated by the carver in representing recognizable facial features. These apart, some decorative motifs, particularly patterns concentrated on the head, are another common feature. Facial marks are incised on the faces of two of the masks; but these are simply decorative and not necessarily indicative of the area of origin. The masks carved by Bísí Fákéye are three distinct types: abstracted masks (plates 14 and 15), a cubist mask type (plate 16), and a type combining both abstracted and naturalistic features (plate 17). A polished surface is maintained in plates 14, 15 and 16 but not in plate 17. in which blade marks and the grain of the wood are not smoothened out but left to create a natural aesthetic effect. Decorative motifs common to Yorubá woodcarving tradition are avoided in these carvings.
23Evidence of non-conformity to tradition is noticeable in some carvings of horseriders, particularly one of the three wise men, carved by Làmídì Fákéye at the Oyé-Èkìtì Roman Catholic Workshop in 1947 (see Fakeye et al 1996). Instead of carving the entire features, the artist has incorporated real tasseled ornaments to adorn both the rider and the horse. This makes it different from his early works (plate 18 and 19) and some later ones (plate 20). In spite of these differences, however, the scale of the carving is still very much Yorùbá. One could see evidence of some textual, qualitative and incremental changes in some of the equestrian figures carved by him, as in a turbaned warrior on horseback (plate 20), which is elaborately adorned with decorative patterns. Such profuse use of decorative motifs is peculiar to the present generation of Yorubá woodcarvers. Different too are the riders carved by Joseph (plate 21) and Akinlabí (plate 22). These examples have angular, square-like formats much unlike the round-edge types popularized by the Osí (Òpìn?34)-Èkìtì northeastern Yorubaland woodcarvers. Although a large number of carvings made by the Fákéyes consist of human figures, especially freestanding ones (which are now made in relatively smaller sizes for easy handling), some of the artists still carve a few house posts in the classic Èkitì-Yorùbá style. The contemporary house posts are, however, not as massive as those carved by the generation of Àreògún and Bámidélé.35
24Other transformations noticeable in the repertoire of the Fákéyes are in the themes. Although old themes, such as jaguvjagun (warrior), horse rider, abiyamo (mother and child or motherhood) and babaláwo, among others are still reflected in their works, new themes have been introduced and seem to be dominant in more recent works. Some of the new themes appear to have been derived from the later religious inclinations of the woodcarvers. For instance, Làmídì, a Muslim convert, has introduced Islamic themes into his carvings. A house post carved by him (plate 23) indicates a Muslim (top figure) holding a string of prayer beads; below this image is a turbaned northern warrior holding a spear. Other significant changes; observable in his work are the incremental transformation of two-tier house posts to three tiers and the change from using large single figures to two or three figures in a single post (plate 24). Although the other woodcarvers have also been innovative by introducing more themes, like palm-wine tapper, and drummers36, the most radical of the woodcarvers in the Fákéye family is Bísí Fákéye, whose themes and style seem to violate the Yorùbá canon.
25Bísí Fákéye is an artist whose post apprenticeship efforts have been geared towards making individual and autonomous artistic expressions distinct from the traditional forms he had learnt to carve under the tutelage of his uncle, Làmídì. As an artist trained in the traditional apprenticeship system, Bisi started by carving a number of objects in the traditional mode. Much of his early works consist of carvings portraying samples of Èkìtì themes. A number of his works also portray subjects from Yorubá village life, such as a woman pounding yam; a woman carrying a bundle of firewood on her head; a farmer carrying a hoe on his shoulder, with a basket covering his head, in a manner characteristic of persons going to the farm; a woman using a grinding stone; and a palm wine tapper in the openwork panel. The works of the carvers of northeastern Yorubaland had an influence on Bísí’s early carvings, due to his apprenticeship background. However, his later works indicate a fresh orientation, which emanated from Lagos where the artist has established a studio after his training and stint with Làmídì, his uncle. Almost all his later works available for this study are new in character. His masks are either naturalistic or abstracted, and all are small facemasks carved of very light wood. These masks are quite different from the typical massive Èkìtì types. Bisi seldom carves house posts; but door panels appear to be his occasional pastime.37 Some of the door panels he has made include the openwork types (plate 25), in which he has tried to represent aspects of Yorubá village life, such as a woman pounding food in a mortar, or a woman carrying a baby strapped to her back. Here he also illustrates a farmer with a hoe hung on his shoulder and a basket covering his head, in the manner of village or farm people going to the farm to till the land or harvest crops. On the same panel, Bisi illustrates other aspects of village life, like a woman carrying a bundle of firewood on her head, perhaps just returning from the farm, being relieved by a man of a gourd she was carrying in her hand. Another woman is shown grinding a substance on a raised grinding stone. These anecdotes are clearly reminiscent of the village life that Bisi was accustomed to as a young boy at Ìlá-Òràngún; they characterized his early works before he became fully integrated into Lagos life.
26The carvings Bisi began to produce in Lagos are totally different from what he produced before then, and these articulate his revolutionary artistic statements. Here, Bisi began to experiment with forms and seemed inclined to carve figures that are stylized, abstracted and, in some cases, elongated. In all these representations he does not conform to the classic Yorubá style.38 Rather, he continues to fashion images in response to environmental and other influences, as well as to his own aesthetic impulses. When Bisi left Làmídì’s studio in the late 1960s, he met and began to share ideas with a group of new breed contemporary artists, particularly those trained in contemporary formal art schools. These artists with their avant-garde ideas influenced and helped to redirect Bísí’s creative sensibility. Their artistic freedom, which Bisi admired but regretted that he did not enjoy as an apprentice and traditional woodcarver, encouraged him to adopt their approach to art practice. Thus, while maintaining his position as a woodcarver keeping to the profession of his lineage and respecting the ancient ideas popularized by the carvers of northeastern Yorubaland, Bísi embraced the avant-garde methods of the Lagos crowd and felt compelled to continually search for new ideas and generate new repertoire. He was convinced of the need to explore new frontiers in order to meet contemporary demands and, more importantly, for him to identify, define and develop his creative identity distinct from the signature style of his siblings and perhaps those of other Yorubá artists. This philosophy and exegesis inform the foreground of his creative output from the mid-80s to the present.
27The carving, “Womanity” (Plate 9), shows a nude female figure, holding her breasts in her hands. Though carved in a fairly naturalistic style, the proportions of the parts of the body are not exactly naturalistic but are nevertheless discernible. Instead of embellishing the form in a manner characteristic of the Yorubá woodcarving style, the pattern created by the blade works have been retained to give an aesthetic effect similar to embellishments. Another female figure titled “Maiden” (plate 10) is also in the same semi-naturalistic style. In contrast to the nudity of form characteristic of classic Yorubá woodcarving and reflected in “Womanity”, garments are suggested on the “Maiden”. A wrapper tied round her body covers her up to the chest and a sash is used to hold it in place at the waist. In another work (plate 26), an abstracted female figure, with her arms encircling her distended, protruding stomach, assumes a position suggestive of supplication. The work, aptly titled “Humble Giver”, is one of the artist’s many works that comment on womanhood. The swollen stomach of the female figure is a metaphor for procreation and care giving. Procreation alludes to woman as the presenter of a child-gift from her womb to populate mankind, and as a caregiver in Yorubá traditional society. The woman presents, among other things, gifts in a bowl to visitors. The presentation bowl is either carried in her arms or placed on her head, hence the generic nomenclature, Arugbá, given to such carvings. Other metaphors noticeable in the form are the dilated breasts with their flattened top, which suggest vessels (reminiscent of filled calabashes), which are also used for the presentation of gifts. The head of the figure is stylized, and facial features, with the exception of the lips, are suggested with rope-like lines.
28“The Acrobats” (plate 27) further distinguishes Bísí’s works from those of his brothers and nephews, and further confirms his revolutionary artistic inclinations. Two intertwined figures are discernible in this work, although only the head and the interlocking arms appear to have been fairly defined. The fluidity of the intertwined figures has a parallel in another carving by the artist titled “Divorce" (plate 28). The undulating contours of the head and the arched back of the figure synchronise with the protrusion of the bottom while the legs taper towards a thin end. The chin of the figure raised in the air is significant. It articulates the theme of the carving – “Divorce”39 and highlights Bísí’s talent as a satirist and caricaturist. Other works of the artist which do not conform to the traditional Yorubá style and theme but communicate Yorubá thought and ideas and answer contemporary demands, especially those of his cosmopolitan patrons, include “Máfòwúròsere"40 “Ayégbegé” and “Alright Sa.”41 These carvings are comments on social phenomena, indigenous philosophy and cultural ethos and ethics. They also distinguish Bísí’s artistry and enunciate his dexterity as a social critic. As a vanguard of Yorubá ideas, Bisi found Lagos to be a suitable environment to develop and make use of his creative talent for meaningful changes.
Conclusion
29Bísí’s ideas and forms clearly set him apart from his siblings. His works no longer articulate the styles and themes evident in the works of his forebears nor replicate the classic Èkìtì styles advanced by Làmídì, his master and uncle. Instead, they manifest the influence of avant-garde contemporary motifs and echo images of cosmopolitan Lagos. Such transformations and innovations in Bísí’s works, which are an index of modernity, are the result of cross-cultural influences. Làmidi and Akinlabí are the two other carver-members of the Fákéye family who have introduced concepts different from the genres peculiar to the Yorubá woodcarving tradition. The foreign subjects that Làmidi has introduced into his repertoire include the seated Kuba figures illustrated in Fákéye et al, 1996. The figures, although foreign in theme, conform to the Yorubá stylistic canon. Day (1999) documents an example of Akinlabí’s works that are new in character. His avant-garde depiction of Yemoja (a Yorùbá sea goddess) based upon the image of a mermaid (a figure with the top half female, the bottom half fish) indicates his ability to envision new forms and fresh concepts using the traditional style which he acquired during his apprenticeship. The head of the figure (down to the waist) and the arms are entirely in the Yorubá classic style but the remaining part of the body assumes an aquatic form. Although there is evidence of the combination of anthropomorphic and aquatic motifs in Yorubá art, specifically in some relief doors showing figures with mudfish legs, as documented by Leo Frobenius (1912), such representations, which appear to be a brief intercourse with other trad itions, are clearly innovations in traditiona’ wood sculpture in the round.
30The examples of Làmídì and Akinlabí illustrate instances of departure from the Yoruba woodcarving tradition. Both have been exposed to other traditions: they spent the early part of their apprenticeship period carving Christian themes in traditional style for the Roman Catholic Church before revisiting Yorùbá traditional themes. The departure was very brief and the two artists have Since resumed carving in the Yorùbá style. The strong conformity to tradition evident in the repertoire of other carver-members of the Fákéye lineage, namely, Joseph, Gàníyù and the budding ones, Akeem and Azeez, are indications of revival, replication and reproduction of tradition and commitment to its continuity.
31How then does one categorize artists, such as the Fákéye woodcarvers who, though, trained in the apprenticeship system now work in a contemporary ambience? By their training, and judging from the vernacular of their oeuvre, they are simply neo-traditional42 artists. By the term “traditional”, we mean art forms and artists emanating fronrairlndigenous setting and exhibiting artistic canon peculiar to an indigenous culture. Although an artist trained in the indigenous culture may exhibit external influences in his/her work, once the overwhelming feature in the pot pourri of his/her creative endeavours elucidate the indigenous genre, the artist should invariably be seen as an indigenous, traditional or neo-traditional artist. With the exception of Bisi, this is the case with most of the wood carvers of the Fákéye family, who continue to carve in the tradition bequeathed them by their forebears and the Osi-Ìlorin/Èkìtì,43 northeastern Yorubaland woodcarvers. The terms “traditional”, “indigenous” or “neo-traditional” apply to them. They contrast sharply with modern or academic artists who, Bruce Onabrakpeya notes, “are restless, always reaching for new scientific discoveries which they hope to incorporate in their studio productions.” In contrast to the academic artists, who ‘/are multi-faceted in their artistic and cultural outlook, at once local, regional, national and perhaps transnational.44 the woodcarvers of the Fákéye family work comme il faut according to the artistic programme taught them, allowing for incremental changes and dynamic idioms peculiar to their immediate environment and culture.
1a. 1b

Plate 1a & b: Ibeji Figurines, carved by Adewumi Fakeye
(ca. 1940.) Photograph credit: Lamidi Fakeye 1996
2

Plate 2: Door panel showing devotees of local gods in shrine ambience. Artist: Lamidi Fakeye (ca. 1995/96)
Dimension: 105 x 32
ca. 1940 Photograph credit: Ronke Adesanya 1997
3

Plate 3: Carved Container (Vanity box) showing worshippers Artist: Ganiyu Fakeye
4

Plate 4: Houseposts carved by Gbogunjoko, Lamidi Fakeye’s grandfather. The piece according to museum reports is over 100 years old. It was collected by the National Museum Lagos in 1952.
5

Plate 5: A drummer and a monarch.
The figures are represented in the prime of life
Artist: Joseph Fakeye
Photograph: Collection of the Artist
6

Plate 6: Oya (surmounting a kneeling youth).
Artist: Lamidi Olonade Fakeye
Date: 1996/97
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya, 1997.
7

Plate 7: Carvings by Akeem Fakeye
From left to right: a flutist and two hunters, arugba (bowl carrier) and a farmer
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya, 1997
8

Plate 8: A male priest standing on crouching youth
Artist: Akinlabi Fakeye
Date: 1986
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya, 1997
9

Plate 9: “Womanity”
Artist: Bisi Iyiola Fakeye
Date: 1996
Location: Universal Arts Studio, National Arts Theatre, Lagos
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya
10

Plate 10: “Maiden”
Artist: Bisi Iyiola Fakeye
Date: 1995
Location: Universal Arts Studio, National Arts Theatre, Lagos
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya, 1998
11

Plate 11: Face Mask (Open month and pierced pupil type)
Artist: Lamidi Fakeye
Date: 1997
Photogranh- Ronke Adesanya
12

Plate 12: Face Mask (Pierced pupil type)
Artist: Lamidi Fakeye
Date: 1997
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya
13

Plate 13: Face Mask “Peeping Tom”
Artist: Lamidi Fakeye
Date: 1997
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya, 1997
14

Plate 14: Abstracted Mask
Artist: Bisi Iyiola Fakeye
Date 1996
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya, 1998
15

Plate 15: Mask “thinker”
Artist: Bisi Iyiola Fakeye
Date 1996
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya, 1998
16

Plate 16: Mask in cubist style
Artist: Bisi Iyiola Fakeye
Date 1992
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya, 1998
17

Plate 17: Mask “untitled”
Artist: Bisi Iyiola Fakeye
Date 1995/96
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya, 1998
18

Plate 18: Horserider
Artist: Lamidi Olonade Fakeye
Date: 1945
Photograph credit: Lamidi Fakeye, 1996
19

Plate 19: Horserider
Artist: Lamidi Olonade Fakeye
Date: 1947
Photograph credit: Lamidi Fakeye, 1996.
20

Plate 20: Horserider
Artist: Lamidi Fakeye
Date: 20th Century
Photograph credit: Fakeye et al, 1996
21

Plate 21: Horserider
Artist: Joseph Fakeye
Date: 1978
Photograph credit: Collection of the artist
22

Plate 22: Horserider
Artist: Akinlabi Fakeye
Date: ca. 1989/90
Photograph credit: Akinlabi Fakeye
Photo: Ronke Adesanya
23

Plate 23: Housepost at I. A. S. University of Ibadan
Artist: Lamidi Olonade Fakeye
Date: 20th Century
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya
24

Plate 24: Two-tiered houseposts
Artist: Lamidi Fakeye
Date: 1996/97
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya
25

Plate 25: ’Carved Panel (Open-work type showing people in a village setting
Artist: Bisi Iyiola Fakeye
Date: 20th century
Photograph: RonkeAdesanya
Location: Lagos. Collection of the artist
26

Plate 26: “Humble Giver”
Artist: Bisi Iyiola Fakeye
Date: 1993/94
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya
27

Plate 27: “The Acrobats”
Artist: Bisi Iyiola Fakeye
Date: 20th century
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya
28

Plate 28: “Divorce”
Artist: Bisi Iyiola Fakeye
Date: 20th century
Photograph: Ronke Adesanya
Notes de bas de page
1 Lamidi Fakeye, oral communication, Ile-Ife November 3, 1995.
2 Ibid.
3 Adesanya, A. A, The Fakeye Family and Contemporary Yoruba Woodcarving, Unpublished PhD Thesis, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, 1999, p. 88.
4 Ibid.
5 Lamidi Fákéye, personal communication, January 1996. See a related account in Fakeye et al Lamidi Olonade Fakeye: A Retrospective Biography, Holland Michigan, 1996, Also see Adesanya op. cit, p. 88.
6 He tried tailoring, barbing, sawing and bicycle repairing (Adesanya op. cit, p. 97).
7 Fakeye, op. cit, p. 96.
8 These carvings were mostly for secular purposes.
9 The works of scholars who have mentioned in passing, Làmidì Fákéye’s significant position in the history of Yorùbá woodcarving include Carroll, K., Yoruba Religious Carvings: Pagan and Christian Sculpture in Nigeria and Dahomey, London, Geoffrey Chapman, 1967; Beier, U. Contemporary Art in Africa. London, Pall Mall Publishers, 1968; Mount, M. African Art: The Years Since 1920. Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1973; Fosu, K. 20th Century Art of Africa. Zaria, Gaskiya Corporation, 1986; Kennedy, J. (eds.), New Currents Ancient Rivers: Contemporary African Artists in a Generation of Change, Washington, Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992.
10 Fosu, op. cit, pp. 112, 115.
11 Adesanya, op. cit, p. 101.
12 Ibid, p. 102.
13 Ibid, p. 103.
14 Ibid, p. 104.
15 Although Akinlabí states that he spent 17 years with Làmídì, one tends to agree with Làmídì’s date if one reconciles 1958 the time Làmídì took him from Ìlá-Òràngún to Òndó to work on a project that was not concluded until 1962 at Ìbàdàn with the 1962-79 date given by Akinlabí.
16 According to Akinlabí, Nureni is now deceased. (Oral information, Bárikà Ìbàdàn March 16, 1997), See Adesanya, op. cit, p. 107.
17 His present location could not be ascertained at the time of writing this paper.
18 Níyì Òsundáre, “Talking Without Words” In Horses of Memory, Nigeria, Heinemann Educational Books Pic, 1998, pp. 108.
19 Bóláji Ìdòwú, Olodumare: God in Yoruba Belief System, London, Longmans, 1996, p. 228.
20 Adesanya, op. cit, pp. 124-125.
21 Idowu, op. cit, p. 118.
22 Adesanya, op. cit, p. 125.
23 Drewal, H. J. African Artistry: techniques and Aesthetics in Yoruba Sculpture. Atlanta, High Museum of Art, 1980.
24 Thompson, R. F., Black Gods and Kings, 1971 gives an elaborate discussion on the Yorubá aesthetic criteria, including (pipe) completeness.
25 Adesanya, op. cit, p. 118. The head is usually half the size of the entire body. The significance and scale of the head in Yorubá art has been discussed in existing literature (See Carroll op. cit, Thompson, R. F., Black Gods and Kings: Yoruba Art in UCLA, Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1971; Drewal, H. J. African Artistry: Techniques and Aesthetics in Yoruba Sculpture, 1980, Atlanta, High Museum of Art; Lawal, B. The Significance of the Head in Yoruba Sculpture”, Journal of Anthropological Research, 1985, 4 (1) pp. 91-103 and Adesanya, op. cit, .
26 The sculpture fondly called Ere Abico by students of Adeyemi College of Education, Ondo, and natives of Ondo is mounted on a platform at the quadrangle of the College. See illustration in Fákéye op. cit, .
27 See Thompson, op. cit, Chapter 3/3 for his discussion on Ephebism (òdó).
28 The representation of human subjects in the prime of life in art is also found in Egyptian art except for the art of the revolutionary period of Pharaoh Akhernaten.
29 Ibid.
30 According to Fábùnmi M. A., Ife: The Genesis of Yoruba Race, Ikeja, Nigeria, 1985, John West Publications Limited, See Babáyemi, S. O., “Oyo Palace Organisation: Past and Present,” African Notes, Volume X, No.l, 1986, pp. 4-24.
31 Nlyi Òsundare, “Hope song In Horses of Memory 1998, pp. 113.
32 Bísí attended what was formerly known as Modern School while Làmídì, after his secondary education, apprenticeship to Bámidélé and a period of practice went to study stone carving at Ecole Des Beaux Art in Paris.
33 Note the striations on the eyelid, which suggest tired lines.
34 See Picton, J., “Sculptors of Opin,” African Art, 1994, 27 (3) pp. 46-59.
35 See examples of the large house posts that the duo of Àreògún and Bámidélé carved in their lifetime in Carroll op. cit, .
36 These themes are common to the repertoire of Ganiyu Fákéye, his son Azeez, and Akeem, Akinlabi’s son.
37 Adesanya op. cit, p. 132
38 The Yorùbá classic style or model is one that has the aesthetic qualities of the Yorùbá indexed by Thompson (1971) as comprising completeness (pípé), ephebism (òdó), balance (iddgba), relative mimesis (jíjiya), relative delicacy, relative straightness (gígún) and relative luminosity (dídán). The morphology of a figure carved in the typical Yoruba style should conform to, at least, the first three aesthetic criteria. It should also have a large head about a quarter of the figure over a dwarfed torso. Large head on a dwarfed torso in Yoruba woodcarvings is a carry-over from Ancient Ife Art.
39 This work and another titled “Destiny “commemorate the artist’s departure from tradition to avant-garde and contemporary visions.
40 The Yorubd abhor laziness, hence the saying “Máfowuròsere òre è mi, isé la fi n deni giga " meaning “My friend, seize the day, hard work commands good success and progress”.
41 This is an elongated nude male figure showing clenched fists. It is a satire on the behaviour of Lagos touts who make such gestures to people in order to obtain monetary gifts or favours from them.
42 The artists form a nexus between the past and the present. Their ouevre bestrides two traditions: the old (traditional) and the new (contemporary), hence the term “neo-traditional”.
43 Osí-Ìlorin or Osí-Òpìn is also referred to as Osí-Èkìtì because the town is in-between Èkìtì region and Ìlorin.
44 Chike Aniakor in a paper titled “Towards New Transformation of Idiom: Art as a Terrain of Creative (De) Construction East of Niger River.” Delivered at IFRA Workshop on “Art in Contemporary Nigeria...”, Trager, L. Art in Contemporary Nigeria: Transmission of Knowledge in Contemporary Nigeria (1960-2001), IFRA, Ibadan, 2001, p. 15.
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