Land for Housing in Amman: A Critical View
Terrains à bâtir à Amman : Approche critique
p. 477-497
Résumés
Toutes ces dernières années, Amman a été le témoin d’une forte demande pour la construction, particulièrement en matière de logement. Les autorités locales (la municipalité de Amman devenue celle du Grand Amman) ont fait un grand effort pour fournir des parcelles à bâtir, sans tenir compte des régulations exigées par les plans de développement de la ville dans son ensemble. Cela s’est traduit par le zonage de larges surfaces qui suffiraient à supporter un triplement de l’actuelle population de Amman, sans référence à la demande réelle en terrains ou aux exigences techniques de la planification. Les problèmes du foncier, du marché des terrains et finalement des politiques urbaines liées au logement, sont abordés pour souligner les moyens de satisfaire les besoins en logement des ménages à revenu faible ou limité les plus ignorés par les processus en cours.
In recent years, the city of Amman has witnessed a high demand on land, particularly for residential use. As a result, the Municipality of Amman and later the Greater Amman Municipality have put great efforts into supplying plots for new construction, without taking into consideration regulations required for implementing the plans prepared for developing the city as a whole. This led to zoning huge urban areas that would be sufficient for almost triple the city’s present population, without reference to the real demand on land or on technical planning requirements. The paper examines problems associated with land provisions for housing, the pattern of land tenure, zoning regulations and the land market. It also discusses options in land policies to satisfy housing needs of low and limited income households, which have largely been neglected up to now.
Texte intégral

INTRODUCTION
1Land is of vital significance to both the individual and the community. The individual needs land for shelter, work, education, health and recreation, and his welfare depends on the provision of land for these purposes in convenient locations and at an affordable price. For the community, decisions about where and when various patterns of development take place, are vital to ensure both economic efficiency and social equity.
2In recent years, cities all over the world, particularly the capital cities of developing countries, have suffered from high rates of urbanization. This trend is usually associated with weak administrative controls on land development, a low resource base for providing infrastructure and public services at adequate standards, and undeveloped markets for land and housing. Amman is one of those cities that suffer from the impact of urbanization. This is contributed to by a high rate of population growth (around 6 % per annum) due to high natural growth (3.2 % per annum) and mass migration waves (particularly after the Gulf war), which in turn aggravates the already uncontrolled urban spread and the high demand on land, particularly for residential use.
3The dilemma of Amman lies in the over-supply of zoned lands for new development, without taking into consideration the intricate relationship between actual needs for the proper development of the urban structure of the city, and the economic pressures exerted by land speculators. This situation of urban over-zoning, particularly zones A and B, which constitute around 64 % of the residential area of the city, as compared to only 14 % of zone D, has caused the rise of land prices, amorphous development of residential and non residential uses, and inefficient, very expensive infrastructure provision. The premature zoning of land for residential use has not only led to very scattered and inefficient use of existing investment, but also to the loss of valuable agricultural production from large tracts of arable land that are now subdivided and lying idle.
4Land is an important element in any housing provision. Very often, it makes up more than half the total cost of a housing unit, and can be a serious constraint or bottleneck in obtaining adequate housing, particularly for low and limited income families. These families have a difficult time in obtaining decent and affordable housing without some form of assistance.
5This paper will attempt to examine the problems associated with land provision for housing in the city of Amman. It will analyse the pattern of land tenure, the impact of zoning regulations, the land market, and will try to recommend a set of possible options for effective land policies and measures to satisfy housing needs, particularly for low and limited income families.
AN OVERVIEW OF LAND PROBLEMS IN AMMAN
6Amman is the capital of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, with a population of 1.32 million in the year 19911, which means that it is the most populated city in Jordan. It consists of an area of around 52 780 ha. The zoned land is 23 800 ha. Or 45 %, out of which 18 600 ha. is allocated for residential use or 78.2 %. The city of Amman constitutes 14 municipalities and 11 rural councils.
Fig.1

7In recent years, the city of Amman witnessed fast urban spread and high demand on land, particularly for residential use. As a result, local authorities (the Municipality of Amman and later the Greater Amman Municipality) put their efforts on supplying plots for new development. These measures did not take into consideration regulations required for implementing the plans prepared for the development of the city as a whole. In addition, they bore little reference to the real demand on urban land or technical planning requirements. This oversight resulted in zoning huge urban areas which is sufficient to accommodate almost triple the present population of the city.
8Plot areas in Amman vary from less than 300 sq.m. to those exceeding 50 000 sq.m. (i.e. 50 dunums). In general, plots with areas less than 3 000 sq.m. are mainly allocated for residential and urban use. Such plots constitute 89 % of the total number of plots but only 19 % of the total area of the city. Table 1 shows the classification and number of plots less than 3 000 sq.m. (3 dunums).
Table 1
Classification of Plots According to Size in Amman

Source: Housing and Urban Development Corporation, Department of Land and Surveys (DLS) 1991, Land Reconnaissance Survey, p. 173.
9The above table shows that plots with areas less than 300 sq.m. make up 14 % of the total number of plots in Amman and only 3 % areawise. Plots ranging between 300 and 499 sq.m. are 22 % of the total number of plots and 10 % of the area. This means that plots of less than 500 sq.m. constitute only 13 % of the total area. Considering that the majority of such plots are occupied by low-income groups who, generally speaking, form a large percentage of the population of Amman, reveals the demand on small plots for the benefit of low-income groups, as well as the shortage of such plots.
10Table 2 shows the classification of plots according to their area within the Greater Amman Municipality and some adjoining regions. The table also shows the scarcity of small plots (less than 500 sq.m.).
Table 2
Land Plots Area Distribution in Amman

Source : HUDC, DLS, 1991, Land Reconnaissance Survey, p. 176
11The residentially-zoned area within Greater Amman is 18600 ha., whereas the actually occupied area in the year 1986 was 46889 ha (or 25.2 %). Zones A and B2 constitute around 64 % of the residential area, though by 1985, only 20 % was occupied, while zone D, 14 % of the residential area, is 50 % occupied. Fig. 2 shows the distribution of registered residential areas in Greater Amman.
Fig. 2

Source: Greater Amman Comprehensive Development Plan, Amman, 1987.
12The state owns 44318 dunums within Greater Amman, covering 3905 plots which represent around 3 % of the total number of plots in the city.
Table 3
State Owned Land within Greater Amman Area

Source: Analytical Studies of the Lands within Greater Amman Municipality (DLS), 1991.
13The currently zoned area in Greater Amman can accommodate around 3.5million inhabitants with normal average density. Yet, when this number is compared with occupancy by 1.32 million inhabitants in 1991, it demonstrates clearly that the total zoned area (which is presumably fully serviced) far exceeds the expected market demand, probably for the coming twenty years.
14The Comprehensive Development Plan for Greater Amman does not make provision for additional A and B zoned residential areas, as the demand assumptions indicate that only 20 % of zoned land for these housing categories will be occupied by the year 2005. Limited areas for C zoned housing are included in the proposed residential areas mainly to legalize existing and committed sub-division plans. Finally, the majority of new residential land is for D zoned housing, reflecting the anticipated shortage of land for this category of housing during the plan’s period.
15In specific areas, where new development does not conform with present A and B zoning regulations, the Comprehensive Development Plan recommended that the regulations be relaxed to allow for the higher population density and relatively lower standard development to continue.
16The Comprehensive Development Plan suggested that no further housing projects be permitted beyond the limits of zoned residential areas, and that within areas designated for popular housing projects for lower income families, design and planning standards should be relaxed to permit more economic development.
17Figure 3 illustrates the distribution of zoned areas within the Greater Amman area. It shows the dominance of zones A and B in comparison with zones C and D.
Fig.3
Distribution of Zoned Areas Within Greater Amman

Source: HUDC & DLS, Land Reconnaissance Survey, 1991, p. 184.
18Figure 4 shows the relatively high occupancy of zones C and D in comarison with zones A and B. This reflects the need to provide more C and D plots to comply with the needs of low income families.
Fig. 4: Built up Areas in Amman.

Source: HUDC & DLS, Land Reconnaissance Survey, 1991. p. 187.
19In conclusion, it is very clear that there is a vast oversupply of vacant, serviced residential land in Amman, but this land is mostly in A and B zones and cannot be used for middle or lower income housing. The process which creates this type of land is continuing. There is a corresponding under-supply of vacant, serviced land which is appropriate for middle and low-income families. Currently there are only minor efforts being made to correct this imbalance. If plots smaller than the minimum allowed for D plots were to be created, this would release a flood of pent-up demand. A jump in demand for vacant plots would also occur if more families had access to some form of financing for land purchase. The most important hurdle to overcome in securing decent housing is obtaining a suitable and legal plot of land at an affordable price. The cost share of land in Amman is generally around 40 % of the total cost of a housing unit.
20Furthermore, due to excessive master planning, there are now large residential areas which are almost empty, but which must be serviced, making for a very inefficient use of existing investment. Methods to encourage efficient development and cost-recovery are not really used. There is at present no incentive not to hold and speculate on vacant residential land. Existing regulations and taxing measures actually encourage serviced land to remain under-utilized.
21Direct government intervention in residential land has only been tried timidly, nor does it appear that such efforts would be successful from a housing point of view. The one exception is the Urban Development Department’s sites and services projects, whose positive and innovative elements could be applied on a wider and more flexible basis.
SYSTEM OF LAND TENURE
22Existing patterns of land tenure in Jordan are traditional and derive basically from the Islamic law (sharî‘a) and the Ottoman Code of 1858. Prior to the formation of the Kingdom in 1921, there were two dominating types of land tenure in practice:
Amîri land, which belonged to the state and included arable and desert lands. The state exercised ultimate control over this land, imposed taxes on individuals for using it, and retained full rights even when the land was freely sold or purchased.
The Tafwedh or unalienable lands, which were originally of the amîri type but where full ownership rights were granted through the governor to individuals or tribal groups.
23Present land categories were established by Article 1 of the land settlement law of 1933. They comprise:
State domain, this type includes lands owned by the public sector, such as the military, various ministries, parastatal groups and public enterprises. Such relinquished land possesses high development potential but is either vacant or under-utilized.
Mîri land, which is mainly arable and agricultural land located outside municipal boundaries. Here the land-holder has the full right to use and invest in the land, but does not have the right to sell it or transfer it.
Waqf or endowed land whose ownership cannot be transferred from the possession of an owner or his descendants. There are, however, two subcategories related to this pattern of tenure: lands endowed to charitable or religious institutions, and land bequeathed solely for the heirs.
Tribal lands whose ownership has been granted by the monarchy to various tribal groups. Tribal land is usually held in common and every member is allocated a share as needs arise3.
Mulk land, which is located within municipal boundaries and owned under full private ownership rights or freehold, whether by an individual, limited joint holdings, or collective shareholdings (mushâ‘)4.
24Although the land settlement law of 1933 has contributed to a determination of titles to land, mushâ‘ is still registered in the name of individual shareholders, and the fragmentation of land ownership is consolidated by law. Eventually, reallocation of land to reflect changes in the community becomes quite impossible and no effective measures for rationalizing such changes are included in the law. Fragmentation of land continues to increase as joint land holdings become common. This problem is further aggravated by the traditional inheritance law. In certain situations, however, the superimposition of modern concepts of private land ownership on traditional land tenure systems has necessitated special intervention by the state, and the development of specific legal and administrative tools to overcome land tenure problems.
25In the city of Amman, there are some 130 470 plots of different size and shapes. 97 % of the plots are privately owned. Table 4 shows the classification of plots according to their area and number of owners. The state owns about 3 905 plots covering an area of 4 432 ha. The low rate of state ownership of land within the city of Amman is primarily due to the substantial sale of large tracts to private developers. This signifies the priority which the government has placed on modifying the structure of land tenure in favour of private ownership. Such a policy seems to make the pursuit of rational land use policies extremely difficult.
Table 4
Distribution of Land Plots According to Number of Owners : Greater Amman Municipality

m.s: Square meter
d: Dunum
Source: HUDC and DLS, 1991 Land Reconnaissance Survey, p. 174
CO-OWNERSHIP OF PLOTS
26In Jordan, land may be registered in the name of multiple co-owners. According to data compiled from the Department of Lands and Surveys, and real estate brokers in 1985, about 40 % of plots registered in A and B zones in Amman were co-owned, as were about 20 percent of plots registered in C zones. Often, co-owners were of the same family. Owners sometimes registered their plots in the names of their heirs in order to prevent them from having to pay the land transfer tax.
27Co-ownership is also increasingly being used to reduce the cost of plot purchase and development. Two or more individuals may divide a plot into shares. If the shares are larger than the minimum plot size called for by the zoning regulations then each owner can obtain a separate building permit, and full legal title to his own plot and building. If the shares are smaller than the minimum zoning size, the owners may obtain a building permit for one multi-family building (not separate buildings) to fit within the required zoning package. The co-owners may decide amongst themselves which parts of the plot and building are allocated to whom, but this division has no legal standing.
28In reality, co-owners are now frequently building separate dwelling structures even though their shares of the plot are smaller than the minimum legal size. This practice seems to be generally tolerated by municipal authorities. What is not clear is the extent of legal property rights available to an owner of a smaller than minimum plot share upon which a separate housing unit has been built. This suggests that owners of small plot shares may have occupancy rights but not legal property transfer rights. Also, such an owner may have difficulty in using his property share as collateral for a formal loan.
THE LAND MARKET
29Action on land for housing needs a basic understanding of the conditions governing the allocation of such land in the city. In most cities, there are various land markets, both formal and informal, which govern land allocation. These markets are often ill-understood. The land market, in general, is different from other types of markets because of the specific nature of land as an economic commodity. Land is not a homogeneous commodity, because every parcel of land is unique in terms of locational characteristics. The supply of land at a given location cannot be increased, for land cannot be transported. Land parcels are also rarely subject to decay, while structures and improvements on the land are. Decaying structures do not necessarily lower the price of land on which they are situated and may indeed increase its price in expectation of redevelopment.
30On the demand side, the land market in Amman has been driven by high population growth (over 6 % per year), new household formation (2.5 % per year), relatively high amounts of household savings (largely savings and remittances of Jordanians working abroad), investments in land and housing, and the traditionally high social value placed on land ownership.
31On the supply side, the government has affected the land market through designating new municipal areas, zoning, and infrastructure provision. The Municipality of Amman has prepared local land use plans for different parts of the city (known as Master Plans) and has extended infrastructure to most of them, even though housing development has been very sparse.
32In Amman, the land supply and demand market operates efficiently. There is a free flow of information on offerings and purchasers, and on price information in general, both within a particular area and city-wide. Transactions are formally and rapidly sanctioned by the Department of Lands and Surveys and security of tenure is absolute. Even in informal land markets which are not sanctioned by the government, there is a remarkable degree of common respect for land possession.
33In the past 15 years, effective (monetary) demand for land in Amman has increased at a rapid rate. This was mostly fuelled by:
The general economic boom (before the Gulf war), where the GNP grew by as much as 5.1 % per annum. This economic boom was simultaneous with a parallel construction boom.
The large volume of remittances from Jordanians working abroad and other family savings.
Speculation in land by individuals and companies seeking returns on investment higher than those found through banks and industrial, agricultural, or commercial enterprises. This speculative demand became self-propelled. As land prices increase, stories of overnight profits proliferated, drawing more individuals into the land sector.
A strong cultural desire on the part of families to own land as part of their patrimony, even though there is no immediate intention of exploiting it.
34This large effective demand for land was not only directed at subdivided land, but also at agricultural and pasture lands, especially where such lands were perceived to have a future urban or suburban use.
35The supply of land on the market (mostly residential) has been determined by the “master planning” of large areas of fringe agricultural and pasture land by the municipality. These plans were prepared as a consequence of the pressure exerted by land owners. The plans are usually not implemented in accordance with a phasing programme and are subject to a limited degree of control. In reality, these plans have been produced well in advance of known development needs, and are more a function of land speculation than of a desire to promote orderly, efficient, and appropriate development.
36There is no shortage of residential land in Amman. The overwhelming majority of newly-zoned land, however, invariably falls in the highest residential categories of A and B. These categories require respective minimum plot size of 1 000 sq.m. and 750 sq.m5.
37Given minimum plots sizes and high land prices, the extensive zoning of residential land in the A and B categories has been of little benefit to most middle and lower income groups. It has also provoked very scattered residential development requiring large subsidies in infrastructure, while, at the same time polarizing the city into separate socio-economic groups.
38The land market in Amman, therefore, is characterized by a paradox. On the one hand, there is an oversupply of serviced land zoned for large sized plots unaffordable for low and even most middle income groups. On the other hand, there is a shortage of land plots small enough to be affordable to the majority of Amman’s inhabitants. The issue of land affordability is a key element in determining the type and/or quality of housing unit that families can afford.
LAND PRICES
39The demand for land is intimately connected with its accessibility. In general, there is a direct relationship between the price of land and its overall accessibility. This accessibility is influenced, however, by two important factors: the location of adjacent economic activities and residences and location of services networks. Thus, the highest priced locations in the city are not necessarily located in its geographical centre. They may be off-centre and near important economic activities.
40The value of each parcel of land must take into account its unique features and attributes; its micro location with respect to topography, climate and services; its size and ownership status; what can be built on it; what permits are already available; its current use; legal or political difficulties in making use of it; restrictions governing its future use; historical structures which need to be preserved; difficulties in building on it; and whether it can be properly drained and serviced.
41Average land prices in Amman are higher than in other large cities in Jordan. In early 1987, indicative figures suggest that Amman’s land prices were around 50-100 % higher than in Irbid and around 300-500 % higher than in Karak or Ma‘an. These differences reflect the concentration of wealth and economic activities in Amman, and the fact that land in the city has been a main target of speculative investment. Table 5 shows estimates of market prices of land in numerous areas of Greater Amman in 1986. It gives a picture of the geographic variation per sq.m. of land prices.
Table 5
Price Ranges for Residential Land in Greater Amman, 1986

Source: Greater Amman Comprehensive Development Plan.
42It is extremely difficult to speculate on future land price trends in Amman. No projections based on past trends are possible, and future price levels will be linked, to a large extent, to external factors, such as the general economic and political situation in the region.
THE PROBLEM OF VACANT LAND
43It may appear illogical that there is a tremendous oversupply of vacant land in Amman and yet land prices have not collapsed to reflect this mismatch of supply with demand. The explanation lies in understanding the difference between gross supply and “effective” supply, or the amount of land which is actually put up for sale at any time. The prime factors which have tended to keep vacant plots of land off the market in Amman are:
The lack of monetary disincentives for holding unused land. There is no vacant land tax, municipal ground rent, or real property tax which applies to vacant plots, whatever the location or zoning type.
Due to sharî‘a inheritance laws, many plots of land have become share-owned (mushâ‘), making the decision to sell very difficult, since a consensus of all co-owners must be reached.
Culturally there is a propensity for Jordanian families to simply hold land as part of their patrimony, not to be easily sold or traded like capital goods.
The process of master planning and subdivision has resulted, for areas which were originally fragmented agricultural lands, in land holdings which are either very difficult to develop or whose land title cannot be determined.
44This problem of not selling vacant land keeps land prices artificially high and causes very inefficient urban development patterns. Moreover unlike land speculation, this problem does not decrease with a deflating market.
LAND COST AND HOUSING
45Land is an important element in the cost of housing. In Amman, land zoned for housing is expensive. Prices generally range between 10 JD/sq.m. in areas on the outskirts of Amman to more than 80 JD/sq.m. within more desirable A and B zoned areas6. Analysis of housing affordability in Amman for several types of housing units commonly built by the private sector, shows that the share of land cost in the total housing unit cost depends very much on the land price per sq.m. and the type of housing unit and plot size. For example, in a single 70 sq.m. unit on a minimum sized C or D zoned plot, the percentage for land cost ranges between 45 % to 80 % of the total housing unit cost. This is due to the increase in land prices from 10 JD/sq.m to 40 JD/sq.m. in zones C and D. For the same plot with maximum residential development of seven 70 sq.m. apartment units per plot, land costs ranged from 10 % to 30 % of total housing unit costs.
46Families in Amman face significant problems in obtaining affordable housing. These include the high cost of land, the high downpayment requirements for housing finance and high construction costs. High land prices and large minimum plot sizes required by existing zoning regulations have resulted in very high costs for the purchase of legal sized residential plots. Equally important, they have had a very significant impact on the way in which people build and the type of housing units produced. These expenses have led most housing units in Amman to be built as multi-unit buildings. Furthermore, no financial institution provides loans for the purchase of land in Jordan. Families are obliged to rely on inheritance, savings, remittances from relatives working abroad, inter-family loans and other cashed-in financial assets to obtain residential land on which to build. Studies show that it would need almost 50 years of savings to obtain a B zoned plot costing 25 JD/sq.m. and almost 30 years if the same plot cost only 15 JD/sq.m. (HUDC, DLS, 1991). Clearly land affordability to families who do not already own land, or who do not have considerable supplementary financial resources in addition to their incomes, is a serious constraint to obtaining decent and legal housing.
THE IMPACT OF LAND ZONING ON HOUSING PROVISION
47The provision of land for housing is a very important element in the overall housing cost. Land use policies and regulations have significant impacts on the cost of land, and as a result, on the availability of residential land for middle and lower income groups. Government land policies in Jordan have affected the land market and the provision of land for housing through existing zoning regulations and the installation of infrastructure and public services. Existing zoning regulations were redrafted in 1979 and included in the “Building Control and Regulative Systems of the City of Amman, 1979”. The most relevant section for low-income housing is the dimensional standards for parcellation outlined in Articles 27 to 33 and Articles 45 and 46. The regulations are expressed in terms of:
required plot frontage
front, side and rear setbacks
plot coverage
plot size
height.
48The government-imposed zoning regulations have determined to a large degree the types of development opportunities available to land owners. Since 1979, for example, when the present zoning regulations were enacted, the number of new multi-unit buildings has been increasing. Given that most urban residential land is zoned primarily in the two highest or “prestige” categories of A and B, which have highest land prices, it is inevitable that people would turn to the development of multi-unit buildings in order to reduce individual housing unit costs.
49The restricted supply of land zoned for smaller plots, including C, D and “popular zone” areas, has also led to the increase of square meter land prices in these areas due to greater demand than the actual supply of land for building. It is envisaged that in the foreseeable future, the demand for land will continue to be driven by high rates of population growth. As the percentage of family savings continues to fall, the speculative element in the land demand will probably decline as well. This in fact is already happening in A and B zoned areas in Amman. Demand for land in the coming years therefore will probably be more closely related to the demand for affordable housing.
50There is no doubt that many reasons have prevented real attempts by the government to provide land for low income housing development. During periods of economic boom, such as that experienced in the 1970’s, there was perhaps a tendency to overlook the real housing needs of lower income families, as well as the constraints they faced in finding suitable shelter. In addition, planning authorities may have also tried to protect property values within municipal boundaries and to attract more wealthy families to build new housing by keeping zoning standards high, which indirectly prevented poorer families from moving in.
51Existing zoning regulations, therefore, reflect little concern for the affordability of land for those who are actually in need, or to the public costs involved in carrying out and/or maintaining related infrastructure networks. By making it very difficult for middle and lower income families to obtain suitable land for housing, these regulations also encourage poorer families to ignore administrative procedures, overcrowd existing areas or become squatters. These factors result in a growing differentiation and polarization between the more wealthy and poorer residential areas of Amman, as well as in other cities in Jordan.
POLICY OPTIONS AND CONCLUSION
52The following are principal options available to the Municipality of Greater Amman to enable it to overcome the problems of land for housing:
Freeze subdivision permits for land in A and B zones. Subdivision of C and D zones should be limited to areas identified as priority development areas.
Review the present planning boundary of Amman in order to assess the actual needs of the population for land.
Undertake a reform of existing zoning regulations to remove discrepancies and allow for more balance and flexibility in plot development.
Allow the redivision of vacant, serviced plots while respecting building ordinances acting on the original plot. Also, set up an infill programme where small groups of vacant plots should be acquired and redivided, then offered to qualifying beneficiaries with loans covering both the cost of land and construction of housing units.
Re-plan areas in Amman which are suitable for low-income families. The new plan should contain a mixture of different plot sizes to encourage social integration.
Prepare a phased programme for infrastructure provision. This programme should serve areas which were given development priorities. Moreover prohibit issuing building permits in low priority areas.
Impose a strict land property tax on vacant land. This tax should be based on the market value rather than on the rental value of the land.
53In conclusion, it seems clear that in order to provide adequate and affordable land for housing in Amman, and to ensure the proper and balanced development of the city, the public sector, and particularly the authorities responsible for the city of Amman, should play a more effective role in the land development process. With the present high rate of urbanization, and the loose planning control, it is inevitable that land problems in Amman will continue for some time to come. It should be noted that none of the given options presented above will provide an effective and adequate solution to all land problems facing the city of Amman, nor do they all need to be implemented simultaneously. It is equally important that broadly-based land policies and measures should be implemented consistently over a period of time if Amman is to meet present and future housing challenges.
Bibliographie
REFERENCES
Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDC) and Department of Lands and Survey (DLS), 1991, Land Reconnaissance Survey, Amman.
Municipality of Greater Amman and Dar al-Handasah, 1987 Greater Amman Comprehensive Development Plan. Amman.
Notes de bas de page
1 Estimate for 1993 suggests that the population has reached around 2 million.
2 Zone A: Plots with an area (1 000) sq.m.
Zone B: Plots with an area (750) sq.m.
Zone C: Plots with an area (500) sq.m.
Zone D: Plots with an area (300) sq.m.
Popular Zone: Plots with an area (150) sq.m.
3 According to the Department of Lands and Surveys (DLS), there are about 100 000 dunums of this type of land in the Zarqa-Ruseifa area near Amman alone that is potentially available for development.
4 In present urban practice, the term mushâ‘ also applies to any parcel of land having more than one owner.
5 It was estimated by the Department of Lands and Surveys that during 1984-1985, 90 % of the registered plots in Amman were of categories A and B.
6 Recent information from real estate brokers indicates that land prices in the Abdoun district, West of Amman, have reached the figure of 250 JD per sq.m.
Auteur
-
Monther B. Al-Adhami
Department of Architecture University of Jordan
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