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Amman

 | 
Jean Hannoyer
, 
Seteney Shami

Deuxième partie. Formes et usages de l’espace à Amman

Amman Experiencing Plazas and Parks: Adaptation of Users to Space or Space to Users

Places et parcs à Amman : Adaptation des usagers à l’espace ou de l’espace aux usagers

Omar M. Amireh

Résumé

Places et parcs à Amman ont été conçus selon des axiomes et conceptions importés. Depuis leur création, ces lieux ont été physiquement transformés pour s'adapter aux changements rapides de la ville. Bien que fonctionnels, leurs tracés modernes restent discutables quand ils sont appliqués dans un contexte culturel différent de celui de leur conception. Il ne fait pas de doute que les espaces publics en soi à Amman ont donné à leurs usagers des expériences nouvelles et intéressantes. Cependant, la lecture de ces espaces, l'usage du temps qu'ils impliquent, le mode d'appropriation des lieux et, d'une manière générale, leur signification, ont été interprétés par les usagers à travers leur propre vocabulaire. L'exemple de la place Hâchimiyya, au centre de Amman, témoigne de cette adaptation des usagers à l'espace et de l'espace aux usagers.

In Amman, plazas and parks were established and constructed through preconceived concepts and universal axioms but were then manipulated physically to serve the rapidly changing and growing city. Although proven to be convenient, such modern designs remain controversial when applied in the context of the changing values of different cultures. There is no doubt that designed public spaces per se in Amman have provided their users with new and interesting experiences. However, in terms of reading the space, its timeliness, appropriateness and hence its ultimate significance, local users have interpreted these spaces through their own cultural vocabularies. The example of the Al-Hâshimiyya plaza and park in central Amman and the behaviour of its users show clearly the adaptation of created space to its users and vice versa.

Texte intégral

INTRODUCTION

1In both Amman's urban centre and residential districts, new public spaces have been founded on new sites, or existing left-over spaces have been designed into plazas and parks. In either case, such spaces are not totally absent from the city scene. Newly designed spaces are established and constructed in Amman through predesigned concepts and manipulated physically to serve the rapidly changing and growing city. Although proven to be convenient, such modern plazas and parks remain controversial when applied in the context of the changing values of different cultures. They also vary in relevance when faced with the behavioural dimension of different societies.

2There is no doubt that, in Amman, designed public spaces per se have provided their users with new and interesting experiences. However, in terms of reading the space, its timeliness, appropriateness and hence its quality, idioms, meanings and purposes, local users relate to these spaces through local cultural vocabularies. Subsequently, there is clear adaptation of the created space or an adaptation of the users’ behaviour. In an endeavour to briefly, but explicitly, explain the cycle of “space-behaviour relationships,” and to illustrate the above assumption with examples, the paper will first address the space-behaviour relationship in a diagrammatic form and define where adaptation lies in the space-behaviour cycle.

SPACE-BEHAVIOUR INTERPRETATION

  • 1 G. Broadbent, R. Bunt and T. Florens, eds. Meaning and Behaviour in the Built Environment, Chichest (...)
  • 2 M. La Gory, and J. Pipkin, Urban Social Space, Belmont, CA : Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1981, p. (...)

3Diagram A illustrates the system through which people read, react and envisage a place. A place is a space with a meaning, and is comprised of a core and a physical context and its features which are enveloped with meanings, vocabularies and cues. This core is encompassed by three spheres, which are based on the main dimensions of the human system, namely: sense, do and think. Within a subjective context, these simple vocabularies are spelled out into psychological terms. Thus, sense is phrased into perception; do is expressed through behaviour; and think is mentally interpreted into cognition. As Broadbent notes: “The search for meanings in built environment entails looking at it as a cultural product”1. Furthermore, when these expressions are applied to the spatial context - that is the place - perception becomes existential place; behaviour becomes experimental place; and cognition becomes mental place, where “the impact of space on behaviour must be understood mainly in cognitive terms, people react to cognitive image not to reality”2.

4What concerns us within this cycle is the middle sphere of the experimental place, where information can be obtained from direct observation. The other two human dimensions, when studied, need direct verbal responses from the users which is beyond the scope of this study.

5Although our concern here will be with reading people’s behaviour towards space, nevertheless behaviour does not materialize without the other two dimensions. That is to say, people’s behaviour cannot be fully comprehended without knowing the process through which they read space vocabularies, interpret its meanings, compare it with their own personal and cultural vocabularies, react to it and finally cognize it.

SPACE-BEHAVIOUR ADAPTATION

  • 3 Ibid., p. 217.

6Adaptation to new spaces by users takes place when and where their personal and cultural vocabularies are not compatible with those of the space. In this case, the people either reject the space vocabularies or withdraw from the space, or - since the space vocabularies are usually constant - new meanings of space emerge. As La Gory and Pipken note: “the evidence suggest, that the urban vocabularies of architects and urban designers, while it may serve some purposes, is in fact substantially incongruous with the public urban vocabularies”. They also conclude that “adjustments that enable humankind to overcome environmental roadblocks arc dearly paid for”3.

7Investigating the hypothesis of this study took place through targeting one of the most important plazas and parks in Amman, the Al-Sâha Al-Hâshimiyya plaza and its park, located in front of the Roman amphitheatre in downtown Amman. The study examines certain contextual, spatial, cultural and human vocabularies pertaining to this place (see Diagram B) and certain circumstantial - behaviour that was observed to take place there.

Diag. A : Space-behaviour relationship.

Diag. B : Contextual parallels of spatial, cultural and human dimensions.

8This case study provides an example of the difference between the planned and expected behaviour and reactions envisaged by the designer, and the real on-site interpretation, reaction, and behaviour of the users.

SPATIAL FORMALITY

  • 4 F. I’layan Ja‘afreh, F. Kurdi M., Al-Sâha Al-Hâshimiyyah, (in Arabic), unpublished report. The Orga (...)

9By virtue of its location in the city centre, and its proximity to the Roman Amphitheatre, Odeon and the Citadel, the space on which the plaza and park were erected initially (as conceptualized by its designer) formed the top of a contextual spatial pyramid, that is a formal sacred and classical public space4. Furthermore, in an attempt to make the space conform to tradition, the plaza was named after the dynasty of King Hussein Al-Hâshimi, in reference to Bani Hâshim from whom the Prophet Mohammad is descended.

10The space was designed and implemented in 1986 in the form of a vast expanse about 11 000m2, wholly tiled with white slab stone. Besides freeing the Roman Odeon from unauthentic structures, the space was designed and articulated in the form of a U shape, oriented towards the Odeon (see Fig. 1). This arrangement would, on the one hand, display the Odeon, and, on the other (with the aid of a retaining wall on the south side, and raised planters and seaters on the east and north sides), create a sense of enclosure (see Fig. 2).

11The establishment of the Hâshimiyya plaza with its intended formality created a strong spatial statement in the image of the city and, at the same time, filled certain gaps in public mental maps. However, given its plain dry characteristics, it failed to fulfil its contextual meaning, either in the cultural or the sacred dimensions.

12Associating the space mainly with the ancient Roman structures hardly served any of the previously mentioned concepts of place. It was the space that served the buildings and not vice-versa. The space was noticeably underused and tended to spatial exclusion rather than inclusion. Hence, it attracted individual kibitzers and curious loafers rather than a passionate public or impulsive groups. Public participation was not as anticipated. Collective activities had to be planned. Musical parades succeeded in filling the plaza with crowds, yet their participation had a stagnant quality (see Fig. 3). People need to feel self-actualized, not only by being a part of a celebration, but also by initiating it. Therefore, such parades enhanced the formality of the space and made the participation of the users less spontaneous. Circumstantial activities and entertainments can take place anywhere and anytime. To become conventions and sacred, they have to be related to an occasion in which the people believe, and to an architecture that they enliven and dignify.

SPATIAL SHORTCOMINGS

13In an endeavour to overcome the shortcomings in the original planning of the plaza, attempts were made to infuse and to adapt the space with a variety of spatial elements and activities. These were attempts to enhance certain cultural idioms, such as those of belonging, modesty, intimacy, privacy, self-esteem, personality, identity, etc. Spatial adaptation was partially induced by adding new elements to the existing arrangement, and partially by redesigning and re-constructing the two-year old terraced garden in front of the amphitheatre (see Fig. 4).

14Although most of these additions and adaptations to the space were calculated decisions, yet none were based on cultural or behavioural research. They were, rather, an experimental application which had to be experienced in order to assess its congruence with the users' reactions and hence their cognition.

PUBLICIZING OR SANCTIFYING THE SPACE

15One of the main elements which were added to the plaza was a concrete white plastered riwâq (colonnade) that extended nearly all the way along the retaining wall on the south side (see Fig. 2). It was also the first semi-enclosed, covered space established after the plaza’s completion.

16Although the riwâq - as a covered arcaded passage around a mosque courtyard - maintains its traditional sacred concept, nevertheless, it has been widely used in the last decades in its classical public concept : that is, as a covered intermediate passage between the shops and the market street, or as a façade that surrounds a Roman forum.

17In this case, the riwâq was first envisaged in its traditional sense (see Fig. 5), as a covered portico which would serve as an intermediate gallery between the plaza and its adjacent street and buildings. At the same time, it was meant to engulf the plaza and its surroundings, and hence to facilitate and to convey movement between the city centre through the amphitheatre colonnade to the bus and taxi terminals and vice-versa. In addition, it covered part of the visual pollution of the retaining wall which lies behind the portico.

18Shortly after the riwâq was built, it was tranformed into a shopping arcade (see Fig. 6). New shops were added to part of the back side of the colonnade and at the same time, the whole structure was clad in white stone.

19These changes showed a conservative trend toward publicizing the riwâq and the space as whole. Shops were only permitted to sell standard touristic and traditional products. Demand for renting the shops was very low (until recently when, because of the latest boom, all shops became occupied). Business in the riwâq could not, in any way, compete with the active trade carried out by daily vendors occupying the heavily-used passage of the Roman colonnade in front of the amphitheatre (see Fig. 7, 8).

SPACE REPLACEMENT

20The need to find a variety of places (of which the plaza was deprived) within one space, and at the same time, not to disturb the openness of the plaza, led the designers to direct their attention toward the other side of the space beyond the Odeon. The whole terraced soft landscape was redesigned and reconstructed into what we may call a luna park curvilinear arrangement. Here (see Fig. 9) we are faced with an organic pattern of bounded spaces and paved belts. It is a romantic antigeometrical layout with irregular curving and natural materials clustered around green circles, planters and trees. There is a mix of variable places intended to attract and entertain a mixture of diverse people.

SOCIALIZED AND PERSONALIZED SPACES

21The diversity of the new arrangements were intented to create romantic social spaces within the centre of the public domain. In public domains, people do not need to know each other in order to interact. It is the act, and not the social intention, which brings them together. On the other hand, it is not only the social place and domain which creates social interaction. It is self-motivation and above all knowing others or intending to know them or to introduce yourself to them.

22To stimulate such intentions, a number of places were spatially defined in an inward-sociofugal arrangement. Each space was enhanced and emphasized with a wooden espalier or trellis (see Fig. 10) centred around a tree, or circum-ferenced by a wooden lattice fence or shrubs (see Fig. 11). A number of wooden seats, each catering for two to three persons, were distributed within or at the edges of each space.

23The large size of some of these spaces (about 7x10 m) and the large number of seats in each space, was designed for a number of people, and a type of socializing above the usual user capacity of a conservative society such as Jordan.

24Therefore, most of the seats, most of the time, were occupied by single individuals. It was rare to find two persons who did not know each other sitting on one seat. If they did, this did not mean that they would spontaneously chat or communicate (see Fig. 12). Many of these seats were personalized, like the seats which were distributed in a sociopetal arrangement in the rest of the garden. Anyhow, people create their own social space if they are given the chance to do so. Groups of 3 to 5 persons often accommodated themselves in intimate circles, either sitting or in recumbent positions on the ground in other parts of the park and plaza (see Fig. 13).

DOMESTICATED SPACES AND THE SENSE OF BELONGING

25Natural organic and rustic arrangements tend to encourage people to domesticate certain spaces for their physiological needs. Some of the park users could be observed lying down for a nap in a secluded area (see Fig. 14). Although the formality and the openness of the plaza on one side inhibit such behaviour, yet finding or simulating such an environment was not totally impossible.

26A bedouin tent with a large number of built-in floor cushions has been placed at the north side in front of the pool (see Fig. 15). The permanent presence of the tent in the plaza is an attempt to present a cultural vocabulary which is intended to soften the dryness of the hard landscape ; to attract the fast-moving or wandering users ; and above all, to resurrect a lost sense of belonging.

27Here, the tent acts as one vocabulary with two meanings. For the locals, it is a false adaptation of a genuine element which is intended to attract and entertain tourists. What concern them are the tourists' reactions and responses. Hence, it is rather the presence of tourists in the tent which attracts them more than the tent itself. For tourists, the presence of the tent in the hard landscape, away from the desert sand, is an out-of-context experience. Neither tourists nor local users are interested in finding out what experience the tent may offer them. They both circle around it, as if it is an exhibition.

28The motif of the bedouin tent was also used to provide a canopy in front of an underground cafe and restaurant. Such an arrangement (see Fig. 16) labelled the restaurant as a touristic place, which in turn, inhibited locals from using it, expecting it to be expensive. However, substitutions could be found. About twelve cafes and food kiosks were added along the north and east sides of the plaza four years after its establishment. Moreover, each owner or renter was allowed to add garden-type plastic chairs and movable tables on the plaza side near his kiosk and even on the raised planters on the east side (see Fig. 17).

THE MEMORY OF THE PLACE

29In another move towards creating a memorable event and, therefore, developing a space-user affinity, a number of photographers were given permits to operate in the plaza. Creating a place-memory reaches its utmost when users are given the chance to be in the centre of the event. That concept was humbly made possible when some of the photos of customers were displayed along with photos of famous local and international figures. These were placed on wooden boards at the centre of the plaza near the pool (see Fig. 18). Although the idea seemed silly to some people, nevertheless, it attracted a reasonable number of the plaza users.

MASCULINE AND FEMININE SPACE

30It is not the quality, neither the softness, toughness or richness, which makes and gives the space its masculine or feminine appearance, but rather the presence of each sex. Within the codes of behaviour in Jordanian culture, male and female modesty, timidity and privacy are virtues, which both sexes recognize and respect. In this context, women and those accompanying them, do not appreciate being totally exposed to the public, especially to casual users of space or loafers. Women's presence in both the plaza and the park is obvious, yet it is far less than the number of men. It is worth mentioning that although there is no intended spatial segregation in the original design, yet a growing tendency towards such segregation can be easily observed (see Fig. 19). Also, it is clear that the presence and participation of women is decreasing. Still, a large number of women who come to the two spaces are circumstantial users. They either pass through in order to reach the other side of the city centre, the bus and taxi terminal, or they rest after a long walking trip or shopping. Still, most of them tend to avoid the plaza by using the side pavements along the edges of the plaza.

31That is to say, most women do not come to the plaza or the park per se. They are casual users or benefit from the direct services and facilities afforded by the plaza and the park, such as a shaded rest, a snack or a drink. Their presence is observed in certain parts of the plaza and the park, mainly at the north edge, either near the kiosks with the provided chairs and tables, or at the built-in seats under the shade of trees (see Fig. 19). That area (the inner edge of the plaza) provides them with a semi-public environment, a place where they are not totally within the plaza's main space, where they would be exposed to the majority of plaza users, and yet, at the same time, they are not in a totally enclosed place.

32Such spatial alienation and peculiarity have an echo in the spatial and behavioural vocabularies mentioned previously. Women using the plaza and the park never experience the personal, social, domesticated space which men create. Rarely is any woman, or women, seen sitting alone, or lying down having a nap, or in a social group sitting on the ground having a chat.

SIMULATED BEHAVIOUR AND SPATIAL PECULIARITY

33Children’s behaviour and presence are not given any priority in the agenda of either the plaza or the park. The first experience which children face as soon as they enter either space is inhibited behaviour. The whole area looks like an anti-child place. These inhibitions are not only applied by the municipality, which has recruited a special guard to prevent children from adapting the space to their own vocabularies, but also by children's parents or the people accompanying them (see Fig. 20).

34Children neither perceive the formality of the plaza nor are they interested in the romantic quality of the park. For them, and from their own perspective, both spaces are well-designed and prepared for playing ball, cycling, skating and hiding games, none of which was on the agenda of the conceptualized design.

35In a peculiar move towards substituting, for the very young users, some of their deprived behavioural rights, an arena was provided at the edge of the plaza near the Odeon, not for people but for bumper cars (see Fig. 21). There, children are the lowest number of users, and there are many more spectators than players. At most times, no more than two cars are running, while the number of spectators, of whom the majority are elderly and young people, is not less than 50-60 persons. It seems that adding defined playing spaces, such as the electrical car arena, has not attracted nor satisfied the children's needs. Nor has it convinced many parents that the plaza is a child-safe space.

36It is not only the many spatial barriers and restrictions in both spaces which prevent childen from behaving freely, but also the parents and relatives who closely attend them and escort them while using or passing through the space (see Fig. 22). Many of them act as if the plaza is just an extension of the surrounding side-walks. A sense of safety does not appear to have prevailed in the space, at least for the elderly and mature people who are the main targeted users.

CONCLUSION

37To conclude, it is rather obvious that the presence of spaces and places such as Al-Hâshimiyya plaza and park has had, spatially speaking, a direct impact on enhancing the environmental and conceptual image and quality of the downtown and districts of Amman. However, it is also obvious that such spaces have not developed a space-behaviour congruence, and a space-user affinity. Attempts at intentional adaptation and the consequent cosmetic changes, have not added nor developed a better spatial physical setting. It also has neither attracted nor engaged the expected variety of users. At the same time, it has not generated the right congruence or adaptation in their vocabularies and consequently their behaviour.

38Because many of the targeted users put more effort into avoiding the space than to visiting it, the plaza and the park have become linked with hangaround loafers and unemployed casual vendors. Such attitudes and behaviour indicate that the compatibility of the space vocabularies with that of the users is far from having reached a common communicated statement. Neither are the users aware of what the space is intended to do and provide, nor are the designers of the space presenting congruent cultural cues and meanings which users could apprehend and with which to interact accordingly. This applies not only to the space but also to interaction with other users.

39Meanings and cues should hold within them the various dimensions needed for people’s conduct. They should be related to both current and traditional events. Also, while they should provide basic needs, they should respect the beliefs, cultural memories and conceptions people have held for decades. Above all, they need to give the variety of users the chance to be in the centre of events, rather than always marginalized as observers.

Acknowledgement

40I would like to express my gratitude to the Municipality of Greater Amman and especially to architect Fadwa Abu Ghayda for providing me with data and documents of both spaces examined. My gratitude also goes to architect M. Nabulsi for helping me in producing and drawing the figures.

Fig 1 : Al-Sâha Al-Hâshimiyya, The main plaza : a U shape oriented towards the Odeon.
Source : Amman Municipality

Fig 2 : Al-Saha Al-Hâshimiyya, The mountains, the raised planters and the retaining wall all create a sense of enclosure.
Source : the author.

Fig. 3 : Musical parade which succeeded in filling the plaza with a crowd.
Source : Amman Municipality.

Fig.4 : The old terraced garden.
Source : Amman Municipality.

Fig. 5 : The riwâq : intermediate porticos gallery.
Source :Amman Municipality.

Fig. 6 : riwâq : transformed into a shopping arcade.
Source : Amman Municipality.

Fig.7 : The shopping aracade, although the shops are occupied, business is slow.
Source : the author.

Fig. 8 : The Roman Colonnade : flow of pedestrians as well as business.

Source : the author.

Fig. 9 : The new park on the other side of the Odeon, west of the plaza.
Source : Amman Municipality.

Fig.10 : Socialized space enhanced with wooden espalier.
Source : the author

Fig. 11 : Socialized spaces, the new latticed defined space.
Source : the author.

Fig. 12 : Personalized seats.
Source : the author

Fig. 13 : People create their own social spaces.
Source : the author.

Fig. 14 : Domesticated space, a one hour nap.
Source : the author

Fig. 15 : The bedouin tent adds a sense of belonging.
Source : the author.

Fig. 16 : Bedouin-like canopy shade in front of an underground restaurant.
Source : the author.

Fig. 17 : Kiosks added on the east and north sides.
Source : the author.

Fig. 18 : Photograph board. People are given the chance to be in the centre of events.
Source : the author.

Fig. 19 : Feminine and masculine space. Women prefer to stay at the edge of the plaza.
Source : the author.

Fig. 20 : Inhibited behaviour, anti-child plaza.
Source : the author.

Fig. 21 : Bumper cars, simulated behaviour. Source : the author.

Fig. 22 : Parents and adults escort their children in the plaza.Source : the author.

Notes

1 G. Broadbent, R. Bunt and T. Florens, eds. Meaning and Behaviour in the Built Environment, Chichester : Wiley, XIII, 372, 1980, p. ix.

2 M. La Gory, and J. Pipkin, Urban Social Space, Belmont, CA : Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1981, p. 298

3 Ibid., p. 217.

4 F. I’layan Ja‘afreh, F. Kurdi M., Al-Sâha Al-Hâshimiyyah, (in Arabic), unpublished report. The Organization of Arab Cities, Munazzamat al-mudun al-‘arabiyya, Greater Amman Municipality, 1987.

Table des illustrations

URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 176k
Légende Diag. A : Space-behaviour relationship.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 260k
Légende Diag. B : Contextual parallels of spatial, cultural and human dimensions.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 164k
Légende Fig 1 : Al-Sâha Al-Hâshimiyya, The main plaza : a U shape oriented towards the Odeon.Source : Amman Municipality
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 336k
Légende Fig 2 : Al-Saha Al-Hâshimiyya, The mountains, the raised planters and the retaining wall all create a sense of enclosure.Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 496k
Légende Fig. 3 : Musical parade which succeeded in filling the plaza with a crowd.Source : Amman Municipality.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 536k
Légende Fig.4 : The old terraced garden.Source : Amman Municipality.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 380k
Légende Fig. 5 : The riwâq : intermediate porticos gallery.Source :Amman Municipality.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 320k
Légende Fig. 6 : riwâq : transformed into a shopping arcade.Source : Amman Municipality.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 356k
Légende Fig.7 : The shopping aracade, although the shops are occupied, business is slow.Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 320k
Légende Fig. 8 : The Roman Colonnade : flow of pedestrians as well as business.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-11.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 276k
Légende Fig. 9 : The new park on the other side of the Odeon, west of the plaza.Source : Amman Municipality.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-12.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 260k
Légende Fig.10 : Socialized space enhanced with wooden espalier.Source : the author
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-13.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 360k
Légende Fig. 11 : Socialized spaces, the new latticed defined space.Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-14.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 392k
Légende Fig. 12 : Personalized seats.Source : the author
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-15.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 392k
Légende Fig. 13 : People create their own social spaces.Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-16.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 476k
Légende Fig. 14 : Domesticated space, a one hour nap. Source : the author
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-17.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 472k
Légende Fig. 15 : The bedouin tent adds a sense of belonging.Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-18.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 276k
Légende Fig. 16 : Bedouin-like canopy shade in front of an underground restaurant.Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-19.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 396k
Légende Fig. 17 : Kiosks added on the east and north sides.Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-20.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 448k
Légende Fig. 18 : Photograph board. People are given the chance to be in the centre of events. Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-21.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 164k
Légende Fig. 19 : Feminine and masculine space. Women prefer to stay at the edge of the plaza.Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-22.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 208k
Légende Fig. 20 : Inhibited behaviour, anti-child plaza.Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-23.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 416k
Légende Fig. 21 : Bumper cars, simulated behaviour. Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-24.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 324k
Légende Fig. 22 : Parents and adults escort their children in the plaza.Source : the author.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/docannexe/image/8233/img-25.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 510k

Auteur

Department of Architecture University of Jordan

© Presses de l’Ifpo, 1996

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