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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral INTRODUCTION FINANCE INDUSTRY SUGAR LEATHER TEXTILES AGRICULTURE CONCLUSION Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Études sur les villes du Proche-Orient XVIe-XIXe siècles

    Ce livre est recensé par

    Précédent Suivant
    Table des matières

    Merchants and the economy in Cairo 1600-1650

    Nelly Hanna

    p. 225-236

    Texte intégral INTRODUCTION FINANCE INDUSTRY SUGAR LEATHER TEXTILES AGRICULTURE CONCLUSION Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    INTRODUCTION

    1The role that merchants play in the economy is a subject that has aroused a certain amount of controversy among scholars. This controversy can be summarized into two debates. The first of these debates has to do with whether or not merchants in international trade were able to accumulate capital. One group of scholars tends to consider that, for a variety of reasons, it was not possible for them to do so. Steensgaard’s provides one view with his model of the merchant as a peddler. This type of merchant traveled over long distances, buying and selling goods and products from one town to another and making a profit on the price difference between different regions. The peddler had little or no access to commercial or to financial institutions, and consequently the scope of his dealings remained relatively modest. He in fact only dealt in as much merchandise as he could handle. Moreover, much of his gains went to paying officiais or customs officers in the form of bribes.1 There was therefore little chance for him to accumulate large sums of money.

    2Likewise, Huri Islamoglu and Caglar Keydar also consider that long distance merchants in the Ottoman Empire were not able to make large fortunes. The Ottoman economy was strictly regulated by the state, which controlled prices, the flow of commodities, as well as internal, regional and external trade2. This made it very hard for merchants to accumulate capital. A different view is held by scholars like André Raymond. His work on the coffee and spice merchants in 18th century Cairo shows that Red Sea merchants in fact made huge profits from their trade and that some of them were extremely wealthy.3 The wealth of Ismā‘īl Abū

    3Taqiyya, shahbandār al-tujjār in the early 17th century, confirms the findings of André Raymond but for an earlier period.4 He invested enormous sums in his trading ventures, and his life style, his house, the public buildings he constructed, reflected the level of his fortune.

    4The second debate in relation to merchants has to do with their role in the economy. Presuming that merchants did accumulate capital, the question arises as to how this capital was spent. Some scholars suggest that merchants spent their money on buying luxury items or consumer goods that allowed them to live like the ruling class. They also had to bribe officials so that they could be allowed to keep their fortunes intact. Furthermore, loans were imposed upon them, by rulers, by states or by those in power. K. N. Chaudhuri suggests that pre-modern rulers were often short of money and could persuade great merchants to pay, in part at least, for their military expenses, by giving them privileges or by threats of violence.5 In other words, their capital was not spent in a way that could be beneficial to the economy. The merchant is therefore seen to be peripheral to the economy. Profits from international trade may have been significant, but they touched a small group of people to have a real impact. Moreover, merchants had links with commercial centers in distant lands that they dealt with, but few links with the economies of the countries they lived in.

    5Other scholars do not share this view, and consider that some of the merchants’ profits were invested in various activities, such as agriculture, industry and transport. They could thus be an enhancement to the economy and could, in other words, play an active role in the economy.6 Studies on this question have for the most part remained of a general nature.

    6The present paper proposes to consider this question, on the bases of data issuing from a specific period and geographical area. It will examine the activities of a number of prominent long distance merchants involved in the Red Sea trade, active during the first half of the 17th century. The aim is not to study their trading activities, since this matter has already been explored in other works. Although merchants involved in the Red Sea trade made their fortune from spices and coffee, which they redistributed to many regions in the Ottoman Empire and around the Mediterranean, this paper will only concern itself with activities that could indicate their level of involvement in the local economy. By finding out where merchants invested large sums of money in the local economy, it will be able to consider their role in finance, industry and agriculture at a particular point in time, and it will try to identify the scope and the mechanisms of their involvement in these activities.

    7This paper is based on court documents from Cairo where merchants recorded many of their commercial and financial transactions. The registers of a number of courts were consulted. This paper, however, relies more heavily on the registers of the court of Bāb ’Alī, the main courtroom of the city, which was presided upon by the Qādī al-Qudāt. Because of its location close to the commercial part of the city, merchants made ample use of it. Consequently, one can get from these registers a fairly clear and detalled picture of the way in which merchants invested their money.

    FINANCE

    8A study of the commercial undertakings of Red Sea merchants indicates that they had, during the first half of the 17th century, large amounts of cash avallable. Their trading ventures, which often involved partnerships between two or several merchants, pooled capital, which was either transported as cash, to Mecca and Medina for trading, or was used to purchase local products which were eventually exchanged in other commercial centers. The sums involved in these partnerships were sometimes very large. Partnerships involving close to a million nisfs (the smallest silver coin) were not unknown.7 Moreover, trading ventures were undertaken repeatedly, so that even when smaller sums were involved, the global amounts which a particular merchant disposed of could be quite large.

    9Trading in the Red Sea was seasonal because of the weather conditions. A merchant who had made good profits in one venture may have had to wait for some months before he could re-invest them in a further trip to Jeddah. In other words, there may well have been certain times of the year when a merchant disposed of large sums of cash that he could not immediately put into his business. This situation could explain why, at certain times, merchants made loans to other individuals, that sometimes involved considerable sums of money. Khawāja Nūr al-Dīn ‘Alī al-Ruwī‘ī loaned Qāḍī ‘Alī b. ‘Alī, with whom he had some dealings, the sum of 58,000 nisfs. Among themselves as well, merchants loaned important sums of money. Khawāja Nūr al-Dīn al-Ruwī‘ī lent a colleague of his, khawāja Yahyā Abūl Rukb al-Uhaymar, the sum of 1 000 dīnārs (the équivalent of 40,000 nisfs)8. There were, in addition, many smaller loans that merchants made to ordinary people, involving several hundred nisfs.

    10Traditional historiography has emphasized the fact that loans were imposed on merchants by the rulers and by the state. Such forced loans certainly did occur, but they were not necessarily the norm. The loans which merchants made were by and large voluntary transactions, they were recorded in courts and sanctioned by law. The documents recorded in courts make no mention of interest, but this does not necessarily mean that interest did not exist. If no interest on loans was expected, the lenders might expect services or facilities of some sort in return for their loans. Thus, although a portion of the money made from trading was reinvested in trade, another portion circulated in the form of loans.

    INDUSTRY

    11It has usually been assumed that merchants did not invest their money in industry. The absence of investment industry, has been used as an explanation for the fact that capitalism did not emerge in the Middle East. It has also been linked to the absence of an industrial base prior to the reign of Muhammad ‘Alī (1805-1848) and his state-financed industries. Studies on this question have tended to be on the theoretical level, but have not been confirmed by detalled studies.

    12Three factors need to be considered if we want to examine more closely the involvement of merchants in industry. The first of these, the avallability of funds, has already been mentioned above. The second factor is the merchant’s need for local commodities to trade in, and the third is the ability to penetrate the guild system which presumably controlled production, in cities at least.

    13As a matter of fact, merchants dealing in Red Sea products also dealt in a number of local products that they sold in international markets: Mecca, Jeddah and Yemen on the Red Sea, the towns and cities of Bilād al-Shām, Istanbul and Anatolia, Salonica, Venice and Marseille, as well as North Africa. Egyptian merchandise, most in demand in these markets included firstly finished products such as textiles and sugar, secondly, semi-finished products such as leather, and thirdly agricultural products such as rice and grain. Depending on the way in which they provided these goods, the merchants might in theory have had to pay the equivalent of their retall price if they were unlucky, or they might have been able to pay a lower wholesale price. Thus, on one side of the spectrum, merchants could purchase whatever they needed from the numerous markets in Cairo where the product they needed was being sold, either by the artisans who produced it, or by the trader who arranged for its transport from the rural areas to the city. By buying in bulk, the merchant might get a lower price than the retail market price. On the other side of the spectrum, the merchant could engage in the productive process in order to get price advantages, and guarantee that he would find the quantifies lie needed. Between these two extremes, merchants might try make arrangements at the source, with the producer of the merchandise or with the planter.

    14The third consideration regards the ability of merchants to deal with the guild system. This subject has aroused a number of controversies. Some scholars have emphasized the rigidity of the guild system and the restrictive rules imposed on the conduct of guild members. Limits were put on their number, on the collective distribution of raw materials, on the pricing of goods, and on the place where they could practice their professions.9 This view of guilds, as it was developed by Gabriel Baer, leaves little room for merchants to penetrate production. Any activity would have to be undertaken within a fairly rigid guild system and would have to get the approval of the guild shaykh. If guilds monopolized certain activities, like selling a particular kind of merchandise or making a specifie product, that would automatically preclude outsiders to the guild system, such as merchants, or persons not belonging to this particular guild, from participating in the activity in question. Guilds could also prevent their members from bringing down the price of a certain item, so as not to penalize their colleagues, a practice that could make things difficult for merchants.

    15Halil Inalcik holds a different view on the relationship between merchants and production. His study of guilds in Anatolian cities suggests that there were variations between one guild and another. The silk industry of Bursa allowed merchants in raw silk to act as entrepreneurs. They could buy the raw silk, they could then commission the twisters’ guild to work it into thread, and the dyers’ guild to color it. Finally, they could sell the prepared yarn to the weavers.10

    16Thus, by working within the guild system, merchants were in fact participating in the process of textile production. Inalcik regards them as entrepreneurs who managed the different stages of silk production with the aim of increasing their own profits.

    17Many scholars today accept the view that there were considerable regional differences in the guild system and that this system changed over time. A look at court cases concerning guilds, moreover, shows that there was great variation between one guild and another. The rules that applied to one did not necessarily apply to another. The guild of traders in the slave market ṭā‘ifat al-dallālīn fī sūq al-raqīq, for instance, limited the number of its members to twelve, as a case dated 1028/1618 indicates.11 There may have been specific reasons for this restriction, which did not apply to other guilds. We also find out the rules that bound the guild of camel drivers at the time when a new shaykh was chosen. These rules include the place where camel drivers should station, the time when they are to start their day, the volume of goods that camels are allowed to carry.12 The set of rules which cloth merchant formulated are quite different, as we can see from a couple of cases regarding the guild of merchants of Wikālat al-Mar’a near Bāb al-Naṣr. Upon choosing their shaykh, they spelled out in the relevant deed the duties incumbent on him to supervise and on the guild members to follow. They were concerned, in the first place, with the conduct of members towards each other and towards their potential clients. Members were not to catch their clients at the door of the wikāla, nor outside the wikāla, nor from one of their colleagues’ shop in the wikāla; their second concern was that the various types of cloth which they sold be of a specific width.13 These concerns were quite different from those of other guilds.

    18Thus, although the various guilds shared certain rules such as choosing as the shaykh an honest and upright person who cared about the welfare of members, there was a considerable difference between one guild and another. Guild regulations probably did not remain static, but responded to the changing conditions faced by the craft. If we stop considering these associations as rigid and static bodies, we can understand that it was possible for merchants to function either within or without guild rules. It is difficult to discern a precise set of rules that merchants would have to follow. A merchant would probably have to maneuver his way in order to get the best conditions, sometimes working within the regulations of the guilds and sometimes by-passing them.

    19The next question to be considered has to do with the mechanisms and the extent of merchant involvement in industry. Here again, it is difficult to draw up rules. Their involvement in the sugar industry did not take the same shape or had the same extent as their involvement in the leather or in the textile industry. By considering these commodities separately, one can get an idea of the complexity of the situation. Moreover, one can distinguish between the financing of an industry and the actual involvement in the industrial process. Finally, one can distinguish between urban and rural production. Although an accurate study of rural production, which has so far not been undertaken in the case of Ottoman Egypt, would require Consulting court registers in the provinces, one can still observe merchant involvement in rural sugar production.

    SUGAR

    20The study of merchant involvement in the sugar industry during the first half of the 17th century is particularly interesting for a number of reasons.14 Firstly, this industry involved both urban and rural areas. The sugar cane was pressed and cooked into molasses in rural areas. Molasses were then processed to become refined sugar in the capital. Merchants were involved in these two stages. Secondly, this involvement took different forms. Merchants sometimes actually owned refineries in Cairo. This means that they could control actual production. Ownership of refineries also implies a relatively long term, though perhaps not very large, investment. In other cases, merchants financed the agriculture of sugar cane without becoming involved in its planting. These were relatively short term investments, in the form of loans made to the multazim or sometimes to a village shaykh at the planting of sugar cane. Such investment would help paying the expenses involved in sugar cane planting. The merchant would receive, ten or eleven months later, a certain amount of sugar cane, that had been agreed upon. A third category of investment in the sugar industry was the renting of equipment owned by merchants. The large copper bowls, in which the sugar cane juice was cooked until it boiled down into molasses, were often owned by merchants living in Cairo. These bowls constituted a relatively expensive piece of equipment worth thousands of nisfs, and the merchant who owned them sometimes had his name engraved in the copper for identification. They were rented out for a certain sum of money to the person in charge of the land.

    21In order to follow up these investments, merchants had to develop a network of relationships. They had to have links with the countryside and with those connected to it. In some cases, we find them developing some type of infrastructure in rural areas, presumably in order to facilitate their business. One merchant, for instance, purchased a portion of a wikāla (commercial warehouse) in a village of the Delta.15 They had to have links with the artisans who actually ran refineries in Cairo. And if part of the sugar was intented for local consumption, arrangements would have to be made in order to market it. all these different forms of investment in sugar gave the merchants of Cairo a large measure of control over a commodity that was very much demanded in markets abroad. They could guarantee that they would have the necessary quantifies. They could also ensure a price that must have been well below the retail price of the Cairo market.

    LEATHER

    22Leather was another product much in demand in international markets and was consequently of interest to merchants. The merchants’ involvement in the leather industry differed from their involvement in the sugar. Cairo, where there was probably more meat consumption than other parts of Egypt, had an important leather industry.16 Animal hides, which were treated in a large compound in the area of Bāb al-Lūq, in the vicinity of the slaughterhouse, were exported in significant amounts, mainly to Europe. There is evidence of merchants dealing directly with the source of production rather than purchasing goods in the market. Although many of the details escape us, the cases recorded in court registers elucidate some significant points. We can observe the links that khawāja Ismā‘īl Abū Taqiyya, shahbandār al-tujjār, had with the multazim (holder of the tax concession) of the tanneries (madābigh). On an almost regular basis, he advanced him, in the form of loans, considerable sums of money: 75,000 nisfs in 1023/1614,17 and 42,000 nisfs two years later. The deeds do not state the purpose of these loans. Evidently, a merchant who blocked such large sums of money expected certain facilities in return. He might, for instance, obtain a beneficial price for the animal hides from the tanneries. He might also be given priority over other buyers for the quantities he required.18 Since these sums of money were very significant, the multazim might be encouraged to invest a part thereof in the enterprise in order to fulfill his commitments.

    23We know much less about merchants in the leather industry than we do about merchants in the sugar industry. The two cases share firstly, the fact that large sums of money were advanced by merchants and, secondly, the fact that the product was a significant export item. In both cases, we can compare merchant finance of these industries to the putting out system that was prevalent in many parts of Europe at that time. The putting out system meant that merchants provided craftsmen, most often weavers of different kinds of cloth, with their raw material; they may have paid them their wages, or part of their wages, the rest being given upon delivery of the finished item.19 Although we find significant differences between the way merchants conducted themselves in Egypt and in France or Germany, there is a resemblance in that merchants financed the manufacture of products that they eventually marketed either locally or internationally. In both cases these were capitalist ventures. In both cases also, the system was not very widespread, touching only a small portion of local production. By and large, most crafts continued to consist of small individual workshops, that were owned, run and financed by the craftsman himself.

    TEXTILES

    24Although the putting out system in Europe touched on a number of crafts, it was most important in relation to textile production, perhaps because of the importance of the textile industry itself. In Egypt, the textile industry was an extremely important one, yet our knowledge of textile production during this period is almost non-existent, except for the findings of André Raymond in his work on textile artisans in 18th century Cairo. We know, for example, that textiles were a major export commodity, sold in Jeddah, Mecca, Anatolia, Syria and in Bilād al-Sūdān. Textiles were produced all over Egypt, in the Delta and in Upper Egypt, in rural as well as urban areas. Egypt produced linen, cotton, woolen and silk textiles. It seems that the textiles most demanded for export were the linen ones, but we do not know in details where such textiles came from.

    25A large number of court cases record the purchases of textiles which long-distance merchants made in local market for export. A merchant who started preparing his trip to Mecca or Jeddah, two major trading centers for goods from India and Yemen, bought textiles with him in order to sell them in the Ḥijāz. The profits from these purchases were used to buy goods such as spices, coffee and Indian textiles. This pattern was very common, and many court cases in which commercial partnerships (sharika) were registered provide data on purchases. In one such partnership, three merchants pooled their capital in order to undertake a commercial venture. They were khawāja Ismā‘īl Abū Taqiyya, khawāja ‘Abd al-Qādīr al-Damīrī and khawāja Muṣṭafā al- Ṣafadī. The capital they had pooled was used to purchase sugar, paper and Egyptian textiles (aqmisha misriyya) to transport to Mukhā in Yaman, to sell them there and to purchase Indian cloth, indigo, pepper and other merchandise.20 A similar operation was carried out for a commercial venture that would take one of the partners to Damascus, carrying with him, amongst other things, Egyptian textiles that he would sell in order to purchase silks.21 In a case dated 1026/1617, one of the two partners in a sharika was a weaver (ḥā’ik) who was entrusted to purchase from the rug makers (busatiyya) carpets and rugs (busaṭ, sajājid) to take to Mecca during the pilgrimage.22

    26The numerous court cases of this kind indicate that textiles were purchased specifically for the trading venture which was being prepared, and by the partner who would be travelling. It was he who decided which textiles were appropriate, and which would sell easily once they had reached their destination. The text of the transactions indicate, in fact, that these purchases took place after the contract of partnership had been written, and once the merchant had received funds from the other partners. In other words, these cases contain no indication that merchants were helping craftsmen to finance their weaving or were advancing them money to buy materials. They simply purchased the finished product.

    27It is premature, given the present state of our knowledge, to conclude that the putting out system, or some form of it, did not exist in relation to textile production. One would need to look into the records of provincial courts, where much of the weaving took place, in order to determine if merchants played some role in financing, in providing raw material, in making advance payments to weavers and so on. Given the importance of textile production in Egypt, this subject is worthy of detailed study in the future.

    AGRICULTURE

    28The involvement of urban dwellers in agriculture is usually considered by scholars in terms of tax collection, the tax collector or multazim being the urban resident whose duty it was to collect taxes from the peasant in cash or in kind. Depending on the period, the multazim could have been a civil or a military personage, and could have be more or less oppressive in his methods of tax collection. Whatever the case was, the relationship between him and the persons planting the land is conceived as a transfer of goods or money from the peasant in the land to the tax collector in the city.

    29The relationship of merchants to the land that I would like to explore is of another type. The merchants I studied do not seem to have been linked to the tax collection system for agricultural land. Their relation to agriculture was established on other grounds. The aim of this relation was to consolidate the merchants’ trading abilities in different ways. Thus, we find merchants dealing with village shaykh. We also find them dealing with multazims of agricultural land. In both cases, their funds were transferred from the city to the rural area. We can therefore consider this funding as a type of investment in rural production.

    30The engagement of merchants in the rural economy took different forms. They undertook short-term investments for the most part. This could take the form of a loan made to the tax-holders of agricultural land, much as was done in the case of tanneries. In return, merchants would expect the same type of advantage, namely a lower rate and priority in obtaining the product. This was a frequent occurrence in relation to sugar cane, for which advance payments were made at the time it was planted, so that the product was received at the time of harvest. The transaction that merchants commonly used for this purpose was called salam shar‘ī, that is advance payment for future delivery, a transaction well known in books of Islamic jurisprudence.23 The money that the merchant paid to the multazim or tax-holder would thus be blocked for the ten to eleven months required for the sugar-cane to mature. Advance payments were also made for rice grown in Egypt, a staple food much demanded for export, mainly to Anatolia. Advance payments were likewise made for agricultural products, like date paste (‘ajwa), that were not necessarily intended for export, but for distribution in the local market.24

    31Significantly enough, although for the period studied merchants do not seem to have been multazims, we find a number of instances of their buying or renting agricultural land. The bulk of agricultural land in Egypt was mīrī or state land; yet there were significant portions of waqf land that were rented out to individuals, and small portions of land held in private property that were bought or sold. Thus we find khawāja Ismā‘īl Abū Taqiyya renting from the supervisor of the Waqf al-Dashāyīsh a piece of land of unspecified size in addition to 200 faddāns in Bahtīt, a locality in the Delta.25 A few years later, the same merchant rented another 200 faddāns from the waqf of Masīh Pasha.26 That same merchant owned part of an orchard near Cairo where lemon, apricots, grapes and other fruits were planted.27 The relationship between the peasant and the owner or renter of the land is still an obscure matter, and many of its details escape us. The merchant presumably made investments in agriculture in order to obtain harvests, which may have been shared with peasants.

    CONCLUSION

    32One could forward a number of explanations for the investments which merchants made outside the domain of their main activity. One of them, suggested earlier, is the seasonal factor in trade. Merchants could invest in other fields until the start of a new trading season, and thus make better use of their capital. Another reason could be the desire to diversify their assets, rather than to concentrate them all in one activity. More significant, however, seems to be the fact that merchants concentrated a significant part of their investments in the local economy, whether agricultural or industrial, and on those items and commodities which served for export, such as sugar, leather, and rice. Investment in the local economy Consolidated their trade.

    33One last point we should keep in mind is that similar patterns are discernable in Europe at the same time. In Europe also merchants were diversifying their investments. They placed their capital in industrial and mining activities, and thus played an important role in financing these ventures.28 This is a manifestation of the wealth and status of European merchants; the same could also be said about merchants in Cairo. Conditions were such, at that point in time, as to allow merchants to reach this high social and economic status.

    34Assessing the effects of these investments on the economy is evidently more difficult. They did not essentially change the modes of productions. Most artisans and craftsmen continued to function in small workshops; guilds were to remain an important force for a long time to come; the relation between peasant, tax collector, and the state did not undergo dramatic change. Perhaps the significant feature which emerges from the situation described above is the direction that some of the production took. Merchants came to have networks, that extended from Cairo, to provincial towns and rural areas, and further to the markets abroad with which they had dealings. They were therefore linking the urban to the rural, and the capital city to the countryside. At the same time, they were able to provide a link between production and marketing, between the product which was planted and the consumer who bought it in finished or unfinished form, in Jeddah, Istanbul, Venice or Damascus.

    Notes de bas de page

    1 Steensgaard N., The Asian Trade Revolution of the Seventeenth Century, Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1974, p. 22-41.

    2 Islamoglu H. and Keydar C., «Agenda for Ottoman History», in Islamoglu-Inan H., éd., The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1987, p. 48.

    3 Raymond A., Artisans et Commerçants au Caire au xviiie siècle, 2 vols., IFEAD, Damascus, 1974.

    4 Hanna N., Making Big Money in 1600: The Life and Times of Isma ’il Abu Taqiyya, Egyptian Merchant, Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, 1998.

    5 Chaudhuri K. N., Trade and Civilization in the Indian Ocean, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985, p. 11.

    6 Gran P., «Late-eighteenth - early nineteenth-century Egypt: Merchant Capitalism or Modem Capitalism», in Islamoglu-Inan H., éd., The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy, p. 27-41. Some of these debates are outlined in Faroqhi S., «Crisis and Change», in Inalcik H. and Quataert D., An Economie and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, vol.2, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1997, p. 474-480.

    7 Hanna N., Making Big Money, p. 54-56.

    8 Court of Bāb ‘Alī (henceforth BA) 100, case 468, dated 1026/1617, p. 57.

    9 Baer G., «Administrative, Economic and Social Functions», in Fellah and Townsmen in the Middle East: Studies in Social History, Frank Cass, London, 1982, p. 153-161.

    10 Inalcik H., The Ottoman Empire, The Classical Age 1300-1600, Weidelfeld and Nicolson, London, 1973, p. 159-160.

    11 BA 126. case 8 dated 1028/1618. p. 2.

    12 Dasht 145 dated 1037/1627, p. 320.

    13 BA 95 dated 1022/1613, case 1478 p. 266 and BA 98 dated 1025/1616, case 1843, p. 230.

    14 This matter is discussed in some detail in Hanna N., Making Big Money, p. 81 -84.

    15 BA 100, case 1249 dated 1026/1617, p. 186.

    16 Raymond A., Artisans et Commerçants au Caire au xviiie siècle, Damascus, 1973, vol. I, p. 231-232.

    17 BA 96, case 1447 dated 1023/1614, p. 231

    18 BA 98, case 1872 dated 1025/1616, p. 234

    19 Braudel F., Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century, vol. 2, The Wheels of Commerce, transl, from French by Sian Reynolds, Harper and Row, New York, 1982, p. 316-21.

    20 BA 98, case 2162 dated 1025/1616, p. 275.

    21 BA 90, case 452 dated 1017/1608, p. 102.

    22 BA 100, case 1289 dated 1026/1617, p. 192.

    23 Hanna N., Making Big Money. p. 83-87.

    24 BA 100, case 996 dated 1026/1617, p. 140.

    25 BA 90, case 459 dated 1017/1608, p. 100.

    26 BA 102, case 26, dated 1028/1618, p. 5.

    27 BA 103, case 1740 dated 1032/1622, p. 510

    28 Braudel.F., Civilization and Capitalism 15th-18th Century, vol. 2, The Wheels of Commerce, p. 320-325.

    Auteur

    • Nelly Hanna
      The American University of Cairo
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    1 Steensgaard N., The Asian Trade Revolution of the Seventeenth Century, Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1974, p. 22-41.

    2 Islamoglu H. and Keydar C., «Agenda for Ottoman History», in Islamoglu-Inan H., éd., The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1987, p. 48.

    3 Raymond A., Artisans et Commerçants au Caire au xviiie siècle, 2 vols., IFEAD, Damascus, 1974.

    4 Hanna N., Making Big Money in 1600: The Life and Times of Isma ’il Abu Taqiyya, Egyptian Merchant, Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, 1998.

    5 Chaudhuri K. N., Trade and Civilization in the Indian Ocean, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985, p. 11.

    6 Gran P., «Late-eighteenth - early nineteenth-century Egypt: Merchant Capitalism or Modem Capitalism», in Islamoglu-Inan H., éd., The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy, p. 27-41. Some of these debates are outlined in Faroqhi S., «Crisis and Change», in Inalcik H. and Quataert D., An Economie and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, vol.2, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1997, p. 474-480.

    7 Hanna N., Making Big Money, p. 54-56.

    8 Court of Bāb ‘Alī (henceforth BA) 100, case 468, dated 1026/1617, p. 57.

    9 Baer G., «Administrative, Economic and Social Functions», in Fellah and Townsmen in the Middle East: Studies in Social History, Frank Cass, London, 1982, p. 153-161.

    10 Inalcik H., The Ottoman Empire, The Classical Age 1300-1600, Weidelfeld and Nicolson, London, 1973, p. 159-160.

    11 BA 126. case 8 dated 1028/1618. p. 2.

    12 Dasht 145 dated 1037/1627, p. 320.

    13 BA 95 dated 1022/1613, case 1478 p. 266 and BA 98 dated 1025/1616, case 1843, p. 230.

    14 This matter is discussed in some detail in Hanna N., Making Big Money, p. 81 -84.

    15 BA 100, case 1249 dated 1026/1617, p. 186.

    16 Raymond A., Artisans et Commerçants au Caire au xviiie siècle, Damascus, 1973, vol. I, p. 231-232.

    17 BA 96, case 1447 dated 1023/1614, p. 231

    18 BA 98, case 1872 dated 1025/1616, p. 234

    19 Braudel F., Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century, vol. 2, The Wheels of Commerce, transl, from French by Sian Reynolds, Harper and Row, New York, 1982, p. 316-21.

    20 BA 98, case 2162 dated 1025/1616, p. 275.

    21 BA 90, case 452 dated 1017/1608, p. 102.

    22 BA 100, case 1289 dated 1026/1617, p. 192.

    23 Hanna N., Making Big Money. p. 83-87.

    24 BA 100, case 996 dated 1026/1617, p. 140.

    25 BA 90, case 459 dated 1017/1608, p. 100.

    26 BA 102, case 26, dated 1028/1618, p. 5.

    27 BA 103, case 1740 dated 1032/1622, p. 510

    28 Braudel.F., Civilization and Capitalism 15th-18th Century, vol. 2, The Wheels of Commerce, p. 320-325.

    Études sur les villes du Proche-Orient XVIe-XIXe siècles

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    Hanna, N. (2001). Merchants and the economy in Cairo 1600-1650. In B. Marino (éd.), Études sur les villes du Proche-Orient XVIe-XIXe siècles (1‑). Presses de l’Ifpo. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ifpo.3347
    Hanna, Nelly. « Merchants and the Economy in Cairo 1600-1650 ». In Études Sur Les Villes Du Proche-Orient XVIe-XIXe siècles, édité par Brigitte Marino. Beyrouth: Presses de l’Ifpo, 2001. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ifpo.3347.
    Hanna, Nelly. « Merchants and the Economy in Cairo 1600-1650 ». Études Sur Les Villes Du Proche-Orient XVIe-XIXe siècles, édité par Brigitte Marino, Presses de l’Ifpo, 2001, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ifpo.3347.

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    Marino, B. (éd.). (2001). Études sur les villes du Proche-Orient XVIe-XIXe siècles (1‑). Presses de l’Ifpo. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ifpo.3318
    Marino, Brigitte, éd. Études sur les villes du Proche-Orient XVIe-XIXe siècles. Beyrouth: Presses de l’Ifpo, 2001. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ifpo.3318.
    Marino, Brigitte, éditeur. Études sur les villes du Proche-Orient XVIe-XIXe siècles. Presses de l’Ifpo, 2001, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ifpo.3318.
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