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Essays on population and space in India

Christophe Z. Guilmoto
Alain Vaguet

Part II. Rural and urban poles

4. At the Roots of Urbanization : New Small Towns in Andhra Pradesh

Eric Leclerc

Texte intégral


  • 1 According to the felicitous expression of Moriconi-Ebrard (1994).
  • 2 Lardinois (1996), p. 301.

1This is, as far as urban analysis is concerned, a time of teratology.1 Towns everywhere are in crisis, in the north as well as in the south. India, having nine cities of over two million inhabitants, is not exempt from this type of analysis. The country’s weight, in terms of total urban population and as regards its place among the world’s great metropolises, is growing at a pace proportional to the erosion of its image, as the towns in the peninsula are frequently likened to so many “Cities of Joy.” The image of poverty in India, long a rural attribute, is today above all perpetuated in its urban aspect. Considering its importance in terms of world population (second in rank), India’s share of the world’s urban population is only legitimate (numbering 217 million, it is fourth highest).2 In a recent work, J. Racine (1997) has even pointed out the modest character of Indian urban growth which marks the time, according to figures from the last census in 1991. Above all, he noted that this growth did not take place to the detriment of the countryside, contrary to the European model of urbanization. There is no rural exodus because the population there has doubled since 1950. However, urban growth takes place on the upper levels of the urban hierarchy, and this has been noted in all analyses based on the town’s size-group in the last several censuses. Is this increasing disequilibrium to the disadvantage of small towns a precursory sign of a more serious urban crisis ? Can an urban network without base survive in a space, which is to three-quarters rural ? Far from the metropolises, we are concerned with the lower level of the urban hierarchy in order to ascertain the scale of this decline.

The contradictory role of small towns in Indian urbanization

2Urbanization in the Indian subcontinent differs from most of the developing countries in its comparative weakness, with an urban population of 25.7 per cent, in 1991, although Indian authors would be fond of underscoring its absolute importance. In distinction to Africa or Latin America, the problem of macrocephaly is less often evoked, except perhaps in West Bengal, where Calcutta comprises 20 per cent of the urban population. Nevertheless, India is not immune to the problems known in other large cities of the Third World. Calcutta (Racine, 1990), Chennai or Mumbai provide the best examples, but there are also the towns of medium-size in the decade 1951-1961 which have since then become cities (towns of more than 100,000 inhabitants). Between 1951 and 1991, their number increased from 71 to 300, and their total population grew from 26 to 140 million. The upper levels of the urban hierarchy have thus together increased in relative weight. Should the tendencies of the last decades continue to prevail, the disequilibrium in the urban network to the advantage of the large towns would have to follow. Moreover, this disequilibrium encumbers the developmental possibilities of the countryside, depriving it of the relays such as had earlier contributed to the success of the Green Revolution in the Punjab.

3Small towns, with less than 20,000 inhabitants, thus occupy a weak and diminishing place in the Indian urban system. To the dynamism of the large town is opposed the decline of the small one. This fragility was already noted by A. Bose (1980) in his work, Indian Urbanization 1901-2001, the sixth chapter of which is entitled, “The stagnation of small towns 1901-1961.” More recent works advance the same opinion. Reviewing the evolution of urbanization since Independence, R. Ramachandran (1991) notes the decline of small towns, the number of which decreased from 2345 in 1951, to 2020 in 1981, while their share in the total urban population fell from 32 to 19 per cent. This decline in relation to large towns can be tellingly expressed in terms of relative value. If, in 1901, the population of towns with less than 20,000 inhabitants was twice as high as that of towns with more than 100,000 inhabitants, the ratio, in 1981, had reversed and the small towns counted four and one half times fewer inhabitants. Following an urbanization model already encountered in Africa and Latin America, the very high growth of large towns erodes the base of the urban hierarchy, at the risk of seeing it disappear. However, the absence of two essential elements in this schema precludes its application in the case of India, namely rural exodus and macrocephaly. Consequently, the real causes of the disequilibrium evidenced in the census figures must be ascertained. We have shown elsewhere that, for south India, and most particularly the delta of the Krishna, this decline is to a large extent explained by a reclassification of small towns (Leclerc, 1993). The decline in small towns, therefore, represents that of a supply which is not replenished. The emphasis of the problem has merely shifted. Is it only a question of statistical bias, or is the village network incapable of giving rise to new small towns in a position to replace those having grown to a higher level ?

4Before undertaking to respond to these questions, it should be noted that authors who have studied small towns offer a much more optimistic picture of the situation. K. B. Suri and P. Chellappan (1973) demonstrate that, between 1951 and 1961, small towns grew more rapidly than natural movement, which implies migratory movements in their direction. The growth of large towns is, on the other hand, overestimated by the most currently employed analysis in terms of size classes. Natural growth implies mechanically a strengthening of the upper groups. If one follows the destiny of each town over a span of several censuses, as have done M. Rakesh and P. Chandrashekhar (1982), the growth of large centres is seen to be much weaker. O. T. Buvanesvaram arrives at the same results in his thesis on small towns in Tamil Nadu. J. Véron (1987) extends this conclusion to all urban classes : “Neither the age of the towns, nor their size are discriminate in relation to growth rates.” The question can, therefore, be legitimately raised : Are small towns on the decline ? This question is all the more important as the National Commission on Urbanization recognizes an essential role for them in the harmonious development of the country, thereby closely approaching the theses of large international agencies as summarized in the remarks of R. Rondinelli (1983) : “The functions of service, distribution, commercialization, sale, agro-industrial processing and others, of towns and small centres must offer a better basis for stimulating the growth and diversification of large industrial enterprises.” This evolution, however, must be observed with great circumspection. Is this not a new rendering of “small is beautiful”, the valorization of small towns only being inversely proportional to the difficulties in large towns ?

The programme, “Study of the factors of stagnation and growth of small and medium-sized towns in the state of Andhra Pradesh (India)”

  • 3 Laboratoire d’Etude du Développement des Regions Arides et Semi-arides.

5Centred on the lower rung of the urban hierarchy, its weaker link, a research programme under the direction of L. de Golbéry and financed by the Ministry of Research (1989-1991), “Study of the factors of stagnation and growth of small and medium-sized towns in the state of Andhra Pradesh (India)”, was conducted at the University of Rouen within the LEDRA.3 This was an approach differing from that followed by other French research programmes carried out during the same years by the CEIAS and the Orstom concerning “entrepreneurs in small and medium-sized towns in India.” The latter was concerned with the median level of the urban hierarchy, with towns such as Rajsamund (30,000 inhabitants) or Jetpur (130,000 inhabitants). J. Racine and his group explored the retention capacities of populations at the village level (Racine, 1997). A common theme, however, appears with the latter geographical approach in south India pertaining to the mobility of populations, which we have attempted to detect in small towns, where it was not expected.

6Our participation in this programme, in the form of a thesis in Geography, consisted in the verification of the most currently accepted hypotheses respective of the decline of small towns, namely :

71. The inability of these centres to retain migrant populations from the countryside, the latter preferring to seek out the large metropolises ;

82. The weakness of their local role resultant of the direct influence exerted by the larger towns ;

93. Their lack of urban character ; with numerous observers suggesting a ruralization of large towns, this phenomenon should be more acutely manifest in small agglomerations.

  • 4 Karnataka has since then abandoned this administrative division

10Andhra Pradesh was chosen as the field of study because it is one of the very few Indian states, along with Karnataka, to have implemented an administrative decentralization, the mandal reform, which began in 1984 and is still in force today.4 The mandal reform thus marked a redistribution of the function of administrative authority to the advantage of small towns, or indeed real villages, abruptly promoted to headquarters of administrative divisions. This reform, intended to improve rural development, is also indirectly a means of action against the decline of small towns by perhaps favouring the emergence of new small towns. Our problematic, then, is expanded by an additional theme :

114. The capacity of a political decision to impel the process of urbanization and revitalization of small towns.

12The delta of the Krishna was chosen because of the abundance of data and the studies carried out by the University of Rouen since the 1970s. As the rural framework was well known through village monographs and analyses of agricultural development through irrigation, it was possible to bring out the original aspects by more specifically considering the world of small towns and migratory flows. The analysis of the decline of small towns also justified the choice of Krishna district as the research area. Having an urban population of 33.5 per cent, in 1991, 6.7 per cent more than the Andhra Pradesh average, we could hope to find there varying situations of growth and decline. The district, which includes the third-largest town in Andhra Pradesh, Vijayawada (838,944 inhabitants in 1991), could also provide the possibility to evaluate the influence of a city on its rural environment. Finally, this is one of the regions involved in the Green Revolution and, as such, it is a potential example of ascending urbanization. Of the 105 headquarters of mandals located in the two coastal districts of Guntur and Krishna, 12 were studied in detail by students and researchers from the University of Rouen within the framework of the research programme. Our own study focused on 40 of the 50 mandal headquarters in Krishna district (cf. Figure 4.1).

Figure 4.1 : Krishna district (Andhra Pradesh)

Figure 4.1 : Krishna district (Andhra Pradesh)

13The ten other headquarters, corresponding to towns of too great a size (above 20,000 inhabitants) to be included within the framework of our study, were eliminated from the sample. The themes of administrative and commercial activities and their dynamism constituted the privileged axes of this district-wide analysis. At the conclusion of an initial survey undertaken in each of the headquarters, in early 1991, six were chosen for detailed study. Two of these towns were assigned to master’s degree students, who pursued survey and sampling procedures identical to ours in the four remaining headquarters.

  • 5 The administrative subdivision preceding the mandal which constitutes the present system in all the (...)

14The criteria employed to choose the six centres were the size of the headquarter, the administrative situation, the position in the urban network, the surrounding agricultural system and the conspicuous dynamism. The two small towns studied in early 1991 by the master’s degree students, Bantumilli and Gampalagudem (cf. Figure 4.1), counted 6,000 (1991) inhabitants. The former, which had already been made a taluk headquarter5 in 1981, was initially surprising because of its development. The second was chosen in an inverse situation, as much from the point of view of the agricultural system —highlands rather than delta—, as from the vantage of conspicuous dynamism. The four remaining small towns, for which we were responsible, completed the different urban levels of the sample, with two centres of 3,000 inhabitants (Chatray and Chanubanda) and one of 12,000 (Kankipadu). The final small town to be chosen, Kalidindi, counted 13,000 inhabitants in 1981, distributed over eleven hamlets because it is located in an area of scattered settlement. The town was chosen by reason of its localization in a zone of high demographic growth and agricultural dynamism, with a considerable and rapid development of pisciculture, which adds a degree of diversification to the activities of a region dedicated to intensive rice-growing (double harvest). Kankipadu retained our attention through its classification as town, according to the census criteria (there were three in our sample), and its localization in proximity of Vijayawada (840,000 inhabitants in 1991), offering the common situation of the competition of an urban centre with a larger town. Located fifteen kilometres from Vijayawada, the economic capital in the delta, Kankipadu is an old town situated both in the vegetable-growing ring of the metropolis and in the sugar cane region around the sugar mill in Vuyyur.

15In 1992, the research programme was geographically re-centred on the district of Guntur (south bank of the Krishna). Five specific themes added to the knowledge of the urbanization process in these small towns : health, trade, education, utilization of water resources, socio-professional mobility. This research was complemented by an analysis of public capital flows from the small towns to their rural hinterland based on the study carried out by the Integrated Rural Development Programme in the entire district of Guntur. The coherence of the analysis of the twelve small towns in the Krishna delta is supported by the common collection of information by means of family surveys. All of the themes taken up, as well as the specificity of each study, are summarized in Table 4.1 below.

The polarization of rural space by the small town

16The results of the research programme largely exceed the framework of this article, and so we have privileged the thematic of the decline of small towns. By choosing the headquarters in the mandals considered as villages, we freed ourselves from the statistical bias introduced by the census definition of town. We were thus in a position to consider the phenomenon of the emergence of new small towns. The context was all the more favourable in Andhra Pradesh as the decentralization of numerous services through the reform of the mandals should increase the attractive force of new headquarters. Was the area of influence of the headquarters increased by favouring the dynamics of all activities ? Before analyzing the energizing effect of this political decision, it was necessary to replace the small towns in the functioning of the urban network. Their decline makes them comparable to simple village relays in an ascending relationship. We shall study here the daily movements of the labour force in order to verify this hypothesis.

Table 4.1 : Activities of outside residents

Table 4.1 : Activities of outside residents

Small towns which attract a labour force from outside

17Labour migrations to the small towns were ascertained by means of an exhaustive enumeration of non-agricultural activities in the four chosen centres : Kankipadu (12,003 inhabitants), Kalidindi (17,003), Chatray (3,977) and Chanubanda (8,451). The place of residence of the entrepreneur enabled us to assess the attraction exerted by the headquarters in terms of trade and services. Such outside residents are nearly non-existent in the two smallest centres, Chatray (4) and Chanubanda (7), but their number increases to 37 in Kalidindi and 63 in Kankipadu. However, these figures underestimate the actual situation, for they only take into account the heads of enterprises, and not the employees ; there are, furthermore, very mobile activities to be added : numerous producers come from the surrounding villages to deliver milk to regular clients, or to sell their fruits and vegetables door to door, and there are also providers of small services, for example knife grinders, who do the same. Our enumeration concerns only the permanent establishments and the mobile activities as they were encountered.

Figure 4.2 : Origin of workers from outside in Kankipadu and Kalidindi

Figure 4.2 : Origin of workers from outside in Kankipadu and Kalidindi

Figure 4.3 : Workplace of Kankipadu residents working outside Figure 4.4 : Origin of vendors on Kalidindi market

Figure 4.3 : Workplace of Kankipadu residents working outside Figure 4.4 : Origin of vendors on Kalidindi market

Table 4.2 : Towns and topics selected for the LEDRA programme on urbanization

Table 4.2 : Towns and topics selected for the LEDRA programme on urbanization

Bibliography : Clément (1991), Jaffrelot (1992), Boof (1992), Duménil (n.d.), Leclerc (1993), Rihouey (1993), Couillet (1993), Patry (1993), Brisset (1995), Hamon (1997), Ogier (1994).

18The small towns exert an attraction first by their commercial potential. Outside residents are engaged in commercial activities in 57 per cent of the cases in Kalidindi, as compared with 40 per cent in Kankipadu, where the range of activities is wider (cf. Table 4.1). In the two small towns, the craft industry verges on 30 per cent, which confirms the preceding tendency, the craft industry being extended by the direct sale of the manufactured products. A more extensive analysis of the activities practised, however, shows varied urban profiles. In the production sector, Kankipadu attracts artisans (17 per cent from a total of 28 per cent) who can find there a larger outlet for their production, whereas small entrepreneurs (16 per cent) settles in Kalidindi, primarily in the agro-food industry. Much more recently, Kalidindi, a truly flourishing town, has witnessed the concentration of more mechanized production. This characteristic is also found in the presence of two pawnbrokers among the outside residents. This is remarkable as loaning supposes a good local implantation to obtain repayment in case of difficulty by way of social pressure, or indeed, threats. On the other hand, in trade, the situation is reversed. In Kalidindi, the outside residents sell standard goods, while in Kankipadu, it is a matter of intermediary products, trades not found in the villages. If vendors of standard goods do not appear in Kankipadu, it is because there is a permanent market controlled by local intermediaries. A chain of distribution is developing, which does not yet exist in Kalidindi, in which rural producers or distributors are being supplanted.

19In summation, two urban profiles are taking shape : Kalidindi is a place of privileged investment for the rural inhabitants of the surrounding area, whether in small-scale industry or pawnbroking, and small traders still find there a place ; whereas Kankipadu reserves access to well-to-do tradesmen who cannot exercise their activity in their village because of a lack of consumers, which does not exclude outside investments of a greater order (the two cinemas). In both cases, the outside residents commute from a limited radius of five kilometres (cf. Figure 4.2), which can be covered on foot or bicycle, equivalent to the radius of activity of rickshaws and tongas (horse-carts). Beyond these limits, the cost and time of transport would make the movement prohibitive. In Kankipadu, however, the outside residents originate from a greater distance than those in Kalidindi. They come from within a circumference extending to Vuyyur (10.5 km) in the south and to Vijayawada (15 km) in the north. These entrepreneurs living in towns from medium to large sizes have very heterogeneous professions and, except for a few activities, correspond mostly to a high-level of education (medical doctor, advocate), or belong to a high-capital modern sector (proprietor of a cinema, of a service station, vendor of alcohol, fertilizer or jewellery). The direction of investment is here from medium to very large towns towards the small towns, made possible in Kankipadu by the proximity of Vijayawada and the existence of an important trunk road. These smaller towns are in a position to give rise to shuttle mobility from the neighbouring countryside, as well as from a number of larger towns. Situated in the orbit of a city, Kankipadu attracts some city dwellers who find there a professional opening. It remains to assess the reverse job flows in order to evaluate the situation.

Small towns which export their labour force

20We avail of another source, an rapid but exhaustive survey of all households, to ascertain the places of activity of the inhabitants of the two small towns. The two sources are not quantitatively comparable, as the second covers all the heads of families, employees and entrepreneurs. Here again, some of the movements are neglected because the question regarding the place of activity only concerns the household head and not all its members. Kalidindi was not retained because the eight cases recorded had no statistical value. On the other hand, there were 122 in Kankipadu, and we thus compared the activities exercised by the two groups : residents and workers from outside (Table 4.3). It is noted that the profile of activities is radically different. The two types of movement are thus not of the same nature and do not counterbalance each other. Thus, trade is given up for the sake of transport and services. Only four inhabitants of Kankipadu are engaged in trade outside the small town. In their place, hawkers operate on bicycles, touring the region around Kankipadu, in particular to provide the kiranas (grocers) and tobacconists with, among other goods, biscuits and sweets made in Kankipadu. However, these hawkers could not be recorded because of their great mobility.

  • 6 Andhra Pradesh State Road Transport Corporation.

21In the production sector, the activities differ radically between residents and workers from outside. The inhabitants of Kankipadu find employment almost exclusively in industry, and not cottage industry. They are for the most part employed at the textile mill in Ganguru, six kilometres away in the direction of Vijayawada, or at the cane sugar mill in Vuyyur, thus in large-scale industry. The textile mill is actually located in a rural milieu and avails of no free or subsidized accommodation, obliging the employees to live in the surrounding villages or, in some cases, to increase the distance from residence to work when they prefer to live in a small town. A large colony of employees of the APSRTC,6 from drivers to ticket inspectors and mechanics at the depot, explains the significant role of transport in the distribution of activities. Travelling gratis on the bus network, they have chosen to live in Kankipadu rather than in Vijayawada in order to save money on rent and to profit from the tranquillity of the small town, according to their statements. The professions also diverge in the domain of services. Teachers and bank employees are numerous. These lower civil servants and similar categories prefer Kankipadu to their village postings. Although Kankipadu is far from offering all the advantages of the large town in terms of leisure activities or consumer goods, it assumes a position above the surrounding villages. The attitude of these state employees regarding the choice of their place of residence concurs closely with that of the textile workers.

22Similar to the outside residents, the strategy of the workers from outside is twofold. Some have settled in Kankipadu but work in medium-sized to large towns, while others have made the same choice as to residence, but because they work in the villages. Transport remains the major constraint on all of these movements. The most distant places on the two maps concerning Kankipadu are all in proximity of a road and are served by a bus line. Although the two maps cannot be compared in quantitative terms, it can nevertheless be seen that the area of the workplaces is greater, some ten kilometres in radius, and more homogeneous than that of the domiciles of outside residents (cf. Figure 4.3). With Vijayawada, the equilibrium of exchanges is restored, which contradicts the thesis of the complete subordination of the small town to the large town. Above all, the area of shuttle movements, centripetal just as well as centrifugal, indicates a certain polarizing force of the mandal headquarters. Although the influence of large towns extends to the countryside, it has not brought about the disappearance of the influence of some small towns. Kankipadu is a centre of significant centrifugal and centripetal movements of the labour force. If the centripetal movements are in part determined by the proximity of Vijayawada, which the commuters avoided because of its high cost of living, the movements of the lower state employees owe nothing to it. The simple model of an ascending relationship and of a subordinate situation of small towns is not verified in this coastal district. The small towns reproduce on their level a polarizing effect on the labour force, which distinguishes them from the villages. This effect was seen in both the trade and service sectors.

Small towns which animate their rural hinterland

23We have selectively evaluated the area of commercial and administrative attraction exerted by some to these small towns. Thus, in Kalidindi, we conducted a survey of vendors at the daily market which includes vendors of fruit and vegetables, of meat and fish, to whom are added a few retailers of manufactured products (children’s garments, plastic items and inexpensive jewellery). This locally significant market had on the day of our survey 171 vendors, of whom 43 per cent were from places outside Kalidindi (cf. Figure 4.4). The area from which they come extends over a radius of some twenty kilometres and is therefore larger than the area of outside residents, the market representing only a periodic activity. The attraction area of the market extends from west to east according to the organization of the lines of communication, with a high proportion of vendors from the neighbouring district of West Godavari, namely one third. The town of Akiveedu, with 43 vendors (25 per cent), is a reflection of these privileged relations. It prevails over the former taluk headquarter, Kaikalur, which is closer. These relations with the Godavari delta are very old, for in the 18th century, Kalidindi already depended on the Dutch “factory” at Pallikollu (West Godavari) for its textile production, and not on Machilipatnam, the present headquarter of Krishna district.

  • 7 Jaffrelot (1992), p. 38, map 10.

24Examples drawn from the works of other researchers confirm our observations in Krishna district. The commercial attraction of small towns is exerted through the services offered, among which is education. Y. Jaffrelot (1992) has already noted in the instance of Krossur that the share of the students who are not from small towns is significant : 475 out of 1551 (total number of pupils in 1990), that is, 30 per cent, the proportion increasing with the level of education. For secondary school and above, students from outside, who are often boarders, number 328, or 54 per cent. The map accompanying this data7 shows a recruitment area with a 10-kilometre radius, while secondary school students come from places that are more distant. C. Patry (1993) observed the same realities in Pedanandipadu where 25 per cent of the students at the public college are not from the small town ; for the secondary level and first and second years of university, the radius of attraction (Figure 4.11) is 25 kilometres. She also notes that the staff at these establishments are also recruited from outside the small town and do not reside there (10 out of 12 teachers at Pedanandipadu College).

Table 4.3 : Comparison of activities exercised by residents and by migrants (Kankipadu)

Table 4.3 : Comparison of activities exercised by residents and by migrants (Kankipadu)

25In his study of Gampalagudem, a small town in the highlands of the district, P. Boof reviewed the registers of the different educational (a boarding school for Dalits and one for backward castes) and health (hospital and veterinary centre) institutions to ascertain the place of residence of students and of customers. The area of attraction of this small town of 7 300 inhabitants is approximately 8 kilometres. It extends well beyond the limits of the mandal in the case of certain services, such as boarding schools or maternity homes. These comparatively restricted areas of attraction correspond, however, to very intense relations. Not withstanding the necessary precautions in the matter of utilizing administrative data, the veterinary surgeon receives 220 peasants each month. These areas of attraction are added to the movements of the labour force and of goods to form close relations between the headquarter and its mandal. In the case of Gampalagudem, the area of commercial attraction is less than the areas of administrative services, which suggests that in certain cases the public service sector exerts an impelling force on private commercial activities.


26These small towns are, therefore, not subject to the irremediable decline, which would result of the direct competition of large towns. From this point of view, the small towns are rather indispensable relays in the circuits of commercialization, as is evidenced by the dynamism of these activities. They provide to the local population, at a distance of a few kilometres, that is, a return journey within half a day, goods and services which dispense with a bus journey to the large town. The businesses are thus in part the property of the rural people who maintain their residence in their native village. The small town is accordingly an element in their economic strategies. Conversely, urban residents, and, in particular, numerous minor government employees occupying posts in villages, elect to reside in the small town and undertake daily moves to the workplace. Frequently described in large towns, these movements also exist in small towns. They indeed belong to the urban world, as they possess ways of functioning on a scale commensurable to their size. The phenomenon of decline, although often noted when one relies only on data from the Census of India, is invalidated in our region and, in all probability, elsewhere in India.

  • 8 Leclerc (1993), pp.42-47.

27We have shown in another place8 the inconsistency in the official definitions of the urban phenomenon in India, but they must not be neglected, for most of our “small towns” are not even taken into account in the analysis of urbanization, coming as they do under the category of “village” in the census. The example of Piduguralla, a “village” of 35,040 inhabitants in Guntur district, is indicative of this underestimate.

  • 9 Retaillé (1997), p. 85.

28The analysis of Indian urbanization cannot rest content with a extensive definition (population threshold, density and share of non-agricultural activities), without neglecting a major part of this process which takes place on the lower levels. It is necessary to arrive at a comprehensive definition of the town9 so as to ascertain the roles of all levels in the production of urbanism in India, and thus go beyond the mere “balance of profits and weaknesses of intermediary urban centres”, which Burgel (1995) derides.


1 According to the felicitous expression of Moriconi-Ebrard (1994).

2 Lardinois (1996), p. 301.

3 Laboratoire d’Etude du Développement des Regions Arides et Semi-arides.

4 Karnataka has since then abandoned this administrative division

5 The administrative subdivision preceding the mandal which constitutes the present system in all the other Indian states.

6 Andhra Pradesh State Road Transport Corporation.

7 Jaffrelot (1992), p. 38, map 10.

8 Leclerc (1993), pp.42-47.

9 Retaillé (1997), p. 85.

Table des illustrations

Titre Figure 4.1 : Krishna district (Andhra Pradesh)
Fichier image/jpeg, 68k
Titre Table 4.1 : Activities of outside residents
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Titre Figure 4.2 : Origin of workers from outside in Kankipadu and Kalidindi
Fichier image/jpeg, 48k
Titre Figure 4.3 : Workplace of Kankipadu residents working outside Figure 4.4 : Origin of vendors on Kalidindi market
Fichier image/jpeg, 52k
Titre Table 4.2 : Towns and topics selected for the LEDRA programme on urbanization
Légende Bibliography : Clément (1991), Jaffrelot (1992), Boof (1992), Duménil (n.d.), Leclerc (1993), Rihouey (1993), Couillet (1993), Patry (1993), Brisset (1995), Hamon (1997), Ogier (1994).
Fichier image/jpeg, 146k
Titre Table 4.3 : Comparison of activities exercised by residents and by migrants (Kankipadu)
Fichier image/jpeg, 72k


Universite de Rouen, France.

© Institut Français de Pondichéry, 2000

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