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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral 1. Caldwell’s Law 2. New evidence from Tamil-Brāhmī 3. Absence of voiced consonants in Tamil-Brāhmī 4. Substitution of voiced with voiceless consonants in loanwords 5. Adaptation of Pkt. loanwords in Tamil-Brāhmī 6. Substitution of voiced with voiceless consonants in Pkt. inscriptions 7. Weakened articulation of consonants 8. Minimal presence and loss of the sibilant s 9. Tolkāppiyam silent on voicing 10. Evidence of voicing only from the early medieval period 11. Interpreting the evidence 12. Discussion 13. Conclusion Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    South-Indian Horizons

    Ce livre est recensé par

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    Voicing of consonants in Old Tamil: New evidence from Tamil-Brāhmī

    Iravatham Mahadevan

    p. 505-511

    Texte intégral Bibliographie References cited Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    1. Caldwell’s Law

    Caldwell’s celebrated "law of convertibility of surds and sonants" states that the stops are always pronounced as surds in initial position and when doubled, and as sonants in medial (intervocalic and postnasal) positions.1 The law was formulated by him on the basis of modern Tamil pronunciation. The question whether this law held good in earlier times has long been debated.2 There is no direct evidence as the Tamil script does not distinguish between voiced and voiceless consonants. Attempts have been made to settle the question on the basis of Tamil loanwords in Indo-Aryan and Western classical languages and also in Kannada and Telugu literary works and inscriptions, as the scripts of these languages could have faithfully recorded voicing in the loanwords.3 The problem has also been studied more rigorously utilising the comparative method of Dravidian phonology.4 As far as Old Tamil is concerned, there is at present a consensus among Dravidian linguists that stops had weakened or lenis articulation leading to voicing in medial positions.

    2. New evidence from Tamil-Brāhmī

    The discovery of Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions (ca. 2nd century B.C. to 4th century A.D.) has brought to light new evidence in the form of a sizeable vocabulary of Old Tamil interspersed with loanwords from Prakrit in a script derived from Brāhmī which has a complete set of voiced consonants. The significance of this new development for re-examining the problem of voicing of consonants in Old Tamil has been recognised;5 but no in-depth study could be undertaken earlier for want of reliable texts. The evidence presently available may be summarised as follows.6

    3. Absence of voiced consonants in Tamil-Brāhmī

    There are no voiced consonants in the graphemic inventory of the Tamil-Brāhmī script, even though they are present in the parent Brāhmī script and known to the local scribes as proved by the exceptional occurrence of dhammam/dhamam in two of the earliest inscriptions from Mangulam. The presence of voiced consonants in contemporary Prakrit inscriptions on pottery from ancient Tamil sites like Arikamedu also shows familiarity with the full range of the Brāhmī script.7 And yet Tamil words in the Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions are written without exception employing only the voiceless consonants of the Brāhmī script in initial as well as medial (intervocalic and postnasal) positions as illustrated below:8

    (e.g.) peruṅkaṭuṅkōṉ a personal name
    neṭuñcaḻiyaṉ a personal name
    toṇṭi a place name
    tantai- "father"
    - irumpoṟai a dynastic name

    4. Substitution of voiced with voiceless consonants in loanwords

    Voiced consonants even in the loanwords from Prakrit are systematically replaced in all positions by the corresponding voiceless consonants (with the solitary exception cited above).

    (e.g.) Initial gaṇi > kaṇi "title of a senior Jaina monk"
    dānaṁ > tāṉa "gift"
    Intervocalic udayana > utayaṉa- a personal name
    nigama > nikama-  "merchant guild"
    Postnasal nanda > nanta- a personal name
    kuṭumbika > -kuṭumpikaṉ "householder"

    5. Adaptation of Pkt. loanwords in Tamil-Brāhmī

    Loanwords from Indo-Aryan are mostly adapted to the Tamil phonetic pattern resulting in the following types of orthographic changes in Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions.

    (1) Loss of voicing

    Indo-Aryan Tamil-Brāhmī
    g>k gaṇaka kaṇaka
    gaṇi kaṇi
    gōpa kōpaṉ
    nigama nikama
    j>c gōtraja kōtiracaṉ (pottery inscription from Arikamedu)
    d>t dānaṁ tāṉa
    dēva tēvaṉ
    dēvadattā tevvaitattai (pottery inscription from Arikamedu)
    b>p kuṭumbika kuṭumpikaṉ

    (2) Loss of aspiration

    gh > k ghaṭikā kaṭikai
    jh > (c) c upajjha upacaṉ
    ṭh > ṭṭ adhiṭṭhāna atiṭṭāṉam
    th > (t) t sattha, sātha cātaṉ, cāttaṉ
    dh > t adhiṭṭhāna atiṭṭāṉam
    ph > p phāṇita pāṇita
    bh > p bhadaṁta patantaṉ
    bhūti pūti

    (3) Loss of anusvāra ṁ

    dānaṁ tāṉa

    (4) Loss of h

    iha (< ibha) iva- (< * i-a) (Ta. ipam)
    hariti ariti
    hārita āritaṉ

    (5) Substitution of sibilants

    s>c sattha, sātha cātaṉ, cāttaṉ
    s>y kāsapa kāyapaṉ
    tisa tiyaṉ
    s > 0 (zero) satiya (< *catiya) atiyan (read atiyaṉ)

    (6) Intervocalic

    - p- > -v- gapiti (< * gāpiti) kāviti
    (Sinh. Pkt.)

    (7) IA non-initial -n > Ta. -ṉ

    dāna (ṁ) tāṉa

    (8) IA final -ā > Ta. -ai

    ghaṭikā kaṭikai

    6. Substitution of voiced with voiceless consonants in Pkt. inscriptions

    A tendency towards replacement of voiced consonants and sibilants with voiceless consonants is seen even in some of the contemporary Prakrit inscriptions on inscribed objects found in the Tamil country:

    Image

    7. Weakened articulation of consonants

    1There is, however, some evidence for weakened or spirantised articulation of consonants in intervocalic position.

    Image

    8. Minimal presence and loss of the sibilant s

    Only one sibilant, viz. s, occurs minimally in loanwords in the Early Period. Even in the early inscriptions, loss of the sibilant occurs in initial position

    (s- > *c- > 0 (zero)).
    (e.g.) satiya > atiyan (read atiyaṉ) a clan name
    samaṇa > amaṇaṉ "Jaina monk"

    9. Tolkāppiyam silent on voicing

    Tolkāppiyam, the earliest extant grammatical treatise in Tamil, makes no reference to voicing of consonants.9

    10. Evidence of voicing only from the early medieval period

    The practice of employing Grantha characters for voiced consonants, aspirates and sibilants to express these non-Tamil sounds in loanwords occurring in Tamil inscriptions commenced only from about the beginning of the 7th century A.D. It is also from this period that we find evidence for the occasional presence of voiced consonants in medial position even in native Tamil words expressed by Grantha characters.

    11. Interpreting the evidence

    The evidence briefly summarised above has been interpreted in two diametrically opposite ways, one emphasising the negative evidence of the earliest Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions and the native grammatical tradition, and the other stressing the objective results of the comparative method in Dravidian.

    (A) There was no voicing in Tamil when the Tamil-Brāhmī script was devised and ToIkāppiyam was written. Had voicing been present, the readily available and known characters for the voiced consonants in the Brāhmī script would have been borrowed. This evidence is reinforced by the virtual avoidance of voiced consonants even in the Prakrit loanwords occurring in Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions, indicating the influence of Tamil phonology with its lack of voicing. Equally important is the negative evidence of Tolkāppiyam which devotes a whole chapter to articulatory phonetics (Tol. Eḻu. Piṟappiyal) which would have dealt with voicing if the feature was present in the language.10

    (B) The comparative method points to the existence of lenis articulation and voicing in medial position in Dravidian even prior to the pre-Tamil stage. As these features are present in modern Dravidian languages including Tamil, they must have existed in Old Tamil also, but not provided for in its orthography.11 This omission is explained by assuming that those who created the earliest script for Tamil must have been aware of the principle of the phoneme and saw no point in borrowing Brāhmī voiced consonants to indicate voicing of allophones in complementary distribution which is completely predictable.12 The consequent reduction achieved in the number of characters in the script was probably perceived as an advantage.

    12. Discussion

    While the comparative method is objective, the results in this case do not appear to be secure as they fail to resolve the following contradictions implicit in the argument summarised at (B) above:

    1. On the one hand, the orthography of the Early Tamil-Brāhmī script is described as experimental, halting or even defective; and on the other, the script is regarded as so sophisticated as to anticipate the modern theory of the phoneme and devise an orthographic system based on it.
    2. Tolkāppiyam has been rightly praised for its extraordinary insights into the principles of articulatory phonetics; but at the same time, the work is presumed to be unaware of the articulatory feature of voicing of the consonants in medial position.

    13. Conclusion

    On the basis of the direct and unambiguous evidence from the Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions taken together with the native grammatical tradition, the present study favours the interpretation summarised at (A) above, viz., there was no voicing of consonants in Old Tamil.13 There was a slight drift towards lenis articulation and spirantisation of consonants in medial position; but the articulation in these cases was perceived to be quite different from the full-fledged voicing in Indo-Aryan, which explains why the Brāhmī characters for voiced consonants were not borrowed into the Tamil-Brāhmī script. By the time voicing of consonants developed as a secondary characteristic in Tamil in the early medieval period as a result of contacts with Indo-Aryan as well as the Kannada and Telugu languages, the Tamil script had acquired fixity and resisted inclusion of additional characters in its graphemic inventory. The problem of representing voiced consonants in the loanwords from the Indo-Aryan was solved by utilising Grantha characters for this purpose. Even thereafter, Literary Tamil avoided employing Grantha characters to indicate voicing of consonants in medial position. This avoidance is also seen in Malayalam orthography for native words14 even though the script is derived from Grantha and has a full complement of characters for voiced consonants.

    Bibliographie

    Des DOI sont automatiquement ajoutés aux références bibliographiques par Bilbo, l’outil d’annotation bibliographique d’OpenEdition. Ces références bibliographiques peuvent être téléchargées dans les formats APA, Chicago et MLA.

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    Krishnan, K. G. (1972). “Convertibility of surds and sonants” — historical evidence. Brill. https://doi.org/10.1163/000000072790078587
    Krishnan, K. G. “‘Convertibility of Surds and sonants’ — Historical Evidence”. Indo-Iranian Journal. Brill, 1972. doi:10.1163/000000072790078587.
    Krishnan, K. G. “‘Convertibility of Surds and sonants’ — Historical Evidence”. Indo-Iranian Journal, vols. 14, no. 3-4, Brill, 1972, pp. 239-46. Crossref, https://doi.org/10.1163/000000072790078587.

    Cette bibliographie a été enrichie de toutes les références bibliographiques automatiquement générées par Bilbo en utilisant Crossref.

    References cited

    Burrow, T. 1968, "Dravidian Studies I. Notes on Convertibility of Surds and Sonants". In Collected Papers on Dravidian Linguistics, pp. 1-17. Annamalainagar, Annamalai University.

    Caldwell, Robert, 1856, A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages, J. L. Wyatt and T. Ramakrishna Pillai (eds.) 3rd rev. edn, Reprint (1961). Madras: University of Madras.

    Chatterji, S. K. 1956, "Old Tamil, Ancient Tamil and Primitive Dravidian". Tamil Culture 5 (2): 148-174.

    A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (DEDR), 1984, T. Burrow and M.B. Emeneau (eds.) 2nd edn. Oxford. Clarendon Press.

    Krishnamurti, Bh. 1961, Telugu Verbal Bases: A Comparative and Descriptive Study. Berkeley: University of California Press.

    —————. 1971, "Some Observations on the Tamil Phonology of the 12th and 13th Centuries". In Proceedings of the Second International Conference-Seminar of Tamil Studies I. 356-361.

    10.1163/000000072790078587 :

    Krishnan, K. G., 1981, "Convertibility of Surds and Sonants: Historical Evidence". Studies in South Indian History and Epigraphy. Vol. 1: 77-86. Madras: New Era Publications.

    Mahadevan, Iravatham, 1996, "Pottery Inscriptions in Brāhmī and Tamil-Brāhmī". In The Ancient Port of Arikamedu, New Excavations and Researches 1989-1992. Vimala Begley et al. 1996. Vol. 1: 287-315, Mémoires Archéologiques 22. Pondicherry: Centre d’Histoire et d’Archéologie, École Française d’Extrême-Orient.

    —————. 2003, Early Tamil Epigraphy. Harvard Oriental Series 62. Harvard University. Indian Edition published by Cre-A, Chennai.

    Subrahmanyam, P. S., 1983, Dravidian Comparative Phonology. Annamalainagar. Annamalai University,

    Subrahmanya Sastri, P. S., 1930, Tolkāppiyam: The Earliest Extant Tamil Grammar (with a Short Commentary in English). Vol. I, Eḻuttatikāram. Reprint (1999). Madras: Kuppuswamy Sastri Research Institute.

    —————. 1934, History of Grammatical Theories in Tamil. Reprint (1997). Madras: Kuppuswamy Sastri Research Institute.

    Zvelebil, Kamil, 1970, Comparative Dravidian Phonology. The Hague: Mouton.

    Notes de bas de page

    1 Robert Caldwell 1856 (3rd edn. 1961 reprint): pp. 138-139.

    2 The literature on this question is extensive. See especially T. Burrow 1968: pp. 1-17; Bh. Krishnamurti 1961: pp. 28-33; K. Zvelebil 1970: pp. 78- 84; P. S. Subrahmanyam 1983: pp. 269-286 for discussion and earlier references.

    3 E.g., for evidence from a 12th or 13th century literary work, see Bh. Krishnamurti 1971: pp. 356- 361; for inscriptional evidence of Tamil loanwords in Kannada, Grantha and Nāgarī scripts, see K. G. Krishnan 1981: pp. 77-86.

    4 See references in n. 2 above.

    5 E.g., K. Zvelebil 1970: p. 79, n.3. P. S. Subrahmanyam 1983: p. 279.

    6 From cave inscriptions, pottery graffiti and legends on coins, seals, rings, etc, in Tamil-Brāhmī script. The examples cited are from cave inscriptions unless otherwise stated.

    7 For a list of Prakrit (including Sinhala-Prakrit) inscriptions on pottery from Arikamedu, see I. Mahadevan 1996: p. 291.

    8 The examples cited in the paper are selective. More examples with full documentation are found in Early Tamil Epigraphy (I. Mahadevan 2003).

    9 According to P. S. Subrahmanya Sastri 1930 (1999 reprint Preface, p. xviii), it is evident that voiced consonants did not exist in the ancient Tamil language as Tolkāppiyam provides only for 30 primary sounds including 5 stops.

    10 P. S. Subrahmanya Sastri 1934 (1997 reprint): pp. 49-57; his conclusion: "Therefore Dr. Caldwell’s theory of convertibility of surds and sonants can hold good only with reference to the spoken Tamil of the present day." See also P. S. Subrahmanyam 1983: pp. 269-286. His view is: "on the whole, it will be better to conclude that at the earliest stage of Tamil (i.e., when the Tamil script was devised and Tolkāppiyam was written) plosives were pronounced voiceless in the medial position and later, i. e., perhaps at the beginning of our era, voiced or lax articulation of them in that position must have started." However, according to Suniti Kumar Chatterji (1956: pp. 164-165), voicing of stops existed in Ancient Tamil of the pre-Sangam and pre-Tolkāppiyam period, but voicing was totally lost in the period between the early centuries of the Christian Era, or even earlier still, and 600 A.D. "In oldest Tamil as in the Pallava inscriptions and as in the earliest Tamil of literature, the modern Tamil habit of pronunciation did not obtain. There were no voiced stops at all in the language; otherwise there would have been no need to frame a special alphabet and orthography for Tamil".

    11 K. Zvelebil (1970: p. 80) puts forth this view most forcefully: "After careful re-examination of this problem it seems that we have no reason whatsoever to posit voiceless intervocalic stops for any stage of Dravidian" (emphasis in the original).

    12 Ibid. p. 82: "This situation (namely that intervocalic voiced stops are regular, phonologically conditioned, positional allophones of one series of stop-phonemes, in complementary distribution with voiceless initial stops) was obviously well understood by those who first devised or adapted the Tamil system of writing; they had a clear conception of the basic principles of the phoneme and its positional variants, and Tamil orthography is truly and fully phonemic in this respect."

    13 It is relevant in this context to refer to the dual system followed for romanised transliteration of Tamil. The Tamil Lexicon and linguistic publications strictly follow the phonemic method, using only one set of stops (k, c, ṭ, t and p). The official epigraphical publications follow the phonetic method indicating voicing in medial position with the use of voiced stops (g, j, ḍ, d and b) imposing modern Tamil pronunciation on ancient inscriptional language. The transliteration is, however, not always quite consistent. In practice, the official epigraphical publications follow the phonemic transcription for the Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions, but switch over to the phonetic transcription for the later inscriptions in Vaṭṭeḻuttu and Tamil scripts.

    14 Cf. Malayalam entries in DEDR. E.g., akam ’inside’(D. 7), ampu ’arrow’ (D. 178), etc.

    Auteur

    • Iravatham Mahadevan

      Iravatham Mahadevan (b. 1930) was educated at Tiruchirapalli and Madras, obtaining Degrees in Chemistry and Law from the Madras University. He joined the Indian Administrative Service in 1954. He has held several senior administrative and managerial positions in Government of India and the State of Tamil Nadu. He retired voluntarily in 1980 to devote himself whole-time to his academic pursuits. He has specialised in Indian Epigraphy, especially in the fields of the Indus and the Brahmi Scripts. He undertook a computer study of the Indus Script for the first time in India. His book, The Indus Script: Texts, Concordance and Tables (1977) is recognised internationally as a major source-book for research in the Indus Script. His major contributions in the field of Tamil-Brahmi Script include publication of the Early Chera inscriptions at Pugalur and the Early Pandya inscriptions at Mangulam. He has published the Corpus of the Tamil-Brahmi Inscriptions 1966 (1968), besides numerous papers on several aspects of the Tamil-Brahmi Script. His book Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D. has been published early this year (2003). He has served as Editor, Dinamani, during 1987-91. He has served as the Co-ordinator, International Association of Tamil Research, for about 10 years (1980-90). He is presently a member of the Tamil Nadu Council of Historical Research, Tamil Development Council of the Government of Tamil Nadu, Tamil Valarchi Kazhagam of the University of Madras, Dr.U.Ve. Swaminathaiyar Library. He is also on the advisory panels of the Tamil University, Thanjavur and the Tamil Nadu State Department of Archaeology. He presided over the Epigraphy Section of the Indian History Congress at Dharwar in 1988. He was the General President of the Annual Congress of the Epigraphical Society at Thrissur in 1998. He was also the General President of the Indian History Congress Session held in Bhopal in 2001.

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    1 Robert Caldwell 1856 (3rd edn. 1961 reprint): pp. 138-139.

    2 The literature on this question is extensive. See especially T. Burrow 1968: pp. 1-17; Bh. Krishnamurti 1961: pp. 28-33; K. Zvelebil 1970: pp. 78- 84; P. S. Subrahmanyam 1983: pp. 269-286 for discussion and earlier references.

    3 E.g., for evidence from a 12th or 13th century literary work, see Bh. Krishnamurti 1971: pp. 356- 361; for inscriptional evidence of Tamil loanwords in Kannada, Grantha and Nāgarī scripts, see K. G. Krishnan 1981: pp. 77-86.

    4 See references in n. 2 above.

    5 E.g., K. Zvelebil 1970: p. 79, n.3. P. S. Subrahmanyam 1983: p. 279.

    6 From cave inscriptions, pottery graffiti and legends on coins, seals, rings, etc, in Tamil-Brāhmī script. The examples cited are from cave inscriptions unless otherwise stated.

    7 For a list of Prakrit (including Sinhala-Prakrit) inscriptions on pottery from Arikamedu, see I. Mahadevan 1996: p. 291.

    8 The examples cited in the paper are selective. More examples with full documentation are found in Early Tamil Epigraphy (I. Mahadevan 2003).

    9 According to P. S. Subrahmanya Sastri 1930 (1999 reprint Preface, p. xviii), it is evident that voiced consonants did not exist in the ancient Tamil language as Tolkāppiyam provides only for 30 primary sounds including 5 stops.

    10 P. S. Subrahmanya Sastri 1934 (1997 reprint): pp. 49-57; his conclusion: "Therefore Dr. Caldwell’s theory of convertibility of surds and sonants can hold good only with reference to the spoken Tamil of the present day." See also P. S. Subrahmanyam 1983: pp. 269-286. His view is: "on the whole, it will be better to conclude that at the earliest stage of Tamil (i.e., when the Tamil script was devised and Tolkāppiyam was written) plosives were pronounced voiceless in the medial position and later, i. e., perhaps at the beginning of our era, voiced or lax articulation of them in that position must have started." However, according to Suniti Kumar Chatterji (1956: pp. 164-165), voicing of stops existed in Ancient Tamil of the pre-Sangam and pre-Tolkāppiyam period, but voicing was totally lost in the period between the early centuries of the Christian Era, or even earlier still, and 600 A.D. "In oldest Tamil as in the Pallava inscriptions and as in the earliest Tamil of literature, the modern Tamil habit of pronunciation did not obtain. There were no voiced stops at all in the language; otherwise there would have been no need to frame a special alphabet and orthography for Tamil".

    11 K. Zvelebil (1970: p. 80) puts forth this view most forcefully: "After careful re-examination of this problem it seems that we have no reason whatsoever to posit voiceless intervocalic stops for any stage of Dravidian" (emphasis in the original).

    12 Ibid. p. 82: "This situation (namely that intervocalic voiced stops are regular, phonologically conditioned, positional allophones of one series of stop-phonemes, in complementary distribution with voiceless initial stops) was obviously well understood by those who first devised or adapted the Tamil system of writing; they had a clear conception of the basic principles of the phoneme and its positional variants, and Tamil orthography is truly and fully phonemic in this respect."

    13 It is relevant in this context to refer to the dual system followed for romanised transliteration of Tamil. The Tamil Lexicon and linguistic publications strictly follow the phonemic method, using only one set of stops (k, c, ṭ, t and p). The official epigraphical publications follow the phonetic method indicating voicing in medial position with the use of voiced stops (g, j, ḍ, d and b) imposing modern Tamil pronunciation on ancient inscriptional language. The transliteration is, however, not always quite consistent. In practice, the official epigraphical publications follow the phonemic transcription for the Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions, but switch over to the phonetic transcription for the later inscriptions in Vaṭṭeḻuttu and Tamil scripts.

    14 Cf. Malayalam entries in DEDR. E.g., akam ’inside’(D. 7), ampu ’arrow’ (D. 178), etc.

    South-Indian Horizons

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    South-Indian Horizons

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    • Chevillard, Jean-Luc. (2010) “Rare words” in classical Tamil literature: from theUriyiyalto theTivākaram. Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 63. DOI: 10.1556/AOrient.63.2010.3.6
    • Chevillard, Jean-Luc. (2024) Studies in the History of the Language Sciences History of Linguistics 2021. DOI: 10.1075/sihols.133.11che

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    • Smith, John Charles. (2020) The Handbook of Language Contact. DOI: 10.1002/9781119485094.ch21

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    Mahadevan, I. (2004). Voicing of consonants in Old Tamil: New evidence from Tamil-Brāhmī. In J.-L. Chevillard & E. Wilden (éds.), South-Indian Horizons. Pondichéry: Institut Français de Pondichéry. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ifp.7851
    Mahadevan, Iravatham. « Voicing of Consonants in Old Tamil: New Evidence from Tamil-Brāhmī ». In South-Indian Horizons, édité par Jean-Luc Chevillard et Eva Wilden. Pondichéry: Institut Français de Pondichéry, 2004. doi:10.4000/books.ifp.7851.
    Mahadevan, Iravatham. « Voicing of Consonants in Old Tamil: New Evidence from Tamil-Brāhmī ». South-Indian Horizons, édité par Jean-Luc Chevillard et Eva Wilden, Institut Français de Pondichéry, 2004, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ifp.7851.

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    Chevillard, J.-L., & Wilden, E. (éds.). (2004). South-Indian Horizons. Pondichéry: Institut Français de Pondichéry, École française d’Extrême-Orient. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ifp.7481
    Chevillard, Jean-Luc, et Eva Wilden, éd. South-Indian Horizons. Pondichéry: Institut Français de Pondichéry, École française d’Extrême-Orient, 2004. doi:10.4000/books.ifp.7481.
    Chevillard, Jean-Luc, et Eva Wilden, éditeurs. South-Indian Horizons. Institut Français de Pondichéry, École française d’Extrême-Orient, 2004, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ifp.7481.
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