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Calcutta 1981

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Jean Racine

Session 2. A. A Metropolis in Crisis

6. The Population Problem

The Demographical Trends of Calcutta City

Sukumar Sinha

Texte intégral

  • 1 The Corporation of Calcutta, Year Book 1977-78, Calcutta, 1978, p. 29.
  • 2 Ibid.
  • 3 Census of India, 1971. Series 22. West Bengal, Part VIII-A, Administrative Report-Enumeration, Cal (...)

1The city which in Hamilton's1 estimate in 1716 had a population of 12,000 accommodated a population of 5,00,000 towards the tum of the 19th Century as estimated by the Police Commissioner2 of Calcutta. In the same city "with the lanes and bye-lanes", "and industrial area around it infected with murder, the harmony of interlinking relationships which constitute our social and economic System shattered, when lawful authority" was "challenged and the will of the mob" imposed, it appeared to Ghose3 "that a terrible trial by fire and blood" was "about to begin." Hatred was then everywhere: one could "almost smell it in the swarms of people on the streets." This was the backdrop of the early seventies in Calcutta, a city of processions, rightmares, hungry demonstrators, agitated students, slums and squalor, angry protests and unfulfilled dreams to many. To Louis Malle and Gunter Grass the city was stinking but Mother Teresa diffused love and the spirit of service here. The city of Nobel laureates, great thinkers and reformers, mighty minds of the old and the present, Calcutta has not grown fast enough till 1971.

  • 4 Census of India 1961, West Bengal, District Census Handbook: Calcutta, Vol. II, Calcutta, 1966, se (...)

2To B. Ray4, the slow growth of Calcutta "seems a paradox, all the more because Calcutta is the economic hub of eastern India." It is indeed quizzical to follow from a superficial glance at census figures exactly why Calcutta's growth has dropped sharply from 24.5 per cent in 1941-51 to 8.5 per cent in 1951-61. In the decade 1961-71 Calcutta's growth in population became more sluggish, as it registered a decadal growth rate of only 7.6 per cent. In sharp contrast, the Calcutta Urban Agglomeration (constituted by 74 contiguous urban areas including Calcutta and 21 neophyte towns of 1971) which in common parlance passes for Greater Calcutta grew in the same decade, 1961-71, by 22.6 per cent.

A very depressing housing situation1

  • 1 The sub-titles and tables have been added by the Editor (J.R.).
  • 5 Das, B.K., "A Socio-Economic Study of Pavement Dwellers in Calcutta". Journal of the Indian Anthro (...)
  • 2 On pavement dwellers, see addendum F (J.R.).

3If one examines the characteristics of Calcutta's population in 1971, twin phenomena are apt to draw one's attention. Calcutta's houseless population has increased at a fantastic pace of 166.4 per cent in the same decade from 18,323 to 48,820, when one could see the flash of the sharp dagger or smell the gunpowder in the still dark nights of sleepy alleys and vanishing pavements. The figures might not have come close to the reality and if so, the reasons are quite obvious. Das5 refers to a survey report of 1972-73 of the Vagrancy Directorate showing the total number of houseless vagrants in Calcutta as 96,738. He mentions another survey report of 1974 by Calcutta Enforcement Police which estimated the number of pavement dwellers as 1,05,000 whereas according to the Calcutta Metropolitan Development Authority the total number pavement dwellers in the same period was estimated to be about two lakhs. If this rate of growth persists, even the wildest guess will fail to estimate the number of pavement dwellers in Calcutta in 198l2.

4From the houseless population let us tum to the population living in houses. The housed population in the city rose from 2,908,966 in 1961 to 3,095,926 in 1971, the growth rate in the decade being only 6.6 per cent which is still lower than the growth rate of total population (7.6 per cent).

5Linked with the housed population is the question of growth of the institutional population of the city living in hospitals, jails, nursing homes, hostels, hotels, lodging and boarding houses and other chummeries with unrelated persons living and eating together. But the institutional population of Calcutta, instead of registering an increase in number, suffered a decline by 25.4 per cent in 1961-71 (from 2,76,786 in 1961 to 2,06,541 in 1971). The decrease in the institutional population is a phenomenon by itself, for one may raise the question if Calcutta has received fewer immigrants in the decade 1961-1971 than in 1951-61. The question will be examined later.

6The housing situation in the city passed through a rough weather in 1960-70. With reference to the tenure status the housing census figures of 1960 (October) and 1970 (October) reveal that Calcutta lost during the decade 34,465 tenant households living in rented houses. In other words, the decadal fall in the number of such households is to the extent of 7.0 per cent. During the same period, the construction of residential houses, however, multiplied at the paltry rate of 1.9 per cent (from 1,03,365 to 1,05,320 households). The overall situation thereby does not leave much scope for jubilation. Formation of households living in houses has met its doom before long, as the period under reference seemingly spells out a disaster for everything. Calcutta lost in all 32,510 households (-5.4 per cent) during 1960-70.

  • 6 United Nations, Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. Recommendations for the 1 (...)
  • 3 Bastees and slums are not marginal residences (J.R.).

7It is relevant in this connection to bear in mind that no attempt has been made till now to quantify the marginal housing units6 comprising of three subgroups, viz., "improvised housing units", "housing units in permanent buildings not intended for human habitation" and "other premises not intended for habitation"3. Under almost all circumstances such places of living represent unacceptable housing, yet they are used by the city's blighted population about which any estimate is well nigh impossible, if not hazardous. Still, one who knows the city is aware how the city's poor populace struggles hard to find a secure shelter under the azure blue sky, the cover of the bridge, inside the drain pipes, against the walls of places or under the balconies of multistoreyed buildings. Not to speak of those who can manage to find a durable shelter inside commercial buildings, on top of roofs or in the garages, somehow softening the stony look of the night watchmen or those posted to prevent ingress of unauthorized people.

Fig. 6.1. Ward-wise density of population in Calcutta in 1971

Fig. 6.2. Calcutta’s age pyramid in 1971

  • 4 Here S. Sinha makes a distinction between the pavement dwellers without any personal shelter, and (...)

8Leaving aside these marginal people without homes but not classically pavement dwellers4 whose stock is yet to be taken (hopefully the 1981 census will record them more faithfully and correctly), one may concentrate on the analysis of the demographic debacle with particular reference to the housing situation. Calcutta seems to have been in the grip of retrogression even in the matter of houses. The number of rooms in Calcutta has gone down during 1961-1971 by 4.8 per cent (from 9,64,140 in 1961 to 9,18,015 rooms in 1971).

  • 5 In most cases, a "household with no regular room" consists of a household sharing a room with anot (...)

9In this city with more than four hundred thousand one-roomed households, the number of rooms in their occupation declined in absolute terms from 4,29,700 in 1961 to 3,82,465 in 1971, the decline of 47,235 rooms and households in the decade being to the extern of 11.0 per cent. Paradoxically, however, the population in these households has risen by 3.3 per cent. This means more congestion in households and so too in the rooms. The average size of such households has changed from 3.8 to 4.5, suggesting also the change in congestion of 3.8 persons per room in 1961 to 4.5 persons per room in 1971. In the economic scale one may place them well above the pavement dwellers but definitely below the households with two or more rooms. Calcutta does not appear to have tolerated the existence of households with no regular rooms5. The decade under reference (1961-1971) has witnessed the disappearance of 2,410 such households with 7,923 persons. It will be naive to presume that these people in the face of acute housing crisis could occupy any room at all within the city. Such an eventuality is further ruled out by the fact that even households with one room each have fared no better than those with no regular room, as they too have been placed in the same predicament. The stagnation in the construction of residential houses signifies acute congestion, more pressure on existing rooms and even retarded immigration.

Fig. 6.3. Densities of population of the towns and cities within Calcutta urban agglomeration in 1971

10The two-roomed and three-roomed households seem to have been better poised in 1971 than in 1961 in several respects. To 79,240 households in 1961 have been added another 18,290 marking a decadal growth of 23.1 per cent. The rooms in their possession in 1961 have been 1,58,480 to which the decadal addition of 36,580 rooms may have provided an incentive to human growth in these households. The population has grown by 27.7 per cent. The proliferation of 5,620 three-roomed households (14.0 per cent) to 40,070 households of the same group implies an addition of 16,860 rooms which in tum have harbingered better days of growth to the population in these households. Persons in households of this class have shot up at the rate of 19.0 per cent (from 2,95,860 to 3,52,220).

11But the decade speit disaster for four-roomed households and also for households with five rooms or more in use by each. The decade brought about a decline at the rate of 1.5 per cent to 21,530 households of this group in 1961. As a consequence, 1,300 rooms were lost to the dwindling number of 325 households of this privileged class, though population growth in these households has not suffered any reverse and e.g. The city inflicted the unkindest cut to the households with five rooms or more. Believe it or not, decline at the rate of 25.9 per cent reduced the number of such households for 24,905 to 18,455; 6,450 households having thus passed out of sight, with the 56,275 persons (-19.2 per cent) occupying 51,030 rooms. The number of rooms in the occupation of 2,92,520 persons in 1961 was 1,69,630. The loss of population adjusted with the number of persons to 2,36,245 living in 1,18,600 rooms in 1971. One may be tempted to find an element of redistributive justice and a spirit of egalitarianism in the vanishing tribe of the privileged households each with five rooms or more. But the notion is misconceived, as the worst-hit class covered by households with no regular room and with one room has not derived any benefit. If houses are thus put to commercial uses, Calcutta as a whole will become a commercial area. One should not loose sight of the fact that the total population belonging to the less privileged class, because of commercial reasons and manipulations behind the scene, accounts for 54.7 per cent of the housed population of Calcutta in 1970.

  • 7 The Corporation of Calcutta, Year Book 1977-78, Calcutta, 1978, pp. 408-411.

12While talking of privileges in matters of housing, one has reasons to be reminded of city's 9,49,905 slum dwellers7 (30.5 per cent of the city's housed population in 1970) who live in the penumbral region of privileges and amenities in 988 bustees (recognised as such by the Corporation of Calcutta) covering 6.06 km2 which account for 6.1 per cent of the Calcutta Corporation's total surface area of 98.79 km2.

Employment: a decline in the working population

13From a very depressing housing situation one may like to escape into another arena, namely the economic sphere, with the faint hope of getting a whiff of fresh air. The employment situation in the city does not make an analyst optimistic either. The decade 1961-71 has witnessed a decline in the working population in absolute number, a loss of 17,247 workers in 1971 to the city's working population of 11,82,789 in 1961. A decadal growth of 59.4 per cent of child labour and 27.7 per cent of old workers in the age-group of 60 years and above does not conjure up a rosy picture about the state of resident workers in the city or about the job prospects in the city for the able-bodied ones. Obversely, the city's working population in the age-group 15-59 declined by 17.2 per cent.

14This trend, when viewed against the perspective of reduction in the number of housed population in sharp contrast to an increase in the city's houseless population, is suggestive of the emigration of a segment of the city's population inclusive of workers to places outside the city and also of attraction of the very poor towards the city from outside. Where they have gone and whether the growth of the suburbs and the 21 new urban areas have been the result of the dispersal of a portion of Calcutta's households to the fringe areas owing to acute shortage of residential accommodation and growing costs of living in the city and also by increased facilities of commutation to the city will be discussed later.

Table 6.1: Net and natural growth rate of Calcutta city and surroundings 1971-1978

Table 6.1: Net and natural growth rate of Calcutta city and surroundings 1971-1978

Note: The source of the data is the Sample Registration Scheme implemented (among the usually resident population housed in 30 Sample Census blocks in Calcutta and in two sample census blocks in each of the rest of six cities around Calcutta) by the Directorate of Census Operations, West Bengal for a better estimation of births and deaths in the absence of reliable data front the civil registration System.

The demographic trend of Calcutta city: less immigrants, more emigrants

15What then is the extent of the natural growth of Calcutta's population? Table 6.1 throws some light on the natural growth rate, net growth rate and effects of migration on the growth pattern of Calcutta and seven other cities around Calcutta from 1970 to 1978. It is interesting to observe that the annual natural growth rate of population in Calcutta ever since 1970 has been higher than the 1961-71 population growth rate. It outstrips the city's net growth in the years 1971, 1973, 1975-78 and equals it in 1972 and 1978. Only in 1974 has the net growth been higher than the city's natural growth. Against a decline in sex-ratio in the city's housed population related to each other by consanguineous and/or affinal ties from 768 females in 1961 to 744 females per thousand males in 1971, Calcutta has an increment of 39,808 married females in the age-group 15-49 in the decade 1961-71. Obviously the increase in the number of married women in the fertile age-group from 4,04,480 in 1961 to 4,44,289 in 1971 raises the demographer's expectations about an increased number of births in the city. The expectations are not much belied by the array of figures shown in Table 6.1. But, here too the trend of migration effect on the city population growth has been consistently negative.

16That Calcutta has been receiving less immigrants is evident from census figures about migrants. Compared to the total number of 87,790 immigrants to Calcutta during 1960-61, the number in 1970-71 has slumped down to 15,140. Table 6.2 presents the detailed figures about the immigrants born outside West Bengal. Their number declined from 1,541,743 in 1961 to 1,053,384 in 1971. The city which boasted of providing haven to all and sundry born outside the state, lost its charm to them, registering a decline of 4,88,359 immigrants from outside the state. The working population of the city from outside the state has also suffered a decline. Against 45,566 persons born in Orissa but working in Calcutta in 1961, one finds 33,490 workers from Orissa in 1971. Similarly, 2,37,676 workers born in Bihar were working in Calcutta in 1961 against 2,19,220 workers in 1971. Likewise, 70,715 persons from Uttar Pradesh worked in the city in 1971 against 83,146 in 1961. Lastly, only 2,100 workers from Madhya Pradesh were loft in Calcutta in 1971 against 11,998 in 1961.

17If 1961-71 marked a period of fall in the inflow of people from other States to Calcutta, the same decade does not show a high tide of immigration from other districts of the state, especially in the districts around Calcutta, either. Table 6.3 is a pointer to the magnitude of decline in number of such immigrants.

18The decline during the decade is 92,364 persons in this category. Because the immigrants mostly arrive alone; the analysis of data about single-membered households in Table 6.4 is relevant. Since these households comprise a section of the immigrants, it is worthwhile to note that the weakening flow of immigration to the city is lent support by the declining trend in the number of single-membered households living in the city since 1961.

Table 6.2: Immigrants to Calcutta born outside West Bengal (1961-1971)

Table 6.2: Immigrants to Calcutta born outside West Bengal (1961-1971)

Source: 1961 and 1971 Census.

Fig. 6.4. The growth of the population of the municipal towns and cities within the present Calcutta Metropolitan District Area, 1951-1961.

Fig. 6.5. The growth of the population of towns and cities within the present Calcutta Metropolitan District Area, 1961-1971

19What has one to say about changes in the nature and quality of migration? The rural poor of the impoverished hinterland form the surplus agricultural labour force (especially from the sound of 24-Parganas and Midnapore districts) are irresistibly drawn to the city in the hope of opportunities, real or imagined. The female part-time domestic workers, lending a helping hand to the urban housewives of the city mostly come from 24-Parganas. A second group of immigrants is constituted by people who do not bank upon hopes alone when they come to the city. They do so after securing a receptive niche among their kins or fellow villagers living in the chummeries. The chummeries of rickshaw-pullers, sardars in jute mills, dockyards, porters' guilds etc., fashioned on territorial affiliations, are pointers to it.

Table 6.3: Immigrants to Calcutta born in other Districts of West Bengal (1961-1971)

Table 6.3: Immigrants to Calcutta born in other Districts of West Bengal (1961-1971)

Source: 1961 and 1971 Census

Table 6.4: Single-membered households in Calcutta (1961-1975)

Year

N° of households

N° of persons

N° of single membered households

N° of persons in single membered households

1961

527,000 (100.0%)

2,578,500 (100.0%)

75,765 (14.4%)

75,765 (2.9%)

1970

565,460 (100.0%)

3,118,980 (100.0%)

48,855 (8.6%)

48,855 (1.6%)

1975

4,065 (100.0%)

23,873 (100.0%)

297 (7.3%)

297 (1.2%)

Source: 1961 and 1971 Census and Sample Registration Scheme, 1975

20To tum from immigration to the emigrants from Calcutta, one is surprised to find that the volume of emigration from Calcutta is no less striking (Table 6.5). The decade has witnessed the outflow of a larger number of emigrants from Calcutta to other districts of the state in 1971 than in 1961. Compared to 136,008 persons emigrating from Calcutta in 1961, the number is 282,77 in 1971. The increase in number has been to the extern of 1,46,766 of which 92.6 p cent set out for the districts in the neighbourhood of the city.

The relative stagnation of the core city, and the growth of the suburbs

21Salt Lake is the Eldorado of Calcutta’s middle class. There seems to be no other option open to the city's middle class especially belonging to the lower and middle rungs. These people, as if served with the order to vacate the city, have been forced to trudge out of the city on the look out for a strip of housing site, or a couple of rooms or a house. The housing problem in the city proper, better communication facilities from suburbs, attraction of fresh air and open space and the desperate need to maintain the identity of the middle class with the real income declining fast in the city proper have weighed upon the middle class to opt in favour of moving out of the city. On the other hand, the urban poor and the nouveau riche have nothing at stake in the city and, therefore, nothing to loose.

22This perception is supported by the data in Table 6.6 about the growth of population and the male working force in other cities girdling Calcutta. That

Table 6.5: Emigrants from Calcutta to the West Bengal (1961-1971)

Table 6.5: Emigrants from Calcutta to the West Bengal (1961-1971)

Source: 1961 and 1971 Census.

Fig. 6.6 The growth of the population of towns and cities within the Calcutta Metropolitan District, 1971-1981

23Calcutta has exhausted all its economic potentialities is too simplistic a proposition which cannot stand scrutiny, and more so, when one finds all the seven other neighbouring cities growing more rapidly than Calcutta. Though decline has been writ large on the male working forces of Howrah and Garden Reach, other cities have weathered the peli-meli in economy in the decade 1961-71. There is no reason, therefore, to reach a conclusion from the analysis of the figures of working enumerated in Calcutta, that the city is in the process of an economic death or that Calcutta has no economic opportunity to offer to the labour force. Despite the stipulation of the Calcutta Employment Exchanges that job-seekers must also be residents of the city there is no law to prevent a job-seeker from his changing residence after securing a job and from, his joining the band of city's commuters who are disgorged daily at the Howrah and Sealdah railway stations.

  • 6 According to the definition given by the 1971 Census which introduced the concept, a Standard Urba (...)

24In the 1971 Census6 the data collected on the place of work could have generated a plethora of tables on commutation, much in demand by the planners, administrators, intellectuals and seminarians. However, a table generated on the commutation of non-agricultural workers from the rural constituents of the Calcutta Standard Urban Area to its urban constituents offers invaluable information. Of the 1,22,947 non-agricultural workers in the rural areas of Calcutta Standard Urban Agglomeration, 31,643 are commuters to different areas of Calcutta Urban Agglomeration. Of them again, 17,886 (56.5 per cent) commute to Calcutta alone. If this be the volume of commutation to Calcutta from certain specified rural areas within ademarcated zone, it is anybody's guess how many commute to the city from other rural and urban areas. But, in the absence of any census data no quantification is possible at the moment. By rule of thumb one may have an impressionistic feel about the commuter to the city.

Table 6.6: Growth of population in and around Calcutta city (1961-1971)

Table 6.6: Growth of population in and around Calcutta city (1961-1971)

Source: 1961 and 1971 Census

Fig. 6.7. The sex ratio in Calcutta urban agglomeration in 1981

25To round off the discussion and to sharpen the focus that Calcutta would have grown faster enough if at all the commuters could stay in the city, attention is drawn to Table 6.7.

26The birth of 21 new towns in 1971 can be examined retrospectively with reference to population growths there in the decades 1951-61 and 1961-71. The pace is rapid and the growth very high. The growth of male working force is unbelievably high. These were the rural areas hibernating in 1951-1961, but they suddenly sprang into life as towns in 1961-1971. It is left to the demographers, city planners and others interested in Calcutta to make further probes into the question why these towns contain a section of the metropolitan population of Calcutta forced to beat a hasty retreat from the city to the distant quietude of the erstwhile rural areas.

Table 6.7: Growth of population in the Metropolitan District localities which received the status of "town" in 1971 (1951-1971)

Table 6.7: Growth of population in the Metropolitan District localities which received the status of "town" in 1971 (1951-1971)

Source: 1961 and 1971 Census.

Conclusion a city losing its middle class

27All said and discussed, the demographic puzzle about Calcutta and its future calls for an answer. The puzzle is: if Calcutta loses its middle class population and retains the rich gentry and the urban poor and the rabble, how will they be thrown into the city's melting pot? My personal hunch is that rich oil never mixes well with poor vinegar.

Notes

1 The Corporation of Calcutta, Year Book 1977-78, Calcutta, 1978, p. 29.

2 Ibid.

3 Census of India, 1971. Series 22. West Bengal, Part VIII-A, Administrative Report-Enumeration, Calcutta, 1972, see the preface by B. Ghose.

4 Census of India 1961, West Bengal, District Census Handbook: Calcutta, Vol. II, Calcutta, 1966, see the preface by B. Ray.

5 Das, B.K., "A Socio-Economic Study of Pavement Dwellers in Calcutta". Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society, Calcutta, 13(1), 1978, p. 1.

6 United Nations, Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. Recommendations for the 1980 Population and Housing Censuses, Bangkok, 1978, pp. 128.

7 The Corporation of Calcutta, Year Book 1977-78, Calcutta, 1978, pp. 408-411.

Notes de fin

1 The sub-titles and tables have been added by the Editor (J.R.).

2 On pavement dwellers, see addendum F (J.R.).

3 Bastees and slums are not marginal residences (J.R.).

4 Here S. Sinha makes a distinction between the pavement dwellers without any personal shelter, and those using some kind of shanty protection, such as plastic sheets, wooden or metallic refuse for erecting, on the pavement, some shelter of their own (J.R.).

5 In most cases, a "household with no regular room" consists of a household sharing a room with another household because of mere necessity, and not because of a deliberate choice, or joint-family cohabitation (J.R.).

6 According to the definition given by the 1971 Census which introduced the concept, a Standard Urban Area is constituted of a core town of 50,000 inhabitants or more, surrounded by urban and rural localities having tight relationship with the major town, the whole area turning probably entirely urbanized in the next twenty or thirty years.

Table des illustrations

Légende Fig. 6.1. Ward-wise density of population in Calcutta in 1971
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 176k
Légende Fig. 6.2. Calcutta’s age pyramid in 1971
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 152k
Légende Fig. 6.3. Densities of population of the towns and cities within Calcutta urban agglomeration in 1971
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 303k
Titre Table 6.1: Net and natural growth rate of Calcutta city and surroundings 1971-1978
Légende Note: The source of the data is the Sample Registration Scheme implemented (among the usually resident population housed in 30 Sample Census blocks in Calcutta and in two sample census blocks in each of the rest of six cities around Calcutta) by the Directorate of Census Operations, West Bengal for a better estimation of births and deaths in the absence of reliable data front the civil registration System.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 352k
Titre Table 6.2: Immigrants to Calcutta born outside West Bengal (1961-1971)
Légende Source: 1961 and 1971 Census.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 273k
Légende Fig. 6.4. The growth of the population of the municipal towns and cities within the present Calcutta Metropolitan District Area, 1951-1961.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 258k
Légende Fig. 6.5. The growth of the population of towns and cities within the present Calcutta Metropolitan District Area, 1961-1971
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 348k
Titre Table 6.3: Immigrants to Calcutta born in other Districts of West Bengal (1961-1971)
Légende Source: 1961 and 1971 Census
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 150k
Titre Table 6.5: Emigrants from Calcutta to the West Bengal (1961-1971)
Légende Source: 1961 and 1971 Census.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 145k
Légende Fig. 6.6 The growth of the population of towns and cities within the Calcutta Metropolitan District, 1971-1981
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 398k
Titre Table 6.6: Growth of population in and around Calcutta city (1961-1971)
Légende Source: 1961 and 1971 Census
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-11.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 91k
Légende Fig. 6.7. The sex ratio in Calcutta urban agglomeration in 1981
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-12.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 318k
Titre Table 6.7: Growth of population in the Metropolitan District localities which received the status of "town" in 1971 (1951-1971)
Légende Source: 1961 and 1971 Census.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ifp/docannexe/image/5266/img-13.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 225k

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