Preliminary report of the Fasıllar Survey

Yiğit H. Erbil

I would like to thank Dr. Alice Mouton who realized the existence of this hole for the first time during the survey.

Fig. 1: Map of Beyşehir and Fasıllar

Fig. 1: Map of Beyşehir and Fasıllar

1The Fasıllar monument is located above the village of the same name, 15 km from the city of Beyşehir (Fig. 1). The site has been visited by numerous scholars since its discovery in the 19th century (Sterrett 1888: 163-166; Ramsay 1889: 170ff.; Perrot/Chipiez 1890: 222-223; Jüthner et al. 1903: 16-18, fig. 4-5; Ramsay 1907: 133-134, fig. 7; Garstang 1910: 175-176). However, before 2012, no authorized archaeological project had been undertaken in relation to the monument and its environs. Since 2012, with permission from the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism, General Directorate of Cultural Heritage and Museums and with the sponsorship of Hacettepe University, intensive survey campaigns have been conducted in the vicinity of Fasıllar. The general aims of the Fasıllar Regional Archaeological Project are threefold:

  • to determine the general historical and geographical contexts of the Fasıllar Monument;

  • to reconsider the function of the seemingly unfinished Hittite monument at Fasıllar and its exact location with respect to Tarhuntašša;

  • and to reconstruct the road network of the region between Beyşehir and Konya in an attempt to determine the nature of the relationship between the Fasıllar Monument and other key sites of the Hittite Period.

The Fasıllar statue made for an early version of the Eflatun Pınar monument?

2The Fasıllar statue (Fig. 2) is approximately 8.30 m. tall and is made of trachyte, a type of local stone. It is a high-relief structure, featuring two lions that have been carved almost entirely in the round and whose fronts and sides extend beyond the edges of the monument. Two Hittite gods are positioned between the lions, one standing on top of the other. The gesture of the lower deity strongly suggests that he is a mountain god; the conical cap and striding posture of the upper deity identify him as the Storm-god. A stone pedestal under the feet of the mountain god appears to have been intended to anchor the monument in place when it stood upright. The facts that the figures on the monument have only been crudely crafted and that there is an abundance of trachyte found on the hill on which the monument currently rests have led scholars to believe that the megalith was left unfinished (Güterbock 1947: 63), blocked out ready for transportation but then left in situ when, for unknown reasons, the project was interrupted. Although the lack of inscriptions or other identifying details make it difficult to date the monument, on the basis of ideological and stylistic criteria it has been widely assumed to date to the 13th century BC (Mellaart 1962).

Fig. 2: Facsimile of the Fasıllar Monument in the Ankara Anatolian Civilizations Museum

Fig. 2: Facsimile of the Fasıllar Monument in the Ankara Anatolian Civilizations Museum

Yiğit H. Erbil

3Fasıllar has often been connected with the Hittite spring sanctuary Eflatun Pınar, a relationship first suggested by James Mellaart in 1962. Mellaart’s theory was that the freestanding monument at Fasıllar was intended to sit atop the water shrine at Eflatun Pınar, ca. 27 km. to the northwest (Mellaart 1962: 111, 114-115) and, today, one of the best-known Hittite spring sanctuaries.

4The iconography of Eflatun Pınar was the theme of most earlier studies (Erkanal 1980: 287-301; Kohlmeyer 1983: 7-153). During archaeological investigations carried out in 1996, the Hittite pool was entirely revealed (Özenir 1997: 139; 2001: 537-538; Bachmann/Özenir 2004: 85-122). The main scene on the monument depicts a divine couple (Fig. 3). The male deity is seated on a throne on the left side and probably represents a Storm-god. His female companion, seated on the right, is likely to be the Sun goddess of the earth (Bittel 1953: 4, Laroche 1958: 44-45; Börker-Klähn/Börker 1976: 34-37). The divine couple is surrounded by three rows of figures: in the middle are bull-men; above them a row of lion men is depicted, and below the bull-men, there is a row of five standing mountain gods.

Fig. 3: Eflatun Pınar Monument

Fig. 3: Eflatun Pınar Monument

Yiğit H. Erbil

5The three mountain gods in the middle have several holes in them, through which water flowed into the pool in the manner of a fountain. On each side of the main scene, there is a depiction of a goddess. A seated goddess is shown in relief on the southern wall of the pool; a second relief, depicting a Storm-god, was likely also standing beside her. A block at her feet was ostensibly used as an altar to the goddess. In front of it, a fragment of a stone human torso was uncovered (Fig. 4). On the eastern wall of the pool, two figures in relief appear as if walking toward the north (Fig. 5). Today, a trachyte block with bull protomes stands southwest of the pool (Fig. 6). Fragmented bull and lion figures, votive miniature ceramic vessels and a bronze pin were retrieved from the pool itself (Özenir 2001: 537-539).

Fig. 4: Eflatun Pınar Monument, southern wall

Fig. 4: Eflatun Pınar Monument, southern wall

Yiğit H. Erbil

Fig. 5: Eflatun Pınar Monument, eastern wall

Fig. 5: Eflatun Pınar Monument, eastern wall

Yiğit H. Erbil

Fig. 6: Eflatun Pınar Monument, bull protomes

Fig. 6: Eflatun Pınar Monument, bull protomes

Yiğit H. Erbil

6This construction with sculptures and reliefs has monumentalized the site. Pure water emerges from the spring there, and it is channeled to flow from the monument into an enclosed basin. The site clearly has a religious function and the complex may be understood as a sacred pool, probably used during religious rituals and festivals (Kohlmeyer 1983: 35, n. 286; Bittel 1984: 13-14; Ökse 2011: 225). The monument’s iconography suggests that it was directly related to the Hittite Great King. Three sun-disks appear on the top of the monument along with tutelary gods; important figures of the Hittite official pantheon during a particular reign are the personal tutelary deities of the king, suggesting that “this sacred pool was an important station for the pilgrimage of the Great King during cultic festivals” (Erbil 2005: 153-154; Erbil/ Mouton 2012: 70).

7The connection that Mellaart made between the two Hittite stone carvings should be re-evaluated on a number of grounds. First, the monumentality of Eflatun Pınar is very unusual in Hittite art. In fact, the design of both monuments is most atypical. To combine two already rare and colossal structures – the height of Eflatun Pınar is ca. 6 m. and Fasıllar, 8 m. – does not match the known corpus of Hittite art and architecture (Orthmann 1964: 225-229; Alexander 1968: 84-85; Behm-Blancke/Rittig 1970: 88-99; Naumann 1971: 442; Kohlmeyer 1983: 38). From an iconographic point of view, to impose the Storm-god and the mountain gods on the Fasıllar statue directly above the winged sun disks of Eflatun Pınar would be most unconventional. Typically, when a sun disk is included as part of a Hittite image, it is placed at the apex; it is rare that other objects are placed above the sun disk (Naumann 1971: 443; Bittel 1976: 225).

8It must also be questioned whether the foundations of Eflatun Pınar would have been capable of supporting the weight of both the superstructure and what was placed above it without the entire structure sinking or collapsing (Behm-Blancke/Rittig 1970). Based on comparanda from other Hittite sites, it is clear the Hittites knew that a sound foundation was essential for stone architectural structures.

9Although Mellaart’s theory is unlikely to be correct, Fasıllar and Eflatun Pınar continue to be considered together. Therefore, we decided to revisit any possible connections between Fasıllar and Eflatun Pınar monuments. We focused firstly on the Fasıllar statue itself. During the process of recording measurements, a rectangular opening in the mouth of the mountain god was identified, projecting 8 cm. inwards towards the core of the statue (Fig. 7). This hole might have functioned as part of a fountain, making it appear that water was flowing out of the deity’s mouth. At Eflatun Pınar, water flows from the bodies of the figures and not out of their mouths. Despite this difference, it is possible to draw the parallel between the two monuments that both could have acted as cultic fountains.

Fig. 7: Fasıllar Monument, detail of the mountain god

Fig. 7: Fasıllar Monument, detail of the mountain god

Yiğit H. Erbil

10Water flowing from a mountain god actually fits well with Hittite religious imagery. Water is frequently connected with mountains in Hittite religion (Özenir 2001: 539-540). Before elaborating further on this concept, we decided to make sure that the hole belonged to the original sculpture and was not created more recently. Checking old drawings dating back to the beginning of the 20th century (Ramsay 1907: 133-134, Fig. 7) and also the copy of the statue in the garden of the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations (Fig. 8), which was molded directly from the original, we came to the conclusion that the hole was not a recent addition but that it had been filled with earth and therefore hidden from the visitors’ sight after its discovery.

Fig. 8: Drawing of the Fasıllar Monument

Fig. 8: Drawing of the Fasıllar Monument

Ramsay 1907, fig. 7

11Next, we decided to investigate the site of Eflatun Pınar to attempt to determine whether the Fasıllar structure was originally designed for that site. The protrusion on the bottom of the Fasıllar megalith measures about 64 cm. The measurements we took at the spring of Eflatun Pınar demonstrated that where the Fasıllar monument may be located, no figure is obscured by water. Moreover, the height of the mouth of the Fasıllar mountain god, from where water would potentially flow, roughly corresponds with the heights of the water outlets carved into the figures of Eflatun Pınar (Fig. 9a). While the mouth of the Fasıllar mountain god appears (Fig. 9b) at a height of 1.14 m., the heights of the holes on the figures at Eflatun Pınar is ca. 1 m. In other words, the water channels at Eflatun Pınar would support the pressure needed to push water through the holes on either of the two monuments. An enterprise that initially designed the Fasıllar statue separately from the Eflatun Pınar monument seems to be the most likely scenario. There may have been at least two successive phases to the monument at the spring site, one incorporating the Fasıllar megalith and the other, the structure we still see standing at Eflatun Pınar today.

Fig. 9a: Eflatun Pınar Monument, holes on the figures of Eflatun Pınar

Fig. 9a: Eflatun Pınar Monument, holes on the figures of Eflatun Pınar

Yiğit H. Erbil

Fig. 9b: Facsimile of the Fasıllar Monument, Mountain god with a hole on his mouth

Fig. 9b: Facsimile of the Fasıllar Monument, Mountain god with a hole on his mouth

Yiğit H. Erbil

12There are two main reasons why the first project, involving the Fasıllar statue, may have been abandoned: the first is that the Storm-god may have been too heavy to be transported; the second, that changing political dynamics may have led to altering plans for how to monumentalize the spring at Eflatun Pınar.

13The possibility should now be considered that the colossus at Fasıllar was designed to be part of the monument that now stands at Eflatun Pınar. As already mentioned, the placement of the Fasıllar monument on top of Eflatun Pınar could well have resulted in an engineering disaster. What other possibilities can we consider? The Fasıllar statue may have been designed to stand somewhere in front or to one side of the Eflatun Pınar monument. But in either case, the 8-m. height of the Fasıllar statue would have overshadowed the other structure, which is about 6 m. high. Therefore, we should prefer the theory that the Fasıllar Storm-god was initially designed in place of the standing structure at Eflatun Pınar.

14What is more, if we look at specific components of the monuments, we can see elements that may stylistically date to different periods of Hittite art. It is possible that the bull-pedestal, and probably also the orthostat showing two individuals in procession, belonged to an earlier phase than the rest of the Eflatun Pınar ensemble. Stylistically, both elements are carved in a somewhat plain fashion and are larger in size than figures incorporated into the artistic program of the main monument. The bull-pedestal is unusually large and even today appears out of place when the artwork is considered as a whole. In addition, the orthostat that is incorporated into the eastern wall (Fig. 5) is almost twice the size of the standard blocks in the walls surrounding the pool. Therefore, it is possible that this block may not originally have been carved for the complex where it stands today. The partly preserved orthostat depicts two individuals, one in a long robe (possibly a priest) and the second in a kilt, marching in a processional fashion, similar to cultic festival scenes in Hittite art.

15Perhaps the bull-pedestal and the bigger orthostat were both initially designed along with the Fasıllar megalith for an earlier program that was abandoned before completion at Eflatun Pınar. In other words, the project was terminated before transportation of the Fasıllar statue, but the elements that had already been brought to the site were incorporated into the new monument.

No connection between the Fasıllar statue and the Eflatun Pınar monument?

16We should also consider the possibility that the Fasıllar monument was never meant to be transported to Eflatun Pınar, which is located at least 27 km. away. Considering that the monument weighs approximately 70 tons and that in the 1980s an effort was abandoned to transport it to the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, we ought to evaluate the Fasıllar statue in its own location.

17It has often been argued that the intention to transport the monument to a different location is revealed by the statue’s incompleteness. However, the carvings on the colossus have mainly been finished; only the final details of the figures are left undone. The close-to-complete appearance of the statue could suggest that its final location was likely close to where it is found today. The details of the faces of the Fasıllar lions, for example, although they are heavily weathered, demonstrate that fine details such as the eyes, the nose, and the mouth were all well made. Perhaps the Fasıllar monument can be evaluated in

18the very context where it is found today. In fact, the rocky hilltop where it now sits could be considered a suitable space for a Hittite site. It contains all the topographical features that appealed to the Hittites when they chose sites for conceptually and religiously charged places in the landscape. The monument is located on hilly terrain, in sight of large mountains; there is access to numerous springs and other hydrologic features. The fact that the vicinity of Fasıllar served as a stone quarry through the ages has historically led scholars to assume that the monument was built near the quarry but meant to be transported to a totally different location. We do not intend to deny that the site itself was the place from which the stone for the monument was quarried; the issue is whether or not the monument was intended to be transported to an entirely different location.

19I believe that the site of Fasıllar was both a quarry and a ritual place. In the later Roman period, the area was heavily used as an open-air gathering place associated with sporting competitions, as it is witnessed by dedicatory carvings and inscriptions. There are also numerous cemeteries scattered all around the area. Inscriptions in ancient Greek, dating to the Roman period, identify the depression immediately to the north/northeast of the monument as a location where sporting events took place during certain festivals (Sterrett 1888: 166-167, no. 274; Swoboda/Keil/Knoll 1935: 16). To my opinion, the conceptual and religious significance of the region was perhaps not exclusive to the late antique period, but may also have existed much earlier.

  • 1 An article is in preparation with Dr. Lee Ullmann.

20Just before the survey project, I visited the site of Fasıllar with Lee Ullman and located what we believe is a sphinx that possibly dates to the Hittite period on a rock protrusion approximately 800 m. northwest of the Fasıllar monument (Fig. 10). Almost 2 m. in height, the sphinx was never completed. It is apparent that the legs, the lower body parts, the wings, and the hood-like headdress were in the early stages of being formed when the carving was abandoned, probably due to the natural split that occurred in the rock. What is interesting is that despite the current poor condition of the sphinx, it is clear that a great deal of skill went into the execution of the face1.

Fig. 10: Sphinx at Fasıllar

Fig. 10: Sphinx at Fasıllar

Yiğit H. Erbil

21If this area was only a quarry site, why would this sphinx be carved out of stones located up a hill, at a location difficult for transportation, especially since there are so many other large stones in areas of easier access? Yet, it is positioned almost at the apex of the hill and overlooking the vast plain, which is crossed by the main regional roads. The carving of the sphinx at this location was most likely deliberate and the sphinx itself was meant to stay at this very spot (Erbil 2013: 99-111; Erbil 2014: 229-230).

A Hittite map of the region of Fasıllar

22Another aim of the Fasıllar Regional Archaeological Project is to understand settlement patterns in the region throughout time, but with specific attention to Hittite-period settlements. We have just recently completed the mapping of the vicinity of the monuments and made in evidence ancient roads. So far, only the northern section of the road connecting Eflatun Pınar to Fasıllar has been identified with certainty as having been used in Hittite times (Fig. 11). Additionally, several settlements were found that were most likely associated with the Hittite monuments of Fasıllar and Eflatun Pınar.

Fig. 11: Map of survey sites

Fig. 11: Map of survey sites

23We are still working on determining how exactly the Hittite road extended southwards and eastwards from Fasıllar, as these two directions seem most suitable in the topography for communication routes. The road towards the east most probably connected Fasıllar to the Hittite site of Hatıp, which is located to the south of Konya, and to Ikuwaniya, which was probably located on the site of modern Konya. Considering that travelers were mostly on foot, on animals, or in caravans, we expected to find settlements 20-25 km. apart from one another, since this more or less represents the average traveling distance in a day. Roman roads provide some sense of where the old Hittite roads may have been located. The medieval and later caravansary roads follow the same logic and they were probably reused in large part. In fact, a substantial number of sites with Hittite ceramic evidence are found strategically positioned on the road systems associated with medieval and later periods.

24When we look at History, the Hulaya River Land which became incorporated as a frontier territory into the southern kingdom of Tarhuntašša under Muwatalli II, may well have bordered the region of Fasıllar (Otten 1981; Dinçol et al. 2000: 1-29). The region identified as the Hulaya River Land most likely took its identity from the main river that linked Beyşehir to Konya. Being north of this land, the Fasıllar region may well have been associated with a border territory. According to the Bronze Tablet uncovered in Hattuša in 1986 recording the treaty between the Hittite Great King Tudhaliya IV and his cousin Kurunta of Tarhuntašša, the Hulaya River Land was a part of the kingdom of Tarhuntašša (Alp 1995: 1-11; Hawkins 1995: 103; Otten 1988; Doğan-Alparslan/Alparslan 2015: 90-110). Yet, the unstable political dynamics during the final decades of 13th century BC indicate increased territorial changes and regional competition (Glatz/Plourde 2011: 33-66). It is likely that increased attention on the general area where both the Fasıllar and the Eflatun Pınar monuments stand played an important role in the territorial changes occurring at this time of instability. The two monuments may be associated with opposing powers competing over this region of strategic significance.

25In fact, the magnificent efforts associated with these two monuments not only show the importance placed on these two sites, but also display the close regional connection with deities and supernatural powers. By exploring the geography of what probably is the northern part of the Hulaya River Land, our survey aims to define more precisely the geography that may well be associated with the territory of Tarhuntašša at a time when border areas may have gained emphasis in political rivalry through their liminal characteristics and their close connection with the supernatural.

26In conclusion, I would like to emphasize that further investigations will not only contribute to the historical geography of ancient Anatolia, but will also help us to understand more about religiously charged geographies in the natural landscape. Our interdisciplinary approach, which combines archaeology, philology and geography, provides us with an innovative way to re-evaluate the possible relationship between the two Hittite monuments at Fasıllar and Eflatun Pınar as well as the political geography of their surroundings.

Bibliographie

Alexander, R. L., “The Mountain God at Eflatun Pınar”, Anatolica 2, 1968, 77-85.

Alp, S., “Zur Lage der Stadt Tarhuntašša”, in: Atti del II Congresso Internazionale di Hittitologia (Studia Mediterranea 9), Carruba, O. / Giorgieri, M. / Mora, C. (éds.). Iuculano, Pavie, 1995, 1-11.

Bachmann, M. / Özenir, S., “Das Quellheiligtum Eflatun Pınar”, Archäologischer Anzeiger 2004, 85-122.

Behm-Blancke, R. M. / Rittig, D., “Der Aslantaş von Eflatun Pınar”, MDOG 102, 1970, 88-99.

Bittel, K., “Beitrag zu Eflatun – Pınar”, Bibliotheca Orientalis 10, 1953, 2-5.

Bittel, K., Die Hethiter. Die Kunst Anatoliens vom Ende des 3. bis zum Anfang des 1. Jahrtausends vor Christus (Universum der Kunst 24). Beck, Munich, 1976.

Bittel, K., Denkmäler eines hethitischen Groβkönigs des 13. Jahrhunderts vor Christus (Anzeiger für die Altertumswissenschaft 38). Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen, 1984.

Börker-Klähn, J. / Börker, C., “Eflatun Pınar. Zu Rekonstruktion, Deutung und Datierung”, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 90, 1976, 1-41.

Dinçol, A. / Yakar, J. / Dinçol, B. / Taffet, A., “The Borders of the Appanage Kingdom of Tarhuntašša. A Geographical and Archaeological Assessment”, Anatolica 26, 2000, 1-29.

Doğan-Alparslan, M. / Alparslan M., “The Hittites and Their Geography: Problems of Hittite Historical Geography”, European Journal of Archaeology 18, 2015, 90-110.

Erbil, Y., “Eflatunpınar Kutsal Anıtı ve Hitit Su Kültü Üzerine Bazı Yorumlar”, in: Eskiçağın Mekanları, Zamanları, İnsanları, Özgenel, L. (éd.). Homer, İstanbul, 2005, 146-156.

Erbil, Y., “Konya İli Beyşehir İlçesi Fasıllar Anıtı ve Çevresi Yüzey Araştırması 2012 Yılı Çalışmaları”, Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı, 27-31 Mayıs, Muğla, 31, 2013, 99-111.

Erbil, Y., “Fasıllar ve Çevresi Yüzey Araştırması”, in: Anadolu Kültürlerine Bir Bakış. Armağan Erkanal’a Armağan. Some Observations on Anatolian Cultures. Compiled in Honor of Armağan Erkanal, Çınardalı-Karaslan, N. / Aykurt, A. / Kolankaya-Bostancı, N. / Erbil, Y. H. (éds.). Homer kitabevi, Ankara, 2014, 227-234.

Erbil, Y. / Mouton, A., “Water in Ancient Anatolian Religions: An Archaeological and Philological Inquiry on the Hittite Evidence”, JNES 71, 2012, 53-74.

Erkanal, A., “Eflatun Pınar Anıtı”, in: Bedrettin Cömert’e Armağan, Renda, G. et al. (éds.). Homer kitabevi, Ankara, 1980, 287-301.

Garstang, J., The Land of the Hittites. An Account of Recent Explorations and Discoveries in Asia Minor. Constable and Company, Londres, 1910.

Glatz, C. / Ploudre, A. M., “Landscape Monuments and Political Competition in Late Bronze Age Anatolia: An Investigation of Costly Signaling Theory”, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 361, 2011, 33-66.

Güterbock, H. G., “Alte und neue hethitische Denkmäler”, in: Halil Edhem Hatıra Kitabı I (Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları VII/5). Türk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1947, 48-51.

Hawkins, J. D., The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the sacred Pool Complex at Hattuşa (SÜDBURG) (StBoT Beiheft 3). Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1995.

Jüthner, J. / Knoll, F. / Patsch, C. L. / Swoboda, H., Vorläufiger Bericht über eine archäologische Expedition nach Kleinasien. Prag, Gesellschaft zur Förderung deutscher Wissenschaft, Kunst und Literatur in Böhmen (Mitteilung der Gesellschaft zur Förderung deutscher Wissenschaft, Kunst und Literatur 15). Verg der Gesellschaft, Prague, 1903.

Kohlmeyer, K., “Felsbilder der hethitischen Grossreichszeit”, Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 15, 1983, 7-154.

Laroche, E., “Eflatun Pınar”, Anatolia 3, 1958, 43-47.

Mellaart, J., “The Late Bronze Age Monuments of Eflatun Pınar and Fasıllar near Beyşehir”, AnSt 12, 1962, 111-117.

Naumann, R., Architektur Kleinasiens von ihren Anfängen bis zum Ende der hethitischen Zeit (Deutsches archäologisches Institut), 2ème éd. Wasmuth, Tübingen, 1971.

Orthmann, W., “Hethitische Götterbilder”, in: Vorderasiatische Archäologie. Studien und Aufsätze. Anton Moortgat fünfundsechzigsten Geburtstag gewidmet von kollegen, Freunden und Schülern, Bittel, K. / Heinrich, E. / Hrouda, B. / Nagel, W. (éds.). Verlag Gebr. Mann, Berlin, 1964, 221-226.

Otten, H., Die Apologie Hattusilis III (StBoT 24). Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1981.

Otten, H., Die Bronzetafel aus Boğazköy: ein Staatsvertrag Tuthalijas IV (StBoT Beiheft 1). Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1988.

Ökse, A. T., “Open-air Sanctuaries of the Hittites”, in: Insights into Hittite History and Archaeology (Colloquia Antiqua 2), Genz, H. / Mielke, D. P. (éds.). Peeters, Louvain, 2011, 219-240.

Özenir, A. S., “Eflatun Pınar Hitit Anıtı 1996 Yılı Temizlik ve Kazı Çalışmaları”, in: VIII. Müze Kurtarma Kazıları Semineri, 7 – 9 Nisan 1997, Kuşadası. Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Yayınları, Ankara, 1997, 135-158.

Özenir, A. S., “Eflatunpınar Hitit Kutsal Anıt – Havuz 1998 Yılı Çalışmaları”, in: Akten des IV. Internationalen Kongresses für Hethitologie Würzburg, 4 – 8 Oktober 1999 (StBoT 45). Wilhelm, G. (éd.). Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2001, 532-540.

Perrot, G. / Chipiez, C., History of Art in Sardinia, Judaea, Syria and Asia. Chapman, Londres, 1890.

Ramsay, W. M., “Syro Cappadocian Monuments in Asia Minor”, Athenische Mitteilungen, 1889, 170-191.

Ramsay, W. M., The Cities of St Paul. Their Influence on his Life and Thought. Hodder and Stoughton, Londres, 1907.

Sterrett, J. R. S., “The Wolfe Expedition to Asia Minor”, Papers of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens III. Damrell and Upham, Boston, 1888, 3-432.

Swoboda, H. / Keil, J. / Knoll, F., Denkmäler aus Lykaonien, Pamphylien, und Isaurien. Ergebnisse einer im Auftrage der Gesellschaft von Julius Jüthner, Fritz Knoll, Karl Patsch und Heinrich Swoboda durchgeführten Forschungsreise. Rohrer, Brno, 1935.

Notes

1 An article is in preparation with Dr. Lee Ullmann.

Auteur

Yiğit H. Erbil

Hacettepe University, Ankara