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  • Chapter 7: fear and human trafficking1
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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral Presentation Paradoxes Fear and sensibilization in relation to victims of human trafficking Securitization Final considerations Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Emotions and Public Policies

    Ce livre est recensé par

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    Table des matières

    Chapter 7: fear and human trafficking1

    Adriana Piscitelli

    p. 199-230

    Texte intégral Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    Presentation

    1In this text I consider the relationship between emotions and the formulation of policies, reflecting on the relations between fear and policies focused on fighting human trafficking1. The analysis is based on an ethnography about regimes for fighting human trafficking that I conducted in Spain and Brazil. These regimes encompass a constellation of policies, norms, discourses, knowledge and laws about this theme, which are formulated in an interlinking of the supranational, international, national and local planes.

    2I accompanied the expansion of these regimes in Spain between 2004 and 2015, and considered the insertion of Brazilian sex workers in the sex industry in Spain. I also observed the construction of these regimes in Brazil until today since the moment when the state architecture to combat these crimes was beginning to be organized, concomitantly with Brazil’s ratification of the Palermo Protocol,2 which is the main supranational legal mechanism for confronting human trafficking.

    3The connections that I establish in this article are based on a dialog between empiric material and academic perspectives that are critical of the regimes for fighting human trafficking and on. These perspectives consider the results of research conducted at different locations in the world since the decade of 2000, which compares the effects of anti-trafficking actions in places with different migratory policies, population flows and legal models related to prostitution. These analyses problematize the anti-trafficking regimes by showing that they use of the language of protection of human rights and in parallel promote actions that repress immigration and prostitution, even in countries where the latter is not illegal, offering little protection to people who are considered victims of this crime.

    4One of the striking aspects identified in these studies is the continuity over the decades of the adverse effects of these actions in terms of individual liberties and of the rights of immigrants, which have been treated as “collateral damage”. I refer to restrictions on mobilities; to the holding of people considered victims of trafficking in immigrant detention centers; to the prosecution of supposed victims such as illegal migrants/workers and even their forced repatriation, which has put their lives at risk (Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women, 2007; Piscitelli e Lowenkron, 2015; Sharapov, Hoff e Gerasimov, 2019; Anistía Internacional España, 2020).

    5The empiric material forms part of a long-term multi-site ethnography, which has been registered in dozens of field diaries. It involves observation in a variety of locations, situations and events in the countries. It also includes the interlocution of sex workers, of migrants that conduct services in different sectors of activity, of entrepreneurs of the sex industry, and of agents linked to various government entities. The ethnography was accompanied by other studies about the problematic and that expanded my spaces of observation by propitiating my connection as a researcher with entities of the Brazilian state and supranational ones linked to the United Nations, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime and the International Organization for Migrations. I collected part of the material while I coordinated investigations for Brazil’s Ministry of Justice, in association with these entities, and while participating in events as a member of the official Brazilian delegation abroad. At the time that I prepared the first version of this text I served on the National Commission to Confront Human Trafficking in Brazil (CONATRAP), occupying one of the posts allocated to civil society as a representative of universities.

    6By considering the relations between fear and human trafficking, I develop three points. The first refers to a paradoxical aspect of the antitrafficking regimes. The people who supposedly should be protected by these regimes feel afraid, especially of the danger and the threats linked to the effects of the regimes for combatting human trafficking, which provoke situations perceived to be violent. The second point is that fear is a central emotion that is triggered in the dissemination of the regimes to fight human trafficking. Yet, and this is the last point, the objects that provoke fear have not been stable over time.

    7In the period considered, victims of sexual exploitation have been permanently portrayed as symbols of human trafficking. Yet, this idea of victim coexists with diversification in the agents that empirically appear as privileged targets of traffickers. This change is related to modifications in the political field in which antitrafficking regimes participate. In this sense, the case of Brazil offers elements that contribute to the analysis of the modifications of these regimes. In this country, these alterations are linked to the change of focus of the concerns associated to human trafficking, which coincide with the renovation of interest in national borders, mainly in the north of the country, and of an intensification of the securitization3. In this process, important government entities have combined an anti-immigrant discourse, a partial abandonment of the rhetoric of human rights, and a resignification of this notion in the realm of combatting human trafficking.

    Paradoxes

    8In the critical production about human trafficking, now, nearly 20 years after the formulation of the Palermo Protocol, there is a convergence in considering that this notion was formulated in articulation among the fields of security and migration and that, even if it uses a human rights rhetoric, it is concentrated on criminalization and repression. Guilherme Dias Mansur (2014) observes that the selection of a criminal structure to address issues related to human mobility is reflected in the direction of the focus and approach of international policies that are inherent to the migratory question.

    9I agree with this, but I think that in the processes of global expansion of the regimes for fighting human trafficking, the articulations between the criminalization of migrations and the regimes to fight human trafficking have been differentiated and have changed at distinct moments in connections with the geopolitical position of the countries involved and with the status that has been granted in them to the various flows of international migration. In this sense, a comparative reading contributes to considering the specificities of these alterations in Brazil.

    10Spain is one of the European countries in which the regimes for fighting human trafficking are disseminated in the interlinking between restrictive migratory policies and legal measures focused on repression of prostitution. It is a country considered to be moderate, in terms of “crimigrations” (Guia y Pedroso, 2015), of the policies in which criminal laws converge on the objectives of punishing and expelling those immigrants “constructed” as irregular4. Nevertheless, the country is marked by a securitization process that cannot be separated from that which has involved the European Union, which sees immigrations from the world’s poorest countries as a significant threat. In this light, most of the “infractions” related to irregular permanence in the Spanish state are considered grave; the irregular migrants are subject to fines and can be imprisoned in the feared Centers of Internment for Foreigners/CIES, while awaiting expulsion.

    11In Spain, in the period before the economic crisis that began in 2008/2009, when the country had one of the highest contingents of migrants from beyond the European community, I witnessed how irregular migrants were being hunted down in train stations, buses, subway exits, and church doors. In this context, irregular Brazilian women circulated with fear of detention, of being locked up in an internment center and of expulsion. This fear related to the risk and danger involved in circulating “without papers” was even more intense among Brazilian women who offered services in the sex industry, in occupations stigmatized and exposed by their visibility to greater risks. I observe that at that time Brazilian women were very visible in the flourishing sex industry in Spain.

    12During the decade of 2000, the women I interviewed perceived the connection between the police detentions and their irregular migratory status. A woman from Bahia state in Brazil who offered sexual services in the street, in Barcelona, said that the police would go day after day to her “point”, in Raval, a traditional region of prostitution in the center of the city. As she explained to me, when the police calculated that a foreign woman has been there for three months, they detained her, and requested documents. When I met her, she had already been detained, and had received a letter of expulsion, but was released. She continued to work at her point of prostitution in the street, in the Casco Antiguo de Barcelona, but was afraid. A few months later she was detained once again, placed in an internment center and expelled, without the opportunity to take anything. Half of the Brazilian women who I met in those years in Spain, who offered sexual services on the streets, were deported from the country.

    13At the time it was estimated that 90% of the prostitutes in Spain were migrants, most in irregular situations. The rhetoric about the controls in the spaces dedicated to prostitution concerned protection for these migrants, who were exposed to human trafficking for the purposes of sexual exploitation. The First Spanish Plan to combat human trafficking, which was enacted in 2007, and the police actions provoked the impression that this control of prostitution was a coherent policy of repression because the supposed victims were quickly converted into irregular migrants to be deported in processes understood to be extremely violent. I think of violence as a descriptive category, and I take up Veena Das’s (2008) suggestion to consider what is at stake when something is called violent. Violence, among these workers was not associated to clients, or to networks of human traffickers, but to the police. And deportation appears to them to be the maximum expression of violence.

    14In the middle of the decade of 2000, the records of non-governmental organizations in Brazil and Spain describe episodes supporting these perceptions, In 2005, the Brazilian Association in the Defense of Women, Childhood and Youth (ASBRAD), a not-for-profit civil entity that helps receive deported people at Guarulhos, registered complaints of poor treatment of Brazilian women who were “arrestadas” by the Spanish police when they were working as prostitutes. According to one of them: “upon being taken to the police station, without money, three people hit me, two men and a woman. Handcuffed, they even stepped on my head. They made a proposal for me to cooperate, but I knew other women who collaborated and were deported”.5

    15My interlocutors saw the violent anti-trafficking mobilization as part of a policy to detect and expel irregular migrants and to impede the work of prostitution. They simultaneously considered that the police did not protect those women who were in fact “slaves”, a category that they especially associated to Nigerians and some women from Eastern European nations.

    16NGOs in Spain affirm that the government provides no protection for those women who, in a grave situation of privation of liberty, contacted them and were prepared to denounce the traffickers6. And foreign police agents explained that they could only treat people as victims of trafficking and therefore protect them, when they denounced traffickers7. Meanwhile, they had to denounce “organized networks” because the law that allowed suspending deportation8 required “collaboration against organized networks”. In this period it was already clear that a significant portion of these migratory movements were conducted through informal networks and not through organized criminal networks. And a recent report from Amnesty International of Spain (2020)9 about the fight against human trafficking in the country indicated impressive continuities with the characteristics of these confrontations, which I had pointed out ten years ago when studying the situation of Brazilian migrants in Spain. In this sense, I think that Brazil offers a counterpoint marked by discontinuities.

    17A reading of how the regimes for fighting human trafficking in European countries have worked suggests that these regimes were engendered, in the space of the United Nations, in combination with public safety measures, and expanded in articulation with the criminalization of migrations. But an examination of the development of these regimes in countries outside of Europe shows that they follow various routes and are not always linked to the repression of irregular immigration. This is the case of Argentina, in which the combat of human trafficking produced a cruel repression of prostitution, and recently the control of the circulation of youths in the country, based on the relations established in the public debate between human trafficking and disappearances (Varela, 2013).

    18The case of Brazil has distinct aspects. In this country, the human trafficking agenda was engendered from the outside in a process fueled by external demands, supranational and international, from the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime, the Organization of American States, the International Labor Organization, and the US government. Since the ratification of the Palermo Protocol, the public agenda for fighting human trafficking has been marked by a heterogeneity of notions and positions, linked in part to the participation of different interest groups involved in the debate, by various understandings of the problematic of human trafficking, and different state actions that have varied over time.

    19The intensification of the discussion about the theme coincided with a phase of increased Brazilian immigration to “wealthy” nations”10. At this time, travel abroad to work in the sex industry gained visibility, mainly in Europe. Most of the Brazilian political strategies against trafficking were developed based on international cooperation projects aimed especially at the prevention and control of the emigration of Brazilian women abroad that was promoted and largely financed by multilateral agencies and international organizations from countries of the North11. In this point, at this time, “preventive” police actions included measures that interfered in the mobility of Brazilians considered to be poor, racialized and as potential prostitutes abroad. These actions suggest that by triggering the rhetoric of protection of Brazilian victims the country was responding to the demands of the processes for external securitization to defend European borders. These police actions were accompanied by intense repressive actions against prostitution in the country (Blanchette, Murray y Luvulo, 2014).

    20This process was nourished and legitimized, triggering a collective and cyclical dimension (Delumeau, 2012) of fear. Evoking the dangers associated to trafficking of women in the past, in a former historical period marked by the intensification of migration by the end of nineteenth century (Schetini, 2006), this fear was predominantly associated to the risks that surrounded the women considered to be vulnerable to trafficking for sexual exploitation.

    Fear and sensibilization in relation to victims of human trafficking

    21In 2004, when Brazil ratified the Palermo Protocol, an important step was in progress in regard to the formation of the regimes against trafficking in the country. At this time, the state architecture aimed at fighting this crime was organized. The Ministry of Justice and various states created units against human trafficking. The National Policy to Combat Human Trafficking was formulated, and the first work plans were prepared. In parallel, alliances were established with multilateral agencies and civil society. In this process, various government entities were gradually integrating to the regimes against trafficking, including non-governmental organizations and religious articulations, Catholic and Protestant. In this realm, there was a substantial inversion in events, courses and campaigns dedicated to promoting concern for human trafficking.

    22The term that is used to refer to these campaigns in the public realm is “awareness,” a word that refers to the activation of emotions and values, an interlinking that according to Fassin (2014) accompanies the expansion of the human rights discourse with the moral theme in contemporary societies. It is a theme that is configured by various layers of meaning, in the convergence between concerns for ethics and image, recurring terms and words. Blanchette y da Silva (2018) highlight the relevance of the press in the expansion of this theme in Brazil. According to the authors, at this time, with few cases revealed, trafficking appears to have been socially constructed as a media phenomenon.

    23In this movement, trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation acquires special importance. The crime of human trafficking, according to the Palermo Protocol, and since 2016, with Brazil’s new trafficking law12, involves transportation of a person through threat, coercion, fraud and abuse for purposes of exploitation in different activities, in a regime of servitude, work in conditions analogous to slavery, sexual exploitation, as well as organ harvesting and illegal adoption. Based on this formulation, in this country, the large number of cases of work in conditions analogous to slavery have involved mostly men and have been modifying the data about the sex of victims. From 2018 to 2020, data from the Federal Police indicate that 63.5% of the victims were men, 20.6% women and 16% children (MJSP, 2021). Nevertheless, women victims of sexual exploitation have maintained a stable place as a symbol of human trafficking. An example is offered by an image associated to an article published in 2022. It showed the legs of a woman with red high-heels and who is chained at the ankles, while the article alluded to recruitment of men through fraud in Maranhão state [northern Brazil], subjected to work in conditions analogous to slavery in woodworking shops in Rio Grande do Sul [southern Brazil13.

    24The centrality of this image of the victim of trafficking in the campaigns in Brazil reproduces the importance that it receives internationally (Sharapov, Hoff and Gerasimov, 2019). Perhaps this is because it operates with an idea of vulnerability that is effective by triggering emotions that allow the constitution of a social cause, as do campaigns aimed at other crimes linked to sexual violence (Lowenkron, 2015). In the emotions activated in the fight against human trafficking, fear acquires an outstanding place.

    25In her impressive book about the invention of human rights, Hunt (2009), emphasizes that the expansion of this idea is linked to an emotional education, which had been initiated in European countries in the second half of the eighteenth century with the diffusion of novels. This education would trigger empathy, a cultural practice incorporated in physical and emotional dimensions that allow imagining that another person is like us. In this regard, Rorty’s (1995) reflections about the relationship between the “Eurocentric culture of human rights” and education associated to listening to sad and sentimental narratives are worth considering. For Rorty, promoting this sentimental education is important to expanding the idea of human rights today, because it helps give humanity to “others”. This education would allow people to believe that those who they see as different are similar human beings. These narratives manipulate feelings so that, by hearing these stories, one can imagine one is “in the shoes” of the disdained and oppressed.

    26This proposal was broadly activated in pedagogical campaigns to raise awareness about human trafficking in Brazil. In this movement, fear appears in an evident manner in the allusions to trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation, associated to notions of danger and risk (Rezende e Coelho, 2010), which threaten women in particular and are materialized in the image of the victim of this crime. Various analyses have been conducted about the images used to promote this figure, primarily in preventive campaigns, with the dual objective of making the population aware of this drama and to warn it to the danger that trafficking presents (Blanchette e Silva, 2018).

    27In the recent history of the constitution of the regimes to fight human trafficking in Brazil, there are images that allude to this crime prior to the creation of the state architecture to combat it. A first series of images was produced by feminist NGOs. They are racialized images that accompany stories with the purpose of warning women involved in sexual tourism of the dangers of human trafficking present in relations with foreigners. Nevertheless, this danger is highlighted in a playful manner.

    Image 10000000000006AE000004A8948C87AF77A6A4C9.jpg

    Image produced by an NGO in the Brazilian Northeast in the 1990s

    28The content of the images has undergone radical changes in the realm of the conformation and consolidation of what Blanchette and da Silva (2018) call the political anti-trafficking field. Since 2004/2005 and until the middle of the decade of 2010, some of the images that circulated in Brazil, produced in the country and abroad, have repetitive aspects14, which makes sense considering, as these authors affirm, that many of these images are recycled by various organizations in this field. They are images of feminized bodies that evoke the idea of prison, slavery, commodification, impotence, helplessness, and an inability to react. It may be a gagged woman, imprisoned inside baggage, or who is behind bars or bound with chains, or the image of a tiny woman who is sold as a supermarket product. The female body, as a semiotic object, triggers the generalized ability that the body has to spark recognition of other bodies that, according to French (1994), makes it a powerful tool for identification. The awareness is intensified by the allusions to the impotence and the fear that the victims feel, which is revealed in the corporal postures, in the expressions on their faces and the pain, visible in their tears.

    Image 100002010000026C00000208D11BA90B8E4662DC.png
    Image 10000000000003180000060B743E7FD46B22A9DF.jpg
    Image 10000201000002580000018ECC8859CD822FB5E4.png

    29This feminization, however, is often produced through a significant sexualization of the bodies, a procedure visible globally. An interesting analysis about these figures is made by Rutvica Andrijasevic (2007) who, considering the techniques used in the campaigns of the International Organization of Migrations in Eastern Europe in the beginning of the decade of 2000, identifies representational strategies and common elements that I observe are repeated until today.

    30Andrijasevic calls attention to how highly stereotyped constructions of femininity accompany an intense erotization of female bodies. Her argument is that these representations of violence are themselves violent, because, by presenting the female as a passive object, they confirm existing stereotypes about women in Eastern Europe. Moreover, they separate the bodies from the historic context in which the trafficking takes place.

    31One point to highlight is that in the effort to produce fear by warning about danger, the images present a recurring aspect in the construction of causes that in some way use pornography to provoke an emotional impact through the use of images (Lowenkron, 2015). The paradox is that the obscenity that it aims to control and repress and that gives the images a certain ambiguity, becomes the main strategy for raising awareness about the cause. In the case of fighting human trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation, these images circulate in a political field that triggers suffering to awaken compassion and indignation, which promotes construction of the cause. And the evocation of silenced, defenseless, and abused bodies appeals, according to Sabsay (2016), to emotional responses.

    32In this sense, the episode that I witnessed in a government seminar15 in Goiana state in Brazil in 2012 was significant. The public was told at the beginning that in the audience was the father of a woman considered to be one of the first Brazilian women assassinated in Spain by human trafficking networks, 20 years earlier, who died in a hospital in Bilbao, according to the report, by a drug overdose. Towards the end of the event, they called a 77-year-old musician to the microphone. With a trembling voice, he narrated in detail the history of lies and abuse to which his daughter was submitted.

    33He asked: “Why did my daughter suffer so much?” And adding notions of relational femininity considered to be positive commented: “Everyday our girls, daughters, and mothers continue to be poorly treated and abandoned abroad; while here we receive foreigners so well! Our girls are mothers, they are daughters, and are born to be companions to men, not to be humiliated.” The activation of these attributes is significant, as Rezende y Coelho (2010)16 observe, considering that the logic that guides giving and receiving compassion in certain contexts follows the criteria of responsibility for the misfortune and creates moral borders among those represented as deserving of compassion and those considered to be responsible for their misfortune.

    34When the audience was already very disturbed, the father asked permission to sing a song in homage of his daughter. It was a popular Brazilian song that repeated the name of a woman. He sang it while changing the name for that of his daughter. And each time that he was about to sing it, his voice broke, drawing tears from many people who were listening. One of the event organizers commented that she was always moved by this, alluding to the reiteration of this emotional performance and to its effectiveness.

    35This report indicates the importance acquired by personal testimony that, according to Jimeno (2010), creates ties between various people in an eminently emotional language. This bond has political effects, as a symbolic mediator between subjective experience and social generalization. In the dissemination of the regimes for fighting human trafficking, mainly trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation has this capacity. And political effects are produced activating a broad web of emotions, which include fear, in a political pedagogy of feelings.

    36Recent works point to the inefficiency of these narratives for avoiding or reducing human trafficking (Sharapov, Hoff and Gerasimov, 2019). There are various reasons. These accounts, which are also disseminated in films and even in videogames (O’Brien and Berent, 2019), tend to be simplified and universalizing, by only presenting the type of trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation, a single situation of imprisonment and one model of a victim, female, stereotyped and lacking agency. In parallel, the language of compassion obscures the material and structural circumstances of power that surround the problem (French, 1994). Finally, the reports that stir indignation divide the protagonists into victims and monsters, they are far from showing that human trafficking is firstly a problem linked to social and economic injustice and human rights, that is deeply rooted in the colonial past. And, today, it is sustained by neoliberal structures of exploitation and by heavy and violent restrictions on individual liberties.

    37In this regard, Sharapov, Hoff and Gerasimov (2019), raise the example of the image of women and girls tied up in the back seat of a car, with their mouths gagged, which is used to consolidate the public image of a national emergency on the border between the US and Mexico. The authors call attention to the importance of understanding how these narratives are produced and manipulated by agents with positions of political and economic power to designate the agenda to fight this crime. In this case, the objective would be to guarantee public support and resources for building a border wall, protecting the country from an invasion of immigrants from Latin America in search of asylum.

    Securitization

    38The recent period in Brazil offers a particular context in which we see the activation of another dimension of fear to combat human trafficking on the national level, linked to securitization. With the passage of years, in Brazil, the antitrafficking regimes have produced a constant repression of commercial sex and since the formulation of the new anti-trafficking law, also of work in conditions analogous to slavery in any sector of activity. These regimes have disseminated until reaching places considered to be remote, responding increasingly not necessarily to the legal definition of trafficking but to local logics and to the interests of different agents, in processes in which the language of trafficking has been appropriated in various manners. In this process, one of the striking features of this dissemination, since the decade of 2010, is the link of this crime to migration to Brazil. This concern was aimed particularly at the risks presented by immigrants from “poor” parts of the world, with attention, at a certain moment, to Haiti and then to Venezuela. In this context, the control of the borders has acquired growing importance in local and state dimensions (Olivar, 2015).

    39The re-elaboration of the interest in borders becomes visible in new state efforts aimed at the management of circulation and movement between neighboring countries, particularly in the Amazon region, from where flows of unwanted migrants have continued to arrive. These efforts have been marked by a discourse that considers the supposed absence of the state as a factor that makes the local populations more vulnerable to human trafficking. This became more serious at the time of massive migration of Venezuelans facing crisis in their country. Cities in northern Brazil, such as Boa Vista, were declared to be in a state of social emergency, due to the high number of Venezuelans and the growing demands for health and social support. And the media fueled the xenophobia, emphasizing that many immigrants would become homeless, and some “would turn to crime, like prostitution”, adding social challenges to the legal problems.17

    40In this context, the debate about human trafficking continues to be disseminated by sectors of the state18 involved in measures and plans to strengthen the prevention, control, surveillance and repression of cross-border crimes.19 While concern for a migratory threat is often associated to the extreme right (Brown, 2020), it is important to indicate that in Brazil the re-elaboration of the concern for borders was materialized in the government of elected President Dilma Rousseff, of the Workers Party, in the implementation of the Program for a National Strategy for Public Safety at the Borders/ENAFRON, of 201120, which was implemented in the 11 Brazilian states with borders with South American countries21.

    41The decree that established this program alludes to transborder crimes practiced on the Brazilian border, without mentioning any of them specifically22. Nevertheless, the combat of human trafficking in border regions, a long-term demand of NGO’s linked to the defense of human rights, acquired importance in the realm of this program. The program included a specific pedagogical project23, which is interesting, and reveals how, in the implementation of ENAFRON, securitization was articulated with humanitarian projects.

    42Humanitarian enterprises have been questioned considering that they require help to compensate for the hardship and violence to which certain populations are subject, but contribute indirectly to the perpetuation of a vicious circle. According to Sabsay (2016), this is because humanitarianism does not question the causes that produce differentiated distributions of vulnerabilities. According to Sabsay, instead of questioning these distributions in political terms, humanitarianism moralizes the demands for help by emphasizing the suffering of the victims. The effect is to depoliticize situations of potential demands for rights, thus transforming them into human needs that require gestures of charity and benefactors. Moreover, humanitarianism can participate in the expansion of power that is exercised over the populations declared to be in need of protection, because the vulnerability that is attributed to these populations is used to justify their regulation and control. This is evident when the problem emphasized by securitization policy is the migratory threat.

    43The pedagogical project linked to ENAFRON offers empiric substance that reveals the ambiguity that marks the articulation between securitization and humanitarianism. The logic of securitization nourishes the project, in which human trafficking is presented as one of the “conflicts” inherent to borders. Jointly with drug and arms trafficking and smuggling of people, it makes “vulnerabilities” inseparable from borders in a context of migrations guided by the logic of globalization. To respond to these vulnerabilities, the project presents humanitarian traits, to the degree that it aims to recognize, identify, and steer victims and potential victims of human trafficking. The problem is that, although it recognizes the victims as subjects of rights, the project is guided by the needs of public security measures; like to identify crimes related to human trafficking, the need for witnesses of probative value, and for special intelligence techniques applied to the investigation of criminal organizations.

    44In the period after the impeachment of President Dilma, a new integrated border protection program24 was implemented to strengthen the prevention, control, and repression of transborder crimes25. An important point is that the program is not linked to concerns for protecting the victims, which had been present in the previous version. In this context, the public government discourse about human trafficking focused on borders took a distance from human rights rhetoric by diluting the ambiguities between securitization and humanitarianism, in a procedure in which securitization operates as an absolutely encompassing term.

    45Some examples of this dilution are seen in the public discourse of certain state entities, which presents the struggle against crimes at the border as a main aspect linked to human trafficking in the country. In this sense, the government’s public discourse about the actions of the programs on the borders was suggestive. A few years ago, Brazilian government entities affirmed a humanitarian character and one that defended human rights for the victims present in the policies to combat human trafficking in the country, something that established a positive contrast of these policies with those of the countries in the Global North. But when treating border security, the public presentations of government discourses and the images that accompanied these texts referred above all to the idea of combat, of war.

    46I have selected some images, presented in digital media related to the National Program for a Public Safety Strategy at the Borders, which refer to different actions of the specialized border units in the country26. The first article chosen refers to the 11th version of Operation Agate in the Brazilian Amazon, which was realized in June 201627. According to the article, this version was different because in addition to the Brazilian Armed Forces, it included military forces of British Guyana and Venezuela. According to the 11th version, the military commander of the Amazon emphasized the importance of the support and international strengthening of the actions of vigilance in the border areas by affirming that: “The illegal, the crime and the bad have no flag28”. And the image shows various armed policemen subduing a shirtless civilian.

    Image 10000000000002940000014A1B8C65190C8572A8.jpg

    Operation Agate in the Brazilian Amazon, June 2016

    47The tendency to distance the human rights rhetoric from the combat of transborder crimes intensified under the Bolsonaro government and was accentuated during the Covid-19 pandemic, in the mark of the National Border and Currency Security Program (VIGIA). This was a strategic project of the Ministry of Justice and Public Safety, established in April 2019, to reduce the financial vitality of criminal organizations. It reveals how, since March 2020, the process of securitization officially articulated healthcare concerns, given that the rhetoric about confronting the propagation of Covid-19 implied the need to establish sanitary barriers at border cities, with restrictions on entrance to the country29.

    48The public presentations of government discourse about borders continue to be marked by the idea of war, with soldiers wearing green camouflage and ostensibly carrying weapons. The communications register actions against organized crime, especially against drug trafficking, which are understood to have intensified during the pandemic. According to one of the soldiers interviewed in a message about the issue: “ a ‘mule’ doesn’t respect quarantine" [‘mule’ is jargon for those who carry drugs across borders]30.

    49This idea is supported by the second image that I chose, which shows two people camouflaged and armed, pointing their guns. It accompanies a news report distributed by the Secretariat of Public Safety of Paraná state which announced the conclusion of a series of courses given by the Border Police Battalion in November 2020. This constant training was necessary because the region is a point of regular operations against transborder crime31.

    Image 10000201000006400000042A111461E005D3B810.png

    50With this emphasis on repressing crime, the humanitarian rhetoric does not disappear completely. It appears in the proposal to fight human trafficking on the borders, supported by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, and presented as a form of repression of the exploitation of Venezuelans32. In addition, there are allusions to military action in Operación Acogida, which organized the arrival of Venezuelans over the border at Pacaraima, in the Brazilian state of Roraima, and the taking in of these migrants, coordinated by the federal government, with support from social entities (Vasconcelos, 2020). Despite this, the emphasis on human rights in the struggle against human trafficking appears to have gradually dissolved in a political context in which, as Gabriel Feltran (2020) indicates, the dispute for hegemony of the far right in the country involved an attack on rights, even basic rights. This attack coexisted with an exacerbation of the problematic character attributed to the foreigners of the “poor” regions.

    51What the images suggest, when compared with images of the victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation, is that the dimension of fear they trigger is removed from victims and totally linked to invaders, to “others” who arrive over borders, which are to be controlled through warfare. Fear can be considered here, in terms used by Sara Ahmed (2004), as an emotional politics that intends to “preserve” through the announcement of a threat to life. In this case the threat is not to “vulnerable girls”, as it was when it involved trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation, but to the nation, and this allows understanding how the narratives about the crisis operate to activate social norms. Sara Ahmed is specifically thinking of the figure of the international terrorist, but we can think of the figure of undesired foreign invaders who come from the neighboring country.

    Final considerations

    52This text shows how fear, inextricably linked to the political context of an increasing destabilization of rights, appears to operate as an indicator of a political shift. If until a certain moment in Brazil the public discourse of the state and of social movements had converged, in the context of a progressive destabilization of rights that intensified during the Bolsonaro government, these discourses diverged and the state discourses leads us to questions that are different than those we raised years ago. That is, we must now ask what will be the effects of the operationalization of the struggle against human trafficking at a time in which, in certain government spheres, this struggle appears to focus on fighting crime at borders, and beyond the ambiguous realm of the defense of human rights.

    53In Brazil, as in other countries, researchers critical of the expansion of regimes for fighting human trafficking have considered the problems linked to these regimes, and more broadly to the mark of human rights in the contemporary world. The idea is that this mark, as Elizabeth Bernstein (2010) indicates, manifests a system of control that is triggered to reproduce forms of violence, and in the case of human trafficking, is frequently expressed in prostitution, especially of women and feminized people.

    54Until recently we questioned the relation between humanitarianism and the concern for securitization, and the alliance between the Brazilian government and other governments of “wealthy countries”, considering the violence to which Brazilians were subjected. They were prevented from leaving Brazil to go abroad, and were detained for being supposed “victims” of human trafficking in foreign countries, as in Spain, where they were imprisoned, and often mistreated physically and deported.

    55In the case of border regions we are impressed by the scarce government attention to the various dimensions of violence marked by gender, ethnicity, age and nationality. This violence, in the form of abuse, is aimed at indigenous girls who move to cities, and in the form of obstetric violence, tortures non national women at Brazil’s northern border, who turned to Brazil’s public healthcare system.

    56If emphases on human trafficking cloaked in humanitarianism contributed to intensifying the violence in a number of these migratory movements, the question is how do anti-trafficking regimes operate when fed by this new dimension of fear, uninformed by a humanitarian rhetoric, when in strategic realms the struggle against trafficking appears to mainly refer to the struggle against crime at borders, in conjunction with attacks aimed at the improvements in migration laws?

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    Notes de bas de page

    1 A preliminary version of this text was presented at the Encontro da Associação Portuguesa de Antropologia, 2019. I am grateful for the generous comments and suggestions of the organizers of this dossier, Maria Claudia Coelho and Iara Beleli, as well as of the other participants. 

    2 This is a Protocol, added to the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, related to prevention, repression and punishment for human trafficking, in particular of women and children, which was drafted in 2000 and ratified by Brazil in 2004.

    3 Securitization refers to the processes in which some politicized themes are seen as threats and security issues (Viana y Silva, 2019), in this case the flows of undesired migrants. In this aspect, security agents, actors who claim the existence of a threat, can be from the state, civil organizations, individuals, or transnational groups.

    4 The idea of “crimigration” refers to the progressive loss of rights of migrants and their growing criminalization, with the simultaneous application of criminal law on migrants (for those who have not committed crimes) and of immigration law for those condemned of crimes (with the permanent removal from the territories where the condemned committed the crimes).

    5 Quoted from a report that included the testimony of a deported Brazilian helped by the non-governmental organization ASBRAD in Guarulhos, 13/06/2005. I would like to thank Dalila Figueiredo who provided me this material.

    6 Communication of AMBIT DONA, a non-governmental organization that supported sex workers in Barcelona, in an interview conducted in September 2005.

    7 Personal communication of an agent linked to the Spanish police, issued during an educational seminar about the struggle against international human trafficking. Auditorio del Cedim, 27 June 2005, Río de Janeiro.

    8 Ley Orgánica 4, artículo 59, 2000.

    9 The report denounced that the Spanish authorities gave priority to controlling immigration and to attending to victims of human trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation, who are seen as evidence that can be used in an investigation and not as people who require protection. It also indicated that of the 75,000 people who according to the government were at risk of trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation, between 2013 and 2019, only 1,000 identified themselves as victims, that is, as people with right to protection.

    10 In terms of internal/domestic trafficking, the main concern was for trafficking associated to sexual exploitation of children and adolescents.

    11 Like the United Nations Organization against Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and Europe’s International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD). One of the main financers of these projects was the European Commission, one of the foremost institutions of the European Union. The recent interest of these financiers in Brazilian borders and the project lines that they support suggest, however, that there is a growing interest in these policies concerning the entrance of foreign immigrants.

    12 Law 13.344, sanctioned in October 2016. 

    13 https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/geral/noticia/2022-02/pf-deflagra-operacao-falsas-promessas-para-combater trafico-de pessoas#:~:text=Publicado%20em%2009%2F02%2F2022,no%20Rio%20Grande%20do%20Sul.&text=Para%20enganar%20as%20v%C3%ADtimas%2C%20os,contrato%20ainda%20em%20solo%20maranhense, consulted 10 February 2022.

    14 Since this period, the images produced by the Ministry of Justice have become more diverse in terms of gender and distant from these characteristics, nevertheless, images analogous to those described continue to be produced by other government entities. For a detailed analysis of these images in Brazil see: Blanchette y Da Silva, 2018.

    15 Simpósio Internacional sobre Tráfico de Pessoas, Auditório da Associação dos Magistrados do Estado de Goiás (Asmego), Goiânia, 18/05/2012.

    16 According to formulations by Candace Clark.

    17 ESPECIAL-Ola de inmigrantes de Venezuela podría generar crisis humanitaria en Roraima, 11/12/2015, en: https://www.terra.com.br/noticias/mundo/especial-onda-de-imigrantes-da-venezuela-pode-gerar-crise-humanitaria-em roraima,7aa52e6c403185aabae4a38c8b3617c98oyyfg1o.html

    18 See the declarations of Alexandre de Morais, in Istoé 16/11/2016

    19 In this context strongly reappear the supranational instances that reinforce actions of the Brazilian government to combat human trafficking. In April 2017 was launched the Global Action Against Trafficking in Persons and Smuggling Migrants, (GLO. ACT), which is a joint initiative of the European Union and the United Nations Organization on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), in collaboration with the International Organization for Migration (OIM) and the United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF), and whose objective is to reinforce the response of the criminal justice systems in 13 countries of Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe and Latin America, Byelorussia, Brazil, Colombia, Egypt, Krgystan, Malí, Morocco, Nepal, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Popular Democratic Republic of Laos and Ukraine.

    20 DECRETO Nº 7.496, de 8 June 2011. This program was substituted in the current government by the Program for the Integrated Protection of Borders DECRETO Nº 8.903, de 16 November 2016.

    21 Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay, Bolivia, Peru, Colombia, Venezuela, Guyana, Surinam and French Guyana.

    22 The program refers specifically to the prevention, control, monitoring and repression of transborder crime and of those committed at the Brazilian border.

    23 See: Projeto pedagógico do curso de enfrentamento ao tráfico de pessoas para o Plano Nacional de Fronteiras - ENAFRON, Brasília, 2013, at: https://www.gov.br/mj/pt-br/assuntos/sua-protecao/trafico-de-pessoas/formacao-em-etp/anexos/proj-pedag-enafron.pdf, consulted March 2022.

    24 DECRETO Nº 8.903, 16 November 2016

    25 See the declarations of Alexandre de Morais, en Istoé 16/11/2016

    26 These trainings were undertaken by the National Secretariat for Public Safety (Senasp), through the National Program for a Public Safety Strategy at the Borders (Enafron), with the support of the Department of Investigation, Analysis of Information and Development of Personnel in Public Safety.

    27 http://www.amazonianarede.com.br/exercito-brasileiro-faz-mais-uma-operacao-agata-nas-fronteiras/14/06/2016

    28 Forças Armadas ocupam a Amazônia durante a Operação Ágata 11 Cotidiano | Acritica.com | Amazônia - Amazonas - Manaus, 18/06/2016

    29 Ministério de Justiça e Seguridade Pública: Vigia: Programa Nacional de Seguridade nas Fronteiras e Divisas cumpre um ano de atuação com resultados expressivos, 14/04/2020. In: v.br/mj/en-br/assuntos/noticias/vigia-programa-nacional-de-seguranca-nas-fronteiras-e-divisas-completa-um-ano-de-atuacao-com-resultados-expressivos-1

    30 Fabio Pontes. "Questões fronteirizas. Mula não faz quarentena. " Em tempos de epidemias, a fronteira fechada em Acre reduz mas não impede o tráfico de drogas. Piauí. 28/04/2020, in: https://piaui.folha.uol.com.br/mula-nao-faz-quarentena/ consulted in August, 2020.

    31 Secretaría de Segurança Pública, Policia Militar BPFron conclui o ciclo de formação com a clausura da 8th edition INC-FRON. 10/11/2020, in https://www.seguranca.pr.gov.br/Noticia/BPFron-conclui-ciclo-de-capacitacoes-com-encerramento-da-8a-edicao-da-INC-FRON

    32 UNODC: Programa TRACK4TIP, iniciativa de combate ao tráfico de pessoas in: http://www.unodc.org/lpo-brazil/pt/trafico-de-pessoas/programa-track4tip.html, consulted November 2020. 

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    1996

    População, Família, Sociedade

    População, Família, Sociedade

    Portugal, séculos XIX-XX (2a edição revista e aumentada)

    Robert Rowland

    1997

    As Lições de Jill Dias

    As Lições de Jill Dias

    Antropologia, História, África e Academia

    Maria Cardeira da Silva et Clara Saraiva (dir.)

    2013

    Vozes do Povo

    Vozes do Povo

    A folclorização em Portugal

    Salwa El-Shawan Castelo-Branco et Jorge Freitas Branco (dir.)

    2003

    Artes da Fala

    Artes da Fala

    Colóquio de Portel

    Jorge Freitas Branco et Paulo Lima (dir.)

    1997

    Os Contextos da Antropologia

    Os Contextos da Antropologia

    João de Pina Cabral

    1991

    A Missão

    A Missão

    Jorge Freitas Branco et Luísa Tiago de Oliveira

    1993

    A Colecção

    A Colecção

    Jorge Freitas Branco et Luísa Tiago de Oliveira

    1994

    Elites

    Elites

    Choice, Leadership and Succession

    João de Pina Cabral et Antónia Pedroso de Lima (dir.)

    2000

    A Rua

    A Rua

    espaço, tempo, sociabilidade

    Graça Índias Cordeiro et Frédéric Vidal (dir.)

    2008

    Voir plus de chapitres

    Prefácio

    Adriana Piscitelli et Antónia Pedroso de Lima

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    Prefácio

    Adriana Piscitelli et Antónia Pedroso de Lima

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    1 A preliminary version of this text was presented at the Encontro da Associação Portuguesa de Antropologia, 2019. I am grateful for the generous comments and suggestions of the organizers of this dossier, Maria Claudia Coelho and Iara Beleli, as well as of the other participants. 

    2 This is a Protocol, added to the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, related to prevention, repression and punishment for human trafficking, in particular of women and children, which was drafted in 2000 and ratified by Brazil in 2004.

    3 Securitization refers to the processes in which some politicized themes are seen as threats and security issues (Viana y Silva, 2019), in this case the flows of undesired migrants. In this aspect, security agents, actors who claim the existence of a threat, can be from the state, civil organizations, individuals, or transnational groups.

    4 The idea of “crimigration” refers to the progressive loss of rights of migrants and their growing criminalization, with the simultaneous application of criminal law on migrants (for those who have not committed crimes) and of immigration law for those condemned of crimes (with the permanent removal from the territories where the condemned committed the crimes).

    5 Quoted from a report that included the testimony of a deported Brazilian helped by the non-governmental organization ASBRAD in Guarulhos, 13/06/2005. I would like to thank Dalila Figueiredo who provided me this material.

    6 Communication of AMBIT DONA, a non-governmental organization that supported sex workers in Barcelona, in an interview conducted in September 2005.

    7 Personal communication of an agent linked to the Spanish police, issued during an educational seminar about the struggle against international human trafficking. Auditorio del Cedim, 27 June 2005, Río de Janeiro.

    8 Ley Orgánica 4, artículo 59, 2000.

    9 The report denounced that the Spanish authorities gave priority to controlling immigration and to attending to victims of human trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation, who are seen as evidence that can be used in an investigation and not as people who require protection. It also indicated that of the 75,000 people who according to the government were at risk of trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation, between 2013 and 2019, only 1,000 identified themselves as victims, that is, as people with right to protection.

    10 In terms of internal/domestic trafficking, the main concern was for trafficking associated to sexual exploitation of children and adolescents.

    11 Like the United Nations Organization against Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and Europe’s International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD). One of the main financers of these projects was the European Commission, one of the foremost institutions of the European Union. The recent interest of these financiers in Brazilian borders and the project lines that they support suggest, however, that there is a growing interest in these policies concerning the entrance of foreign immigrants.

    12 Law 13.344, sanctioned in October 2016. 

    13 https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/geral/noticia/2022-02/pf-deflagra-operacao-falsas-promessas-para-combater trafico-de pessoas#:~:text=Publicado%20em%2009%2F02%2F2022,no%20Rio%20Grande%20do%20Sul.&text=Para%20enganar%20as%20v%C3%ADtimas%2C%20os,contrato%20ainda%20em%20solo%20maranhense, consulted 10 February 2022.

    14 Since this period, the images produced by the Ministry of Justice have become more diverse in terms of gender and distant from these characteristics, nevertheless, images analogous to those described continue to be produced by other government entities. For a detailed analysis of these images in Brazil see: Blanchette y Da Silva, 2018.

    15 Simpósio Internacional sobre Tráfico de Pessoas, Auditório da Associação dos Magistrados do Estado de Goiás (Asmego), Goiânia, 18/05/2012.

    16 According to formulations by Candace Clark.

    17 ESPECIAL-Ola de inmigrantes de Venezuela podría generar crisis humanitaria en Roraima, 11/12/2015, en: https://www.terra.com.br/noticias/mundo/especial-onda-de-imigrantes-da-venezuela-pode-gerar-crise-humanitaria-em roraima,7aa52e6c403185aabae4a38c8b3617c98oyyfg1o.html

    18 See the declarations of Alexandre de Morais, in Istoé 16/11/2016

    19 In this context strongly reappear the supranational instances that reinforce actions of the Brazilian government to combat human trafficking. In April 2017 was launched the Global Action Against Trafficking in Persons and Smuggling Migrants, (GLO. ACT), which is a joint initiative of the European Union and the United Nations Organization on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), in collaboration with the International Organization for Migration (OIM) and the United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF), and whose objective is to reinforce the response of the criminal justice systems in 13 countries of Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe and Latin America, Byelorussia, Brazil, Colombia, Egypt, Krgystan, Malí, Morocco, Nepal, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Popular Democratic Republic of Laos and Ukraine.

    20 DECRETO Nº 7.496, de 8 June 2011. This program was substituted in the current government by the Program for the Integrated Protection of Borders DECRETO Nº 8.903, de 16 November 2016.

    21 Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay, Bolivia, Peru, Colombia, Venezuela, Guyana, Surinam and French Guyana.

    22 The program refers specifically to the prevention, control, monitoring and repression of transborder crime and of those committed at the Brazilian border.

    23 See: Projeto pedagógico do curso de enfrentamento ao tráfico de pessoas para o Plano Nacional de Fronteiras - ENAFRON, Brasília, 2013, at: https://www.gov.br/mj/pt-br/assuntos/sua-protecao/trafico-de-pessoas/formacao-em-etp/anexos/proj-pedag-enafron.pdf, consulted March 2022.

    24 DECRETO Nº 8.903, 16 November 2016

    25 See the declarations of Alexandre de Morais, en Istoé 16/11/2016

    26 These trainings were undertaken by the National Secretariat for Public Safety (Senasp), through the National Program for a Public Safety Strategy at the Borders (Enafron), with the support of the Department of Investigation, Analysis of Information and Development of Personnel in Public Safety.

    27 http://www.amazonianarede.com.br/exercito-brasileiro-faz-mais-uma-operacao-agata-nas-fronteiras/14/06/2016

    28 Forças Armadas ocupam a Amazônia durante a Operação Ágata 11 Cotidiano | Acritica.com | Amazônia - Amazonas - Manaus, 18/06/2016

    29 Ministério de Justiça e Seguridade Pública: Vigia: Programa Nacional de Seguridade nas Fronteiras e Divisas cumpre um ano de atuação com resultados expressivos, 14/04/2020. In: v.br/mj/en-br/assuntos/noticias/vigia-programa-nacional-de-seguranca-nas-fronteiras-e-divisas-completa-um-ano-de-atuacao-com-resultados-expressivos-1

    30 Fabio Pontes. "Questões fronteirizas. Mula não faz quarentena. " Em tempos de epidemias, a fronteira fechada em Acre reduz mas não impede o tráfico de drogas. Piauí. 28/04/2020, in: https://piaui.folha.uol.com.br/mula-nao-faz-quarentena/ consulted in August, 2020.

    31 Secretaría de Segurança Pública, Policia Militar BPFron conclui o ciclo de formação com a clausura da 8th edition INC-FRON. 10/11/2020, in https://www.seguranca.pr.gov.br/Noticia/BPFron-conclui-ciclo-de-capacitacoes-com-encerramento-da-8a-edicao-da-INC-FRON

    32 UNODC: Programa TRACK4TIP, iniciativa de combate ao tráfico de pessoas in: http://www.unodc.org/lpo-brazil/pt/trafico-de-pessoas/programa-track4tip.html, consulted November 2020. 

    Emotions and Public Policies

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    Piscitelli, A. (2023). Chapter 7: fear and human trafficking1. In M. C. Coelho & I. Beleli (éds.), Emotions and Public Policies. Lisboa: Etnográfica Press. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.etnograficapress.8470
    Piscitelli, Adriana. « Chapter 7: Fear and Human Trafficking1 ». In Emotions and Public Policies, édité par Maria Claudia Coelho et Iara Beleli. Lisboa: Etnográfica Press, 2023. doi:10.4000/books.etnograficapress.8470.
    Piscitelli, Adriana. « Chapter 7: Fear and Human Trafficking1 ». Emotions and Public Policies, édité par Maria Claudia Coelho et Iara Beleli, Etnográfica Press, 2023, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.etnograficapress.8470.

    Référence numérique du livre

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    Coelho, M. C., & Beleli, I. (éds.). (2023). Emotions and Public Policies. Lisboa: Etnográfica Press. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.etnograficapress.8345
    Coelho, Maria Claudia, et Iara Beleli, éd. Emotions and Public Policies. Lisboa: Etnográfica Press, 2023. doi:10.4000/books.etnograficapress.8345.
    Coelho, Maria Claudia, et Iara Beleli, éditeurs. Emotions and Public Policies. Etnográfica Press, 2023, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.etnograficapress.8345.
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