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Immigration and “Governance”: Comments on the Interview with Ms Martin

Traduit par ZHOU Rong (trad.)

p. 300-308

Note de l’éditeur

Translated by ZHOU Rong, Master of Literature in Chinese Philosophy, Beijing Language and Culture University, holding the Translator Level II Certificate approved by the China Foreign Languages Publishing & Distribution Administration.


Texte intégral

1Ms Martin from Mission Locale in Givors told a seemingly different but déjà-vu story to Chinese readers. On the one hand, this subtle sense of distance might originate from the different social history and realistic background of two countries, or even two continents. On the other hand, it should be related to our common resonance for human welfare and urban ideals.

2In this short comment, based on comparison between the “French story” and Chinese cases, I will briefly discuss the following four issues, namely, “discrimination and employment/social integration difficulty,” “actual needs and satisfactions of the poor youth,” “does the difference come from the hierarchy, the ethnic groups or generations,” and “what is ‘governance’”; then, finally, I will discuss the slightly ambiguous but highly complicated questions (which are of course caused by my limited knowledge) and form a conclusion.

3I attempt to point out that the investigation of these issues not only helps Chinese and French sociologists to reflect on the realistic strategies of their respective societies through comparison, but also helps us start international dialogues on the definition of research questions, the concepts, and theoretical production. It is the original intention proposed in the study of “Post-Western Sociology.”

Discrimination and Employment/Social Integration Difficulty

4In Ms Martin’s description, Givors is a poor town of immigrants that has suffered from industry recession. The coexistence of stigma by mainstream society and an apparent decline in spatial and physical forms has led to intensive “invisible discrimination” among immigrant youth—when they realize such injustice and begin to resort to political resistance, things become worse, and this becomes a desperate case of a “self-fulfilling prophecy” (Merton 1968). As the respondents claimed, mainstream society establishes a link between place of residence and racial discrimination, which excludes local youths from the possibility of employment and social integration, making them a power source for poor and socially unstable reproduction. In this case, Ms Martin believes that the most important mission of Mission Locale is to gain the trust of young people first and gradually guide them to employment, with social integration as the core target (rather than directly pointing to economic benefits).

5Chen and Jing (2018) presented a different story in their study of “youth employment level in ethnic areas” in Xinjiang. Considering that the unemployment of youths in ethnic minorities may bring about serious consequences to the family, self-development, regional economic development, and social stability (including international terrorism in the region), the two researchers found through a questionnaire of 1,000 samples that 40 % of the youth have never worked, 49 % of the youth work on and off for 1–3 months each year, and no one has been working for more than 6 months in a year. It is not completely correct to blame this high “substantial unemployment” on government omission. According to the survey, governments at all levels in Xinjiang have organized a great deal of skills training courses for ethnic minorities in recent years, and over 70 % of young people in the samples have participated in such activities, but the results turned out to be unsatisfactory. Researchers attribute this situation to some objective elements, such as a low level of human resources caused by family poverty and lack of education, lack of information caused by isolated social networks, as well as subjective emotions, such as low self-development efficiency. Although there are still many questionable points in the method and conclusions of the study, it can represent in a way the approach of Chinese researchers in the analysis and treatment of the integration difficulties of disadvantaged groups (Li 2007; Wang and Zhang 2017): suspend controversial political discourse, find institutional defects, and rectify the defects relying on specific policy orientation and administrative and organizational forces.

The Actual Needs and Satisfactions of Poor Youth

6Ms Martin’s description of the mental status and way of working for poor youths in Givors is also unfamiliar to Chinese researchers and practitioners. Since Ms Martin and her colleagues held the deep insight that the real situation of these young people lies in “the failure in basic social integration,” the primary goal of their work is to continuously achieve some kind of “cross-cultural understanding” through “continuous community presence.” By actively approaching the group in need, they communicate in a way that is more acceptable to them, and they pay attention to the significance of guidance and information as the bridge and highly respect their self-esteem; finally, through the efforts and the special way of working (which is different from the Chinese way) of Ms Martin and her colleagues, the individual needs that might have been hidden in the Chinese context can be revealed or unfolded in this French community. An important prerequisite for this work is to suspend the value judgment and labeling attribution of the mainstream middle class and rediscover “the significance of work (or even existence) of the individuals.”

7The attraction of the discussion above to me is that for the contemporary Chinese society that has formed the “economy supremacy” after the drastic changes, it has become a more urgent issue to pay attention to the hidden spiritual history of the disadvantaged groups (Yan 2012), and how to satisfy the thirsty minds is another task that requires superb wisdom. By investigating the return1 process of young workers in state-owned mining enterprises in C City, Hunan Province, Zeng and Deng (2013) found that if traditional culture accumulated during the socialist era, the unit system profoundly affected the choices of young workers: on the one hand, strong organizational attachment and unit consciousness have shaped their satisfaction evaluation in going out to work; on the other hand, long-term work experiences in units also constrain their property as to human capital and scope of application. These factors have enabled these young people to adapt to difficulties in the tide of marketization, and finally to abandon more considerable economic benefits and choose to return to the “significance of work” with stability as the core. The two authors finally raised the following questions: How can we realize the transition from “unit people” to “social people,” which might be the difference between contemporary Chinese mainstream thoughts and the “French story?” And how should we treat individual experiences and historical memories in the face of a rapidly changing society (Halskov Hansen and Svarverud 2010)—selective continuation or a restart from zero?

Does the Difference Come from the Hierarchy, the Ethnic Groups, or Generations?

8Although not emphasized by the respondents, the Mission Locale’s clients (perhaps) still present a clear profile in French society—poor and angry youths in an area of economic recession in the metropolitan region. Due to discrimination, they are deprived of the opportunity to acquire professional skills, are excluded from social integration, and cannot even establish truly effective communication with mainstream society; therefore, some step-by-step measures, including the Youth Guarantee plan, are fully “legitimate.” However, it forms a paradox—when this explicit label of a structurally disadvantaged ethnic group meets the working method of an anthropological or interactive theory, does it neglect the significance of the former in the sense of social origin? Or is it an active ignorance caused by the reverse sensitivity of “political correctness?”

9At least in the studies of the “new generation (or second generation) migrant workers” in contemporary Chinese academic circles, we can discover the value of the above questions. As Wang (2001) stated, the migrant workers have experienced a transition from “first generation” to “second generation” since the implementation of reform and opening-up 30 years ago. Compared with their parents, the new generation of migrant workers has a stronger desire for urbanization and therefore is more likely to be frustrated in the face of cold reality. The “urbanization” here refers to the two unfinished states of the new generation of migrant workers: first, although they have worked and lived in the city, they have not fully adapted to the urban lifestyle (Wirth 1938); secondly, under the background of the urban-rural dual policy caused by the registered residence system, although they have improved their income, they still belong to the marginal groups in the cities (Tian 2017). Lu and Pun (2014) have pointed out that the new generation of migrant workers already has the same self-identity and has become an important force of collective action guided by negative emotions. Undoubtedly, the above research captures the main theme of social change in China and can be regarded as an important attempt to explore the welfare improvement program of this group from a structural perspective. But how this view becomes a mainstream one is still worth reflecting on. As a matter of fact, differentiation appeared among the homogenous groups after subdivision: there are still significant differences in terms of social stratum and native place among the so-called young groups, such as second-generation migrant workers and contemporary metropolitan and urban immigrants. If, since 1978, the structural changes of Chinese society have helped to forge a mainstream approach centered on intergenerational differences, then at the time of slackened economic development and the increasingly stabilized social structure, more refined new ideas should breed.

What Is “Governance”?

10Based on the clues provided by the interview materials, I found the publicity webpage of Missions Locales (https://travail-emploi.gouv.fr/ministere/service-public-de-l-emploi/article/missions-locales). Unlike the preconceived situation, it is not purely a grassroots social organization; rather, it has a governmental background to some extent—similar to most social organizations in China that are engaged in skill training for migrant workers in cities. In terms of the narrow sense of “governance” they are comparable. But when we rely on the text to imagine the scene of its work, we will find significant differences. Such a “unique way of governance” includes at least an emphasis on “the presence of the community,” respecting and participating in the life of the youth group, weakening the purpose of organization and performance appraisal (such as an employment rate target within a certain period of time), and paying attention to the subject concept of the aided group and taking step-by-step measures. Ms Martin holds a striking view on the urban richness of Givors: poverty alleviation in the social and cultural sense must be closely related to human development opportunities.

11If we extend the target of “governance” from the poor youth to more general disadvantaged groups in cities, we will find some differences in core points of focus between Chinese and French researchers. In a study on the employment of migrant workers in cities many years ago, Hong (2001) pointed out the core issue in “governance” at that time: changing the dual situation of the labor market caused by the household registration system, and promoting the normal role of a unified labor market. In acknowledging the significance of work in social integration for the individual, Chinese researchers have further assumed that everyone intends to work, and the only thing lacking is equal opportunity. After 20 years of an economic boom, things have apparently changed: new work items such as “Human Resources Training” and “Government’s Purchase of Social Organization Services” have been added to the work targets of local governments in developed regions. This is, of course, the result of the rapid and deep penetration of marketization into local social organizations. However, the goals and methods of “governance” seem to be gradually drifting away from the French experience, and it is difficult to draw a clear conclusion. The Chinese miracle has indeed left behind the question, “Can economic development solve all social problems?” But can the French scheme that is directed to “all-round development of people” really activate the main body and achieve sustainable development? There would be an answer far from simple.

Some Remaining Issues

12In the materials for this interview, I was especially impressed by the young people’s political expression in Givors and their status of “being stigmatized.” Living in the old immigrant community where the city’s industries are hollowing out and which is on the fringe of the transportation network, young people in Givors have developed their own style of culture and way of living, and have shown a kind of spontaneous confrontation during their interaction with mainstream society, regardless of the negative outcome caused by this confrontation. Comparatively speaking, young people in China are more motivated by the notion that one has to be self-made; they become much less “individualized” after they get married and raise a family, and gradually integrate themselves into the mainstream (Roulleau-Berger and Yan 2017).

13The spatial significance of social organization is another issue worthy of further attention. The Mission Locale stressed the principle of respect when conducting sociological studies in communities; it also highlighted the positive impact of spatial formality/modernization on the youth. If the symbolic contradiction between the above two factors was not considered, it also revealed the social and institutional difference between China and France. We have found in the survey on social organizations serving migrant children in the Yangtze River Delta in the past two years, that many social organizations relied on the working space provided by local government. This is not only a means of gaining public resources, but also a way to access a legitimate political identity. There are some grassroots social organizations that chose poor working spaces for the cost control. Both kinds of workspace have exerted a profound impact on the migrant children’s mind and behavior, but the impact was not included in the consideration of social organizations most of the time.

14Finally, it is a regret that respondents did not explore the topic of gender issues, even though it has become a mainstream topic in contemporary academic discourse. What is worthy of Chinese researchers’ attention and reflection is that the newly founded China was known for its full protection of women’s working rights (especially in comparison with such protections in other East Asian countries), but subtle discrimination against women still widely existed, which is definitely a subject that requires special attention in the “governance” for human welfare.

Conclusion: Differentiated Contexts and Common Issues

15It must be admitted that for Chinese academic observers, the story of Givors can hardly be fully understood in the same dimension. This is why I used the Chinese research cases above from different aspects as support. Even so, the marginalization of some groups caused by social development or transition, the social arrangement of achieving human welfare, and the institutional scheme are consistent.

16When we refocus on the controversial and ambiguous concept of “Governance,” we should also explore our common practices and research issues from differentiated contexts. If we say the “French story” embodies more the reliance on the force of social organizations and pays more attention to the realization of an individual’s differentiated welfare in interaction, then such so-called governance logic, from its method to target, is different from the experience of contemporary China. And the latter apparently relies more on the support and organizational process of state or administrative power, since it tends to adopt the indiscriminate assumption on group welfare and the agreement between individual appeals and the overall target of social development.

17It is a pseudo-proposition to talk about relative superiority or inferiority without discussing their respective social historical contexts. Especially in the contemporary era, when conservatism prevails, the author does not intend to repeat the clichés of “the drawbacks of welfarism”—for Chinese society, which possesses a larger population scale and has experienced a rapid transition process, the real lesson that the French story can tell us is that we should truly face the increasingly stronger trend of individualization and increasingly complicated mental structures, and find a more reasonable equilibrium between interference and adaptation. As a matter of fact, this coincides with the highest state of “Governance” in The Tao Te Ching, written by the great Chinese sage Lao Zi nearly 3,000 years ago: Governing a great state is like cooking small fish.

Bibliographie

Des DOI sont automatiquement ajoutés aux références bibliographiques par Bilbo, l’outil d’annotation bibliographique d’OpenEdition. Ces références bibliographiques peuvent être téléchargées dans les formats APA, Chicago et MLA.

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Notes de bas de page

1 After the mining resources were exhausted, the original state-owned enterprises declined and the labor force became surplus. Young workers began to go out to earn a living. However, after a period of working outside of their unit, most of them returned to it.

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