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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral Architecture and ornaments as a mirror of exemplarity Building works and centralized governance Segregating religious from laity, men from women Redefining the symbolic place of the laity in the church Observant reformers in the context of the early modern evolution of church interiors Conclusion Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Les réformes de l’Observance en Europe (XIVe-XVIe siècle)

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    Table des matières

    The built environment as a mirror of community

    Some reflections on architectural norms in Observant settings

    Haude Morvan

    p. 109-124

    Résumés

    The paper investigates the production of written norms regarding buildings and ornamentation by the Observants in Italy. They regularly warn against superfluous expense, so that buildings give a unified image of virtue. They set up centralized systems of control over building projects, which was not new for the Friars Minor and Preachers, but unusual for the Benedictines. They were attentive to the separation of religious and lay people, and of men and women in churches. Some Observant leaders had also in view to reduce the presence of lay tombs and heraldic ornamentation. However, Observant communities responded differently to ongoing changes that church interiors were experiencing in Italy, in particular the removal of rood screens and the relocation of the choir behind the altar. The congregation of S. Giustina and the Friars Minor were more conservative on this point than the Friars Preachers.

    L’article s’intéresse à la production de normes écrites sur les bâtiments et l’ornementation par les Observants en Italie. Les règlements mettent régulièrement en garde contre les dépenses superflues, de manière à donner une image unifiée de vertu. Les Observants ont mis en place des systèmes centralisés de contrôle des chantiers, ce qui n’était pas nouveau pour les frères mineurs et les prêcheurs, mais en revanche inhabituel pour les Bénédictins. Ils étaient attentifs à la séparation entre religieux et laïcs et entre hommes et femmes dans les églises. Certains leaders prônaient également une réduction de la présence symbolique des laïcs (tombes et armoiries). Les communautés ont en revanche réagi différemment aux changements en cours dans l’organisation spatiale des églises (suppression des jubés et déplacement du chœur derrière l’autel) : la congrégation de Sainte-Justine et les frères mineurs étaient plus conservateurs que les frères prêcheurs.

    Entrées d’index

    Mots-clés : Italie renaissante, Congrégation de Sainte-Justine, Frères prêcheurs, Frères mineurs, Savonarole, chapitres.

    Keywords : Renaissance Italy, Congregation of S. Giustina, Friars Preachers, Friars Minor, Savonarola, chapters.

    Note de l’auteur

    I would like to express my warmest thanks to James Mixson for his kind revision of the English text.

    Texte intégral Architecture and ornaments as a mirror of exemplarity Building works and centralized governance Segregating religious from laity, men from women Redefining the symbolic place of the laity in the church Observant reformers in the context of the early modern evolution of church interiors Conclusion Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    1The regulations issued by reforming religious orders have been addressed anew in a range of interdisciplinary studies during the last few decades. These studies have now made clear that such normative texts (rules, customaries, liturgical texts, etc.) cannot be considered as direct sources of information about daily monastic life. Rather, the link between normative texts and daily practice should be investigated through a wider range of evidence. Moreover, scholars now read normative sources in the broader perspectives of cultural and institutional history – focusing, for example, on the role of written culture in premodern societies, on the intentions of the legislation’s authors, or on the role of legislation in framing the identity of a religious community. In this field of research, a special focus has been the Friars Preachers, an international order that already by the thirteenth century had developed an original and flexible normative organisation, as well as a pervasive reliance on statutes and other written texts for governance, preaching, studies, etc.1

    2Art historians, too, have paid special attention to the importance of written norms regarding buildings, ornamentation, tombs, books and other liturgical objects.2 Their analysis has moved beyond the mere question of whether rules were followed, to address a much wider range of topics. Recent studies question, for example, how rules concerning buildings and decor reflected governance mechanisms, relations with the rest of society, and the economic organisation of the community. These new approaches to normative sources have also shed a new light on the artistic commissions of Observant communities, thanks to such studies as those by Christa Gardner von Teuffel on the Benedictine Cassinese congregation,3 by Roberto Cobianchi on the Franciscan Observant friars in the Bolognese province,4 and the important corpus of work on the artistic theories that arose from the writings by Savonarola and his biographers.5

    3This contribution will not concern itself so much with the enforcement of religious rules as with their production, and in doing so it seeks to address several questions. First, how did normative sources and the buildings they regulated reflect the construction of identity within reformed communities? It is well known that the Observant reforms that pervaded almost every religious order during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were driven by the desire to restore an observance of original rules. Reading the regulation of buildings and decor, can we identify citations from ancient rules? Which ones? The situation is obviously different when considering orders with a long tradition, especially the Benedictine congregations, or more recent ones, such as the Mendicant orders. Second, how do regulations concerning buildings reflect new structures of government and control? We will see in particular that several Observant groups worked for more centralised control of building projects, requiring that single communities’ initiatives undergo the approvals of both a general chapter and a special commission. Third, we will question how written regulations document the relationship between religious community and society. On one hand, Observant regulations regarding building often deal with the physical place of the laity in the church; on the other hand, they clearly reveal the desire to build through stone an image of exemplarity to legitimate the pastoral action of reformed religious among the laity. And in fact the reform project of the Observants went far beyond the walls of the cloister, aspiring to reach the entire society. How do the normative sources reflect this project?

    4This investigation will focus on three orders, namely the Benedictine congregation of S. Giustina of Padua (then called Cassinese congregation from 1504), the Observant Friars Preachers, and the Observant Friars Minor sub vicariis. Several kinds of sources will be considered: constitutions, the decisions of chapters, and sermons and treatises written by leading figures of the Observant movements. The geographical area taken into account will be the Italian peninsula, since Italy was an important centre of both the religious reforms and the artistic movement of the Renaissance, which had a great impact on the organisation of church interiors.

    Architecture and ornaments as a mirror of exemplarity

    5Observant regulations concerning buildings and liturgical objects regularly warn against superfluous expense. The congregation of S. Giustina’s chapters remind periodically that monasteries should avoid excessive expense in buildings and liturgical ornaments, and limit them to necessities. The chapter held in Praglia in 1464 stipulates:

    Propter tempora periculosa que instant, caveant patres ne onerent monasteria nimiis gravaminibus et expensis, ac in suis fabricis sint circumspecti.6

    6A more precise warning is issued in 1467 by the chapter held in Polirone:

    Attentis temporum varietatibus et multiplicibus monasteriorum nostrorum vexationibus, hortamur ut quantum fieri potest vitentur expense et maxime admonemus ne in absentia prelati fiant impense notabiles tam circa fabricas quam circa paramenta et alia utensilia monasteriorum.7

    7Other chapters give a more precise definition of “notable expenses”, especially regarding objects of worship: the 1478 chapter forbids the use of gold and silver in the painting and binding of books.8

    8Through these warnings against excesses, the S. Giustina congregation’s chapters sought to avoid temptation and sin, in a context they describe as full of threats and disturbances. To the Observants’ mind, buildings free from excess were also a visual proof of their virtue, and thus a guarantee of their legitimacy as reformers. In short, their living space was to embody and make visible their exemplarity. The normative texts issued by Observant Friars Minor and Preachers often warn against the negative views about the friars that sumptuous buildings could inspire. In the De simplicitate vitae christianae (1496), Savonarola presents the simplicity and poverty of living places as a necessary condition of the friars’ pastoral mission, since they give to the laity an image of virtuous friars:

    Imperocché noi per esperienzia proviamo che s’egli è referito ad alcuno di qualche religioso monasterio di frati, e detto che e’ sono uomini santi, subito questo tale si immagina che in loro sia una mirabile semplicità e povertà. Ma se dipoi, andando al convento di quelli, vede e’ chiostri magnificamente edificati e le celle pulite e ornate e ogni cosa dimostrare vanità di mondo, perde immediate la opinione buona che lui si aveva conceputa di quelli.9

    9We find a similar position in a letter sent in 1482 to the province of the Marche by the general vicar of the Franciscan Observance, Pietro da Napoli. The vicar condemns “excesses” and “curiosities” in buildings, since they are contrary to the ideal of poverty, and thus compromise the sanctity of the province. He quotes as counter-examples the convents in Pesaro and Fermo.

    Et pertanto non debiate commectere el desegno et edificio a tali che sono tracti alle magnificencie et slargamenti cum dire el tale et tale se intende de edificare, che questi tali senza stimolo de consciencia destrugono gli edificii de la povertà et confondono la gloria et santità de la Marcha. Non commectate né permectate siano seguiti li errori del edificio de Pesaro, o li excessi et curiosità de lo loco de Fermo, che hanno contaminata la fama et sancta purità de la Marcha. Ma commectate a colloro li quali hanno zelo de la povertà et sono conservatore de la sancta gloria de la Marcha, la quale non sta nella curiosità et pompa de grandi et belli edificii contra la simplicità de la regola, ma ne la sancta povertà.10

    10“Curiosities” and “superfluities” were already condemned by the Observant Friars Minor in the so-called Constitutiones Bernardini (1440), which advocated a “temperato uso dele cose”.11 These constitutions were written by Nicola da Osimo, Alberto da Sarteano, James of the Marches and John of Capistrano, when Bernardino of Siena was the general vicar of the Observant Friars Minor.

    11When condemning curiosities, superfluous expenses and disproportionate dimensions, the Observants took up themes already found in older normative texts written by religious communities. Condemnations of excesses and curiosities are found above all during the early phases of many religious reforms, especially in Cistercian12 and thirteenth-century Mendicant regulations.13 Even if the words used by the Cistercians and the friars are similar, the meaning is different in each case: what was regarded as “necessary” was not the same for orders committed to study and pastoral care, on the one hand, and on the other to an order committed to isolating from the world and carrying on an ascetic life.14 However, even if the words “excessive”, “curious” and “superfluous” cover distinct realities when used by saint Bernard of Clairvaux, by thirteenth-century Friars Preachers and Minor or by fifteenth-century Observants, they always reflect the desire to visually represent and materially embody a difference between one community and an “other” (the Cluniac order, the secular clergy, the “Conventuals”, and so on). Moreover, they reveal the desire of their authors to guarantee a unified image of exemplarity that worked to legitimate the existence of the new order or congregation, and its pastoral and spiritual missions. The above-mentioned sermon by Savonarola and the letter by Pietro da Napoli recall the thirteenth-century normative texts issued by their orders that justified the prohibition of excess by the concern that they would create “scandals”.15 The concept of scandalum is a precise term in canon law: it denotes any action of the clergy contrary to exemplarity that might drive the laity away from their pastors.

    Building works and centralized governance

    12In most Observant networks, the implementation of regulations concerning buildings was controlled in a centralized way. This centralisation was not new for the Friars Minor and Preachers, even if Observant friars set up a more structured supervision of their building projects. Such centralisation was, however, an unusual measure in Benedictine circles: in the congregation of S. Giustina every abbot was subject to the yearly elected visitors and president, and to the general chapter.

    13Already in 1440, the newly founded congregation of S. Giustina made a distinction between “notable” building or demolition projects and less important ones. The estimation whether a project was to be deemed notabilis was left to the judgment of the general chapter or the regimen (i.e. the president and the visitors).16 In 1490, the general chapter decided that building projects were to be supervised by a commission made up of abbots, visitors and two other members. This commission would be informed of the project through drawings (dessigna) and scale models (modelli) before approving it.17 The ideal of architectural homogeneity, which this commission sought to ensure, was closely linked to the search for liturgical unity, a key point of the reforms promoted by Ludovico Barbo.

    14A comparable organisation was adopted by Observant Friars Minor. The general chapter held in Milan in 1457 decided that every building constructed ex novo should be first approved by a commission made up of the vicar and four friars, who would visit the site and make a report.18 This measure was repeated by the chapter of 1461.

    15A similar process emerges from the chapter of the Dominican reformed province of Rome and Tuscany, held in 1523. Regarding the specific case of the convent in San Miniato, which planned to build a roof or a vault for its church, the chapter decided that two friars and other experts in architecture would send a report to the general vicar and the priors of San Marco and Fiesole. The vicar and the two priors would then tell if the project could begin.19

    Segregating religious from laity, men from women

    16As we have seen thus far, regulations on buildings issued by the Observants were animated by a desire to provide for society a unified image of reformed religious virtue. These regulations were influenced by older normative texts. What was new, however, was that some great Observant reformers, such as Giovanni Dominici and Savonarola, not only issued regulations for their order’s buildings, but also for secular churches and even for the use of sacred images in private houses. In his treatise Regola del governo di cura familiare, Giovanni Dominici thus recommends the avoidance of gold and silver in private devotional images, so that children would not grow up idolatrous.20

    17In a sermon delivered on March 5th 1498, two months before his execution, Savonarola launched a diatribe against secular priests who used their positions to get wealthy, and who lived in idleness and luxury. He predicted the end of this era of corrupt clergy through the metaphor of the crossing of the Red Sea. Among other grievances, Savonarola criticised in particular the sloppiness of the clergy in choir. He accused them of chatting about wine and roasted capons during the office, and of refusing to have high curtains or walls around their choirs so that they could see women.21 As a matter of fact, Savonarola’s pronouncements about the need for separation of religious and lay people during the divine office was not limited to the churches of his order, but were aimed at all churches, both regular and secular.

    18In Observant regulations, there is a clear intention physically to separate religious from the laity, men from women. Architecture thus becomes a mirror of a divided and hierarchized society. The same desire is manifest when considering the way Observant Friars Minor in northern Italy created special areas devoted for hearing confession from the laity and from nuns.22 Confession was heard in special, secure rooms, were the friar and the penitent were face-to-face, or in two adjacent areas, divided by a window closed by an iron grille, in order to keep the friar separate from the penitent (especially when the penitent was a nun or a lay woman).

    19Observant reformers thus contributed to the construction of a more specialised use of distinct spaces. Their ideas were akin to those of sixteenth-century secular reformers. One of the main leaders the Counter-Reformation, Charles Borromeo, advocated setting up in the churches of his archdiocese of Milan a two-meter high removable wooden wall in the middle of the nave, so that women could not be seen by men during the divine office.23

    Redefining the symbolic place of the laity in the church

    20The regulations promulgated by the Observants did not only aim to specify the physical place of lay people in the church, according to gender and occasion (confession, divine office…). They also had in view to reduce the symbolic presence of the laity, that manifested itself through tombs and heraldic ornamentation. It is a well-known phenomenon that, from the central middle ages onward, the visual presence of lay élites in sacred buildings gradually increased.

    21In his preaching, Savonarola denounces how coats of arms were painted in churches and embroidered on liturgical garments in place of the Crucifix. He identifies in this tendency a new form of idolatry.24 He also violently criticizes the magnificent tombs of the lay élite, focusing especially on the tombs of the intellectual élite (the "gran maestri"), that outshine the saints’ sepulchres. And he especially condemns lay burials when the body is put above ground in the church, or under the altars – both positions normally reserved for relics. In doing this Savonarola is only seeking to enforce the dictates of canon law, in principle still in effect, even if lay burials inside churches had become more and more common:

    Questo è el sepolcro de’ santi, che di fuora pare brutto. Ma quelli de’ gran maestri sono dipinti e ornati di fuori, e tamen loro sono andati in Inferno per li loro peccati. […] Tieni salda, ti dico, la fede e la mente tua fissa in quella che hanno avuta ei santi, e sono ora in Paradiso. Oimè quanti gran maestri e signori di questo mondo sono nello Inferno, benchè abbino lasciati di qua e’ belli sepolcri ornati di tanta pompa. Questi ricchi hanno voluto e amato le ricchezze in vita e in morte: in vita, possedendo quelle, e in morte, per esser sepolti nelle ricche sepulture, non hanno voluto marcire se non in chiese e luoghi ricchi e superbi. Tu, cristiano, fatti sepellire in terra, quia terra es, pulvis et cinis es et in cinerem reverteris. Non si doverebbono sepellire in chiesa se non gli uomini santi e persone sante. Ma peggio fanno ancora questi gran maestri, che si fanno seppellire sotto gli altari dove quotidianamente si ministra el santo sacramento. O ricchi, o signori del mondo, che avete voluto tanta pompa e tante delicatezze in questo mondo, e li santi e servi di Cristo non hanno voluto le vostre ricchezze e vostre vanità, dove sono ora le tribulazioni e la povertà e li martiri e gli affanni e passioni de’ santi? Tutte sono passate, e loro godano in eterno in somma tranquillità e somma gloria, e voi siete in perpetui cruciati e fiamme dell’Inferno.25

    22Here again, an Observant’s condemnation of lay encroachment into sacred space anticipates later texts by Tridentine secular reformers such as Charles Borromeo. In his report of a pastoral visit carried on in his archdiocese in 1569, Borromeo expresses a firm opposition to lay coats of arms, and to lay burials that are put above the ground, higher than altars and thus higher than the saints’ relics.26

    Observant reformers in the context of the early modern evolution of church interiors

    23When studying the Observant regulations, it is necessary to take into account the major ongoing changes that church interiors were experiencing in Italy during the Renaissance. These changes focused mainly on the relocation of the choir stalls in the apse, behind the main altar, the removal of the rood screen, and the commission of monumental tabernacles to permanently house the Blessed Sacrament on the main altar.27 What was the position of the Observants on these evolutions? Did they adopt them, or did they maintain a conservative attitude regarding the position of the choir in their churches? The implications of such changes are not only aesthetic, but above all functional. The removal of the rood screen, for example, means the removal of a separation between the community and the laity, and we have seen before how reformers were concerned about this topic.

    24The chapter of the Observant Franciscan province of Bologna, held in 1501, mentions the church of San Francesco in Cotignola for the unusual location of its stalls, behind the main altar.28 The chapter is very clear that this peculiar layout was not to be considered customary.

    25For its part, Observant Friars Preachers do not seem to have preferred one or the other solution. In Viterbo, for example, the choir was relocated behind the altar at around the same time by the Conventuals in Santa Maria in Gradi and in Santa Maria della Quercia, a convent that was a member of the Savonarolian congregation of Tuscany. The main apse of Santa Maria in Gradi was extended during the second half of the fifteenth century, very probably from the beginning in order to relocate the friars’ choir (fig. 1). The construction of new stalls began in 1505, but progress was delayed by the damage inflicted by the soldiers of Charles V, who burnt their wood in 1527. In 1546, the new choir was finally installed in the apse. Santa Maria della Quercia, for its part, is a votive church whose construction began in 1470 to worship a miraculous image of the Virgin. It was given to the Observant Friars Preachers of the Tuscan congregation in 1496. After this date, as in Santa Maria in Gradi, the apse was extended to house the stalls of the friars (fig. 2 and 3). A second altar for the daily masses of the friars was added at the end of a small apse, while the main altar remained at its original place, outside the new apse. In the case of Santa Maria in Gradi, the extension of the apse and the relocation of the choir were visibly motivated by the necessity to increase the capacity of the nave. In the case of Santa Maria della Quercia, the apse was rebuilt to adapt the votive church to the necessity of the religious community, leaving the main altar and the miraculous image of the Virgin it contains visible and accessible to the laity. However, given this chronology, it also seems likely that emulation played a role in the reorganisation of the choirs of the two Dominican churches of Viterbo. Both apses were rebuilt to accommodate the choir at around the same time, but because of a lack of precise chronological data, it is not known which reorganisation came first and may have influenced the other.

    Fig. 1. Viterbo, Santa Maria in Gradi, restitution of the medieval plan by Claudio Varagnoli, reworked by the author with successive choir and altar placements (drawing by Sylvain Ducasse).

    Fig. 2. Viterbo, Santa Maria della Quercia, plan of the church after 1496 (from R. Lorusso, Santa Maria della Quercia a Viterbo, in Quaderni dell’Istituto di Storia dell’Architettura, 40, 2002, p. 85-96): A: main altar; B: tabernacle by Andrea Bregno; C: choir stalls; D: friars’ altar.

    Fig. 3. Viterbo, Santa Maria della Quercia, Andrea Bregno’s tabernacle seen from the choir stalls (photograph: Haude Morvan)

    26The fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Dominican regulations make no mention of choir position. As at Viterbo, other communities both Observant and otherwise chose a retro-choir. This is the case, for example, in the Observant churches of Santa Maria delle Grazie in Milan (the choir was moved behind the main altar in 1510) and Santa Corona in Vicenza (around 1480) (fig. 4). On the other hand, the traditional position of the stalls and the rood screen were maintained in other Observant churches, such as San Marco in Florence and San Domenico in Bologna (fig. 5).29

    Fig. 4. Milan, Santa Maria delle Grazie, main apse with the stalls (photograph: Haude Morvan).

    Fig. 5. Florence, San Marco, plan of the church in the second half of the fifteenth century (published in S.J. Cornelison, Relocating Fra Bartolomeo at San Marco, in Renaissance Studies, 23/3, 2009, p. 311-334). NB waiting for the authorization

    27Unlike the Friars Preachers, the congregation of S. Giustina remained (like the Observant Friars Minor) attached at least until the 1570s to the former model, in which choir stalls were located in front of the altar. Deliberation about the reconstruction of S. Giustina in Padua in 1520 thus asserts: Item et altare maius statuatur in capite capellae majoris prout est consuetudo congregationis nostrae.30 Some eighty years before, in San Pietro in Perugia, the choir was relocated in front of the altar when the Perugian abbey entered the congregation of S. Giustina, in 1436. This arrangement was maintained until 1591. Until 1436, the choir was located behind the main altar, an unusual position influenced by Umbrian Franciscan models.31 The new adopted layout proves that the location of the monks’ choir in front of the main altar was considered more in keeping with the regulations of the congregation during the fifteenth century.

    28The relocation of the monks’ choir behind the main altar was gradually adopted by most abbeys of the congregation during the last three decades of the sixteenth century.32 S. Giustina in Padua is an exception: the choir remained in front of the altar until 1627, despite an aborted project by Abbot Angelo da Bergamo of removing the rood screen and relocating the stalls behind the altar in 1590.33 The Observant Benedictines were not forerunners, but they followed a trend, already initiated in Italy from the fifteenth century, that spread considerably after the Council of Trent. It is worthy to note that Palladio was chosen by the Cassinese congregation to design several churches, such as San Giorgio Maggiore in Venice, rebuilt from 1565. In his Quattro libri dell’architettura, Palladio clearly chooses as an ideal model the early Christian basilica, in which (according to his conception) there were no stalls nor rood screens between the faithful and the main altar.34 In San Giorgio Maggiore, however, the old liturgical setting was kept in the 1565 project, with two separated choir stalls: one in front of the main altar, in the nave, and the other in the apse around the relics of Saint Stephen.35 It is only in 1579 that a new sanctuary and choir were projected, in which the stalls were now removed from the nave.

    Conclusion

    29Several provisional conclusions can be drawn from our sampling of the evidence left by Observant institutions and leading figures in North and Central Italy.

    30For all of Church history, the condemnation of excessive expense and ornamentation was a commonplace in the texts issued in ages of reform. In the case of the Observant movements, recourse to these leitmotifs highlights their ambition as models for an entire society. What is innovative, however, is that Observant groups in North and Central Italy began to set up centralized systems of control over building projects. Important works were thus supervised by a commission of religious and sometimes foreign experts, whether by the Benedictine congregation of S. Giustina (then Cassinese congregation), by the Franciscan Observants sub vicariis or by the Observant Dominican congregation of Tuscany.

    31On the matter of the interior arrangement of churches, however, a difference has been highlighted between these three orders. Whereas the S. Giustina congregation and the Observant Friars Minor favoured in their normative texts a conservative organisation of space until the last decades of the sixteenth century, maintaining the rood screen and the choir located in front of the main altar, the Observant Friars Preachers seem early on to have adopted a more modern layout of liturgical space. This new setting includes a relocation of the choir in the apse behind the main altar, and a removal of the rood screen. This tendency can be noticed from case studies in both Conventual and Observant churches of the order, but, to my knowledge it was not controlled by any general rules.

    32The Observants from the “Mendicant” families, especially, also showed great concern for regulating the location of lay people and symbols in sacred space, in their churches above all, but not only there. On these particular topics, namely the condemnation of the lay fast in the church, and the emphasis on gender and lay/religious segregation in the church, the Observant reformers shared much common ground with their secular reforming contemporaries.

    Notes de bas de page

    1Cygler 1999 and 2006; Melville 2000; Linde 2018.

    2Just to mention a few: Montagnes 1974; Volti 2004; Gilardi 2004; Cannon 2013; Morvan 2014; Marino Malone – Maines 2014, esp. part II.

    3Gardner von Teuffel 2001.

    4Cobianchi 2013, esp. p. 1-12.

    5Assonitis 2003.

    6Leccisotti 1939, II, p. 235.

    7Leccisotti 1939, II, p. 255.

    8Leccisotti 1970, p. 13: Admonemus ne fratres nostri ponant aurum neque argentum in miniaturis et ligaturis breviariorum aut diurnorum vel aliorum librorum.

    9Ricci 1959, p. 204.

    10Quoted in Merlo 1998c, p. 285 and in Cobianchi 2013, p. 10.

    11Cobianchi 2013, p. 8-9.

    12In the thirteenth-century Cistercian general chapters we can read: De superfluitatibus et curiositatibus cavendis. Superfluitates et curiositates notabiles in sculpturis, picturis, aedificiis, pavimentis et aliis similibus, quae deformant antiquam ordinis honestatem et paupertati nostrae non congruunt in abbatiis, grangiis vel cellariis nostris ne fiant interdicimus; nec picturae praeter imaginem Salvatoris. (Lucet 1977, p. 208). “Curiosities” and “superfluities” were previously condemned by saint Bernard in his famous Apologia ad Guillelmum abbatem.

    13In 1240, the general chapter of the Friars Preachers in Bologna ordered that Notabiles superfluitates a choris nostris penitus removeantur, et amodo alie in nostro ordine numquam fiant (Reichert 1898, p. 17). In 1252, the chapter enjoined the visitors in charge of the periodical control of the convents to refer to the general chapter and to correct the priors when they notice curiositates in chased objects, stone sculptures, paintings, statuettes, liturgical vessel and clothes: Visitatores huius anni advertant diligenter si quas invenerint curiositates in celaturis vel incisionibus lapidum in picturis vel in choris sigillis fibulis cultellis corrigiis baculis vestibus vel huiusmodi et excessus circa hec viriliter corrigant et emendent (Reichert 1898, p. 64). During the 1260s, Humbert of Romans had the prohibition of “notable superfluities and curiosities in sculpture, painting and pavement” added to the constitutions, since they distort poverty: Nec fiant in domibus nostris superfluitates et curiositates notabiles in sculpturis et picturis et pavimentis et aliis similibus, que paupertatem nostram deformant (Reichert 1898, p. 108, 114 et 117). A same vocabulary can be found in the decisions of the general chapter of the Friars Minor held in Narbonne, in 1260: Cum autem curiositas et superfluitas directe obvient paupertati, ordinamus quod aedificiorum curiositas in picturis, caelaturis, fenestris, colunnis et huiusmodi, aut superfluitas in longitudine, latitudine et altitudine, secundum loci conditionem, arctius evitetur. (Cenci – Mailleux 2007, p. 75).

    14See especially Montagnes 1974, p. 96; Todeschini 1998, p. 818-822; Gilardi 2004, p. 388-390.

    15See Morvan 2014.

    16Leccisotti 1939, I, p. 65: Quod fabrice construende de novo aut distruende per patres nostre congregacionis, si quidem non sint notabiles, fiant per patres monasteriorum cum consilio deputatorum, si vero fuerint notabiles, tunc non fiant sine consensi maioris partis deputatorum, computata voce sua, eciam capituli seu regiminis vel saltem sui visitatoris: que quidem notabilitas consideretur secundum condiciones monasteriorum, habito respectu ad expensas seu novitatem vel mutacionem sive aliam rem nota dignam. Si autem contingat fabricam predictam fieri debere in monasterio ubi sit rector presidens sive visitator, accersiatur alius visitator; ubi autem acciderit visitatorem accedere non posse ad videndum dictam fabricam, provideat de duobus aliis patribus vicinioribus. Cum vero eveniret visitatorem discordare a sensu patris monasterii et deputatorum, aut aliter simul concordari non posse tunc differatur ad capitulum aut habeatur recursus ad regimen. See also Bisson 2014, p. 456-460.

    17Leccisotti 1970, p. 58: Conclusum est ut pro edificiis erigendis in omnibus nostre congregationis monasteriis in genere, et in specie pro edificiis in Tiburtina civitate, Ravenne, Ferrarie et Maguzani, faciendis, prius dessigna fiant, quibus diligentissime consideratis, postea fiant modelli, ad arbitrium tamen patris presidentis et visitatorum, adiunctis duobus aliis prelatis nostre congregationis.

    18In hoc capitulo conclusum fuit, quod non fiant aliqua aedificia nova, puta infirmaria, foresteria, et huiusmodi, sine praehabita authoritate congregationis provincialis; quae committat vicario, et quatuor aliis, ut ad loca, ubi talia aedificia fieri debent, accedant, et omnia designent, et in scriptis redigant, prout recto, et honesto eorum iudicio videbitur: scripturam autem relinquant penes guardianum. (Chronologia historico-legalis, p. 123. See also Cobianchi 2013, p. 9).

    19Creytens 1970, p. 177: Item determinatum est quod fabrica volte vel testudinis in S. Miniato fiat cum consilio fr. Bartholomei Cavalcanti et fr. Pauli Antonii de Guidis cum architectoribus intelligentibus, qui omnes ut viderint quid expediat tali edificio, referant vicario generali et duobus prioribus, videlicet S. Marci et S. Dominici de Fesulis, qui mandent quid sit de edificio agendum.

    20Salvi 1860, IV, p. 132-133: “Avvisoti se dipinture facessi fare in casa a questo fine, ti guardi da ornamenti d’oro o d’ariento, per non fagli prima idolatri che fedeli; però che vedendo più candele s’accendono, e più capi si scuoprono, e pongonsi più ginocchioni in terra alle figure dorate e di preziose pietre ornate, che alle vecchie affumate, solo si comprende farsi riverenzia all’oro e pietre, e non alle figure o vero verità per quelle figure ripresentate.”

    21Ricci 1955, I, p. 261 (sermon IX): “Fa’ ora el tuo figliuolo prete o sacerdote, fallo grande prelato, andate ora alle dignità della Chiesa. È grande pericolo, ti dico io. Frati miei, abbiatevi cura. Stanno là li sacerdoti, in coro, e non tengono silenzio: non si debbe cianciare nel luogo delle orazioni e dell’offizio. Dice santo Augustino: in oratoria nemo aliquid agat nisi ad quod factum est unde et nomen accepit. Non vogliono li sacerdoti le tende nè el muro alto attorno al coro: fatelo suso alto, cittadini, chè li sacerdoti non hanno a vedere le donne per chiesa, quando sono in coro. Stanno là, e cicalano, e l’uno ragiona di fiaschi di trebbiano e di buoni capponi cotti, l’altro dice: Domine, labia mea aperies. Pensa che offizio è quello. Quell’altro sta là a dire la messa presto presto, l’altro sta con la concubina. Questo è il rubo, ti dico io, pieno di spine: la cherica piena di peccati. A questi tali dà poi noia la escomunica, sono fatti molto scupulosi questi sacerdoti!”

    22Cobianchi 2006.

    23Marinelli 2000, chapter XXIV. Schofield 2006; Schofiled 2013, esp. p. 189-191 and 198-200.

    24Ghiglieri 1971, II, p. 26. “Guarda per tutti i luoghi de’ conventi: tutti gli troverai pieni d’arme di chi gli ha murati. Io alzo il capo là sopra quello uscio; io credo che vi sia un crocefisso, el v’è una arme; va’ più là, alza il capo: el v’è un’altra arme. Ogni cosa è pieno d’arme. […] Io metto un paramento; io credo che gli sia un crocefisso dipinto: e là è un’arme; e sai che egli hanno poste l’arme drieto a’ paramenti, perché quando el prete sta allo altare si vegga bene l’arme da tutto il popolo. Questi sono adunque li idoli vostri, a’ quali voi destinate questi vostri sacrifici.”

    25Firpo 1965, p. 35 and 37-38. Sermon pronounced on November 2nd 1494.

    26Baroni 1935.

    27See Hall 1979; Brown 1996; Stabenow 2006, esp. the chapters by S. De Blaauw and R. Pacciani; Morvan 2021.

    28Quoted in Cobianchi 2013: De voluntate R. p. Vicarii generalis fr. Ludovici de la Turre ac totius Capituli provintialis conclusum est quod corus ecclesie nostre Cotignolle stet post altare maius prout nunc est: sed quod nullus amodo corus sic fiat, nisi de licentia et assensu capituli provintialis.

    29These examples are further presented, with bibliography, in Morvan 2021.

    30Quoted in Baldoria 1891, p. 188.

    31On the evolution of San Pietro in Perugia’s interior, see Gromotka 2015.

    32For a detailed chronology, see Bisson 2014, n. 148.

    33Bisson 2014, p. 480-486.

    34Palladio 1570, p. 10 (Book IV, chap. V): when alluding to how the Roman basilicas was used as a model for early Christian churches, he adds "Onde vedendo poi che questa forma riusciva molto commoda, percioche si poneva con molta dignità l’altare nel luogo del tribunale, et il coro stava acconciamente intorno all’altare; e il rimanere era libero per il popolo."

    35Guerra 2001; Guerra 2006, esp. p. 373-375 and 378-379; Cooper 2006. Andrea Guerra and Tracy Cooper revised the conclusions previously drawn by Christian Isermeyer (Isermeyer 1968).

    Auteur

    • Haude Morvan

      Université Bordeaux Montaigne, haude.morvan@u-bordeaux-montaigne.fr

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    Introduction à la deuxième partie

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    1Cygler 1999 and 2006; Melville 2000; Linde 2018.

    2Just to mention a few: Montagnes 1974; Volti 2004; Gilardi 2004; Cannon 2013; Morvan 2014; Marino Malone – Maines 2014, esp. part II.

    3Gardner von Teuffel 2001.

    4Cobianchi 2013, esp. p. 1-12.

    5Assonitis 2003.

    6Leccisotti 1939, II, p. 235.

    7Leccisotti 1939, II, p. 255.

    8Leccisotti 1970, p. 13: Admonemus ne fratres nostri ponant aurum neque argentum in miniaturis et ligaturis breviariorum aut diurnorum vel aliorum librorum.

    9Ricci 1959, p. 204.

    10Quoted in Merlo 1998c, p. 285 and in Cobianchi 2013, p. 10.

    11Cobianchi 2013, p. 8-9.

    12In the thirteenth-century Cistercian general chapters we can read: De superfluitatibus et curiositatibus cavendis. Superfluitates et curiositates notabiles in sculpturis, picturis, aedificiis, pavimentis et aliis similibus, quae deformant antiquam ordinis honestatem et paupertati nostrae non congruunt in abbatiis, grangiis vel cellariis nostris ne fiant interdicimus; nec picturae praeter imaginem Salvatoris. (Lucet 1977, p. 208). “Curiosities” and “superfluities” were previously condemned by saint Bernard in his famous Apologia ad Guillelmum abbatem.

    13In 1240, the general chapter of the Friars Preachers in Bologna ordered that Notabiles superfluitates a choris nostris penitus removeantur, et amodo alie in nostro ordine numquam fiant (Reichert 1898, p. 17). In 1252, the chapter enjoined the visitors in charge of the periodical control of the convents to refer to the general chapter and to correct the priors when they notice curiositates in chased objects, stone sculptures, paintings, statuettes, liturgical vessel and clothes: Visitatores huius anni advertant diligenter si quas invenerint curiositates in celaturis vel incisionibus lapidum in picturis vel in choris sigillis fibulis cultellis corrigiis baculis vestibus vel huiusmodi et excessus circa hec viriliter corrigant et emendent (Reichert 1898, p. 64). During the 1260s, Humbert of Romans had the prohibition of “notable superfluities and curiosities in sculpture, painting and pavement” added to the constitutions, since they distort poverty: Nec fiant in domibus nostris superfluitates et curiositates notabiles in sculpturis et picturis et pavimentis et aliis similibus, que paupertatem nostram deformant (Reichert 1898, p. 108, 114 et 117). A same vocabulary can be found in the decisions of the general chapter of the Friars Minor held in Narbonne, in 1260: Cum autem curiositas et superfluitas directe obvient paupertati, ordinamus quod aedificiorum curiositas in picturis, caelaturis, fenestris, colunnis et huiusmodi, aut superfluitas in longitudine, latitudine et altitudine, secundum loci conditionem, arctius evitetur. (Cenci – Mailleux 2007, p. 75).

    14See especially Montagnes 1974, p. 96; Todeschini 1998, p. 818-822; Gilardi 2004, p. 388-390.

    15See Morvan 2014.

    16Leccisotti 1939, I, p. 65: Quod fabrice construende de novo aut distruende per patres nostre congregacionis, si quidem non sint notabiles, fiant per patres monasteriorum cum consilio deputatorum, si vero fuerint notabiles, tunc non fiant sine consensi maioris partis deputatorum, computata voce sua, eciam capituli seu regiminis vel saltem sui visitatoris: que quidem notabilitas consideretur secundum condiciones monasteriorum, habito respectu ad expensas seu novitatem vel mutacionem sive aliam rem nota dignam. Si autem contingat fabricam predictam fieri debere in monasterio ubi sit rector presidens sive visitator, accersiatur alius visitator; ubi autem acciderit visitatorem accedere non posse ad videndum dictam fabricam, provideat de duobus aliis patribus vicinioribus. Cum vero eveniret visitatorem discordare a sensu patris monasterii et deputatorum, aut aliter simul concordari non posse tunc differatur ad capitulum aut habeatur recursus ad regimen. See also Bisson 2014, p. 456-460.

    17Leccisotti 1970, p. 58: Conclusum est ut pro edificiis erigendis in omnibus nostre congregationis monasteriis in genere, et in specie pro edificiis in Tiburtina civitate, Ravenne, Ferrarie et Maguzani, faciendis, prius dessigna fiant, quibus diligentissime consideratis, postea fiant modelli, ad arbitrium tamen patris presidentis et visitatorum, adiunctis duobus aliis prelatis nostre congregationis.

    18In hoc capitulo conclusum fuit, quod non fiant aliqua aedificia nova, puta infirmaria, foresteria, et huiusmodi, sine praehabita authoritate congregationis provincialis; quae committat vicario, et quatuor aliis, ut ad loca, ubi talia aedificia fieri debent, accedant, et omnia designent, et in scriptis redigant, prout recto, et honesto eorum iudicio videbitur: scripturam autem relinquant penes guardianum. (Chronologia historico-legalis, p. 123. See also Cobianchi 2013, p. 9).

    19Creytens 1970, p. 177: Item determinatum est quod fabrica volte vel testudinis in S. Miniato fiat cum consilio fr. Bartholomei Cavalcanti et fr. Pauli Antonii de Guidis cum architectoribus intelligentibus, qui omnes ut viderint quid expediat tali edificio, referant vicario generali et duobus prioribus, videlicet S. Marci et S. Dominici de Fesulis, qui mandent quid sit de edificio agendum.

    20Salvi 1860, IV, p. 132-133: “Avvisoti se dipinture facessi fare in casa a questo fine, ti guardi da ornamenti d’oro o d’ariento, per non fagli prima idolatri che fedeli; però che vedendo più candele s’accendono, e più capi si scuoprono, e pongonsi più ginocchioni in terra alle figure dorate e di preziose pietre ornate, che alle vecchie affumate, solo si comprende farsi riverenzia all’oro e pietre, e non alle figure o vero verità per quelle figure ripresentate.”

    21Ricci 1955, I, p. 261 (sermon IX): “Fa’ ora el tuo figliuolo prete o sacerdote, fallo grande prelato, andate ora alle dignità della Chiesa. È grande pericolo, ti dico io. Frati miei, abbiatevi cura. Stanno là li sacerdoti, in coro, e non tengono silenzio: non si debbe cianciare nel luogo delle orazioni e dell’offizio. Dice santo Augustino: in oratoria nemo aliquid agat nisi ad quod factum est unde et nomen accepit. Non vogliono li sacerdoti le tende nè el muro alto attorno al coro: fatelo suso alto, cittadini, chè li sacerdoti non hanno a vedere le donne per chiesa, quando sono in coro. Stanno là, e cicalano, e l’uno ragiona di fiaschi di trebbiano e di buoni capponi cotti, l’altro dice: Domine, labia mea aperies. Pensa che offizio è quello. Quell’altro sta là a dire la messa presto presto, l’altro sta con la concubina. Questo è il rubo, ti dico io, pieno di spine: la cherica piena di peccati. A questi tali dà poi noia la escomunica, sono fatti molto scupulosi questi sacerdoti!”

    22Cobianchi 2006.

    23Marinelli 2000, chapter XXIV. Schofield 2006; Schofiled 2013, esp. p. 189-191 and 198-200.

    24Ghiglieri 1971, II, p. 26. “Guarda per tutti i luoghi de’ conventi: tutti gli troverai pieni d’arme di chi gli ha murati. Io alzo il capo là sopra quello uscio; io credo che vi sia un crocefisso, el v’è una arme; va’ più là, alza il capo: el v’è un’altra arme. Ogni cosa è pieno d’arme. […] Io metto un paramento; io credo che gli sia un crocefisso dipinto: e là è un’arme; e sai che egli hanno poste l’arme drieto a’ paramenti, perché quando el prete sta allo altare si vegga bene l’arme da tutto il popolo. Questi sono adunque li idoli vostri, a’ quali voi destinate questi vostri sacrifici.”

    25Firpo 1965, p. 35 and 37-38. Sermon pronounced on November 2nd 1494.

    26Baroni 1935.

    27See Hall 1979; Brown 1996; Stabenow 2006, esp. the chapters by S. De Blaauw and R. Pacciani; Morvan 2021.

    28Quoted in Cobianchi 2013: De voluntate R. p. Vicarii generalis fr. Ludovici de la Turre ac totius Capituli provintialis conclusum est quod corus ecclesie nostre Cotignolle stet post altare maius prout nunc est: sed quod nullus amodo corus sic fiat, nisi de licentia et assensu capituli provintialis.

    29These examples are further presented, with bibliography, in Morvan 2021.

    30Quoted in Baldoria 1891, p. 188.

    31On the evolution of San Pietro in Perugia’s interior, see Gromotka 2015.

    32For a detailed chronology, see Bisson 2014, n. 148.

    33Bisson 2014, p. 480-486.

    34Palladio 1570, p. 10 (Book IV, chap. V): when alluding to how the Roman basilicas was used as a model for early Christian churches, he adds "Onde vedendo poi che questa forma riusciva molto commoda, percioche si poneva con molta dignità l’altare nel luogo del tribunale, et il coro stava acconciamente intorno all’altare; e il rimanere era libero per il popolo."

    35Guerra 2001; Guerra 2006, esp. p. 373-375 and 378-379; Cooper 2006. Andrea Guerra and Tracy Cooper revised the conclusions previously drawn by Christian Isermeyer (Isermeyer 1968).

    Les réformes de l’Observance en Europe (XIVe-XVIe siècle)

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    Référence numérique du chapitre

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    Morvan, H. (2025). The built environment as a mirror of community. In C. Andenna, M. Benedetti, S. Duval, H. Morvan, & L. Viallet (éds.), Les réformes de l’Observance en Europe (XIVe-XVIe siècle) (1‑). Publications de l’École française de Rome. https://doi.org/10.4000/13k3q
    Morvan, Haude. « The Built Environment As a Mirror of Community ». In Les réformes De l’Observance En Europe (XIVe-XVIe siècle), édité par Cristina Andenna, Marina Benedetti, Sylvie Duval, Haude Morvan, et Ludovic Viallet. Rome: Publications de l’École française de Rome, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4000/13k3q.
    Morvan, Haude. « The Built Environment As a Mirror of Community ». Les réformes De l’Observance En Europe (XIVe-XVIe siècle), édité par Cristina Andenna et al., Publications de l’École française de Rome, 2025, https://doi.org/10.4000/13k3q.

    Référence numérique du livre

    Format

    Andenna, C., Benedetti, M., Duval, S., Morvan, H., & Viallet, L. (éds.). (2025). Les réformes de l’Observance en Europe (XIVe-XVIe siècle) (1‑). Publications de l’École française de Rome. https://doi.org/10.4000/13k35
    Andenna, Cristina, Marina Benedetti, Sylvie Duval, Haude Morvan, et Ludovic Viallet, éd. Les réformes de l’Observance en Europe (XIVe-XVIe siècle). Rome: Publications de l’École française de Rome, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4000/13k35.
    Andenna, Cristina, et al., éditeurs. Les réformes de l’Observance en Europe (XIVe-XVIe siècle). Publications de l’École française de Rome, 2025, https://doi.org/10.4000/13k35.
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