Introduction

1Amid the revival of biography as literary genre in Iberia during the fifteenth-century, collective biographies gained extraordinary popularity, which, as Baker highlights,1 was inversely proportional to the modern perception of these texts as unimportant. The pervasive success of these collections in Early Modern Europe took a central role in outlining cultural values and behavioral human models.2 Authors such as Fernán Pérez de Guzmán were prone to selecting characters to justify their own interests, and to leave a memory of and validate a privileged social status. Others, stimulated by European humanists, strove to disseminate new values and role models by recovering ancient exemplarity into their privileged social milieu;3 this was the case with Fernando del Pulgar in Castille or Pere Miquel Carbonell in the Crown of Aragon, or even Alfonso de Palencia who translated Plutarch’s Parallel Lives from Latin into Castilian.4 In Castile, we also find collective biographies on women.5 The most famous one is Libro de las claras e virtuosas mugeres, a collection of lives of women from antiquity written by the constable of Castille, Álvaro de Luna, in 1446. He probably drafted this work as a proof of his command of arms and letters, but also as a defense of women. This defense, as Morrás suggests,6 belied Luna’s enmity with Queen Maria of Aragon, who died around the time of Luna’s drafting in 1445.7

2This paper considers two collective biographies written in fifteenth-century Spain from a comparative point of view: Fernán Pérez de Guzmán authored Generaciones y semblanzas around 1450, a collection of thirty-four biographies of the most relevant figures of his time; and, thirty years later, Fernando del Pulgar composed Claros varones de Castilla, a shorter collection of twenty-one biographies.8 Both aimed at leaving a memory of the relevant figures of his time, but with different models in mind, approaches to the subjects, reasons to write, and aspirations to achieve. For the purposes of this paper, I specifically focus on the lives of prelates included in their collections, and I examine how portraits progress through time. My goal is to explore the mechanisms and motives for the development of new models of virtue and fashioning. First, I contextualize the scope of these two most important collections written in Castille; then, I focus on the patterns used to construct religious profiles and the reasons why they are considered worthy to be included among “clarones varones”. My analysis interrogates the how and why of biographical narratives for religious subjects (bishops, archbishops, cardinals) that were reported, justified, fashioned, and imagined in particular ways within the context of compartmentalized society in fifteenth-century Spain. The models in these two collections do not represent the totality of the religious class: they only include figures belonging to a social élite, composed only by privileged white men, among which few belong to lower or marginalized classes but had the “fortune” to socially escalate to dignitary roles.

I. Preliminary observations

3These two works mark two moments in the intellectual evolution of the Iberian Peninsula. Pérez de Guzmán needs to be situated in the historical context of Juan II, particularly regarding the noble hierarchy, whereas Pulgar writes in a cultural climate deeply indoctrinated by the Catholic King’s political propaganda. Also, while Pérez de Guzmán’s horizons finish in Castile, Pulgar travels throughout neighboring countries and welcomes new intellectual trends. With only thirty years apart, these two works help us understand the complex balance between the accommodation of old life ideals and the new forms of historiography.9 During the fifteenth-century, many authors were still unable to leave behind old concepts of lineage and archetypes rooted in the Middle Ages, while others were inspired by the new forms arriving from Italy and France, most notably including new genres of historiography, such as the case of collective biographies.

4Fernán Pérez de Guzmán (c.1377-1460) lived under the reigns of Enrique III (1390-1406) and Juan II (1406-1454). He belonged to Castilian nobility and was connected to the relevant noble and intellectual figures of his time: he was the nephew of Pero López de Ayala, cousin of Gutierre de Toledo, bishop of Palencia – both of whom feature in his Generaciones – and uncle of Íñigo López de Mendoza, Marquis of Santillana. He served King Enrique III and was a faithful and enthusiastic supporter of Fernando de Antequera before becoming King of the Crown of Aragon in 1412, until his premature death in 1416. Pérez de Guzmán kept politically active during the time of Juan II, but in 1432 he was arrested under suspicion of conspiring against the King. His antipathy towards Álvaro de Luna and his criticism of the crown certainly did not help him to keep his political rank. He was imprisoned for some months, after which he finally went into “voluntary” exile. He was only fifty-six years old when he retired to his villa in Batres, where he died in his eighties. Almost all his literary production (poetry and history) belongs precisely to this period when he was already withdrawn from public life. He is specially remembered for his didactic and moral works, among which Loores de claros varones stands out, written in verse and tightly connected with Generaciones. While his role as a literary voice persisted throughout these times, his political career was shadowed by power fights in the turbulent and critical years of the reign of Juan II. Probably, his need to leave a memory of those people who were dear to him, but also those who had been clear enemies, arose from the perception that his time was a game-changer and that his privileges were being threatened. Major events like the rise and fall of Álvaro de Luna probably pushed him to consider the fragility of fortune and the danger of being erased, ostracized, and forgotten.10

5Pérez de Guzmán wrote Generaciones y semblanzas at some point between 1450 and 1455. These thirty-five biographies included two kings, a queen, noblemen and knights, and seven prelates. In his prologue, he argues that he wants to write a register (“escribir como en manera de registro”) and leave memory (“memorial”) of the two kings under which he lived and the relevant figures of his time: nobles (high nobility, “grandes señores”), lower nobility (“cavalleros”), and prelates (“perlados”). In doing so, he intends to describe their appearance and habits (“senblantes y costunbres”). In addition, he clarifies that all these personalities were personal acquaintances; his role in court, membership in the Castilian nobility, and his political activity offered him the opportunity to meet these royal, noble, and religious members of the Castilian establishment from the first half of the fifteenth-century. He probably wrote his semblanzas while he was already retired from public life, in Batres, and so he pens the memories he had, some of them clear, others blurry. As Folger noticed,11 two further pertinent data regarding most subjects portrayed in his work helps us to better understand the extent of his social circle and selection policy. First, all the portraits belong to the author’s generation, “24 of a total of 35 died before Perez de Guzman retired in 1432 from political life to Batres.” Second, these figures were part of “the nobleza nueva which had risen to power with the Trastámaras. Eleven of the twenty families upon which Carlos V officially bestowed the title of Grande de España in 1520 are represented in Generaciones”.12 From a contemporary perspective, this exposes an elitist mentality that prioritizes the lineage and stigmatizes the low origin by excluding it. The selection criterion responds, first, to his personal relationship (if he met the subject or not), and then to the social hierarchy of the figures, their political roles and proximity to the King, who is the central figure of this Castilian chivalric society.

6Contemporary and later readers considered the work a source of genealogical knowledge, a complement to the chronicles including the main events of the first half of the fifteenth-century under the reigns of Enrique III and Juan II. But most importantly it was felt “as a register of important lords of the time and as a source for aristocratic family history”.13 Pérez de Guzmán’s description of some characters is still one of the few sources we have at hand. The success of this work is proven not through the extant fifteenth-century manuscripts of his time,14 but through its incorporation during the following centuries in many historiographical compilations.15

7Fernando del Pulgar (c. 1430-1492) is situated in a different political context. He had relevant roles in the administrative apparatus under the rule of two consecutive sovereigns: from at least 1458 he served as secretary of Enrique IV and, after the King’s death in 1474, he kept this position assisting Queen Isabel. He was ambassador in France at the court of Louis XI several times, as well as in Italy at the Roman Curia. After a short political pause, in 1482 Pulgar started acting as the royal chronicler at the service of Queen Isabel. Pulgar lived in court where he had access to official records and attended crucial events, such as the Granada War. His family was of converso origin, and his support for this community seems at some point to have cost him accusations of being a Judaizer and of disrespect towards the Queen.16 As a chronicler, his most important work was Crónica de los Reyes Católicos, an account of the events starting around 1468, Alfonso’s death and the treaty of Toros de Guisando, which recognized Isabel as the heiress of the Crown of Castille until 1490 during the Conquest of Granada.

8Pulgar published Libro de los claros varones de Castilla in 1486 in Toledo, and he dedicated it to the Queen. The twenty-one biographies documented Enrique IV, an admiral, two maetres, nine earls, and eight prelates. Similar to Pérez de Guzmán, the primary reasons for his selections were personal acquaintances with the portrayed subjects (“claros varones, perlados e cavalleros, naturales de los vuestros reinos, que yo conoscí y comuniqué”), relevance in the political arena, lineage, and high dignitary roles, but also because of their exemplarity.17 Since its publication, Claros varones had great success, which the extant manuscripts and many following editions witness, at least three more during the fifteenth-century and eight in the sixteenth.18

9A deeper dive into both authors’ reasons for writing their collections emerge clearly from their own words, as we can see in these two passages taken directly from their prologues:

non en forma e manera de estoria, que aunque quisiese non sabría, e si supiese non estó ansí instruido nin enformado de los fechos como era nesçesario a tal acto, pensé de escrivir como en manera de registro o memorial de dos reyes que en mi tienpo fueron en Castilla, la generaçión d’ellos e los senblantes e costunbres d’ellos, e por consiguiente los linajes e façiones e condiçiones de algunos grandes señores, perlados e cavalleros que en este tienpo fueron. E si por aventura en esta relaçión fueren enbueltos algunos fechos pocos e brevemente contados que en este tienpo en Castilla acaeçieron, será de nesçesidad e porque la materia ansí lo requirió.19

movido con aquel amor de mi tierra que los otros hobieron de la suya, me dispuse a escribir de algunos claros varones, perlados y caballeros, naturales de los vuestros reinos, que yo conocí y comuniqué, cuyas hazañas y notables hechos, si particularmente se hobiesen de contar, requería hacerse de cada uno una gran historia. Y por ende, brevemente, con el ayuda de Dios, escribiré los linajes y condiciones de cada uno y algunos notables hechos que hicieron, de los cuales se puede bien creer que en autoridad de personas y en ornamento de virtudes y en las habilidades que tovieron, así en la ciencia como en las armas, no fueron menos excelentes que aquellos griegos y romanos y franceses que tanto son loados en sus escrituras.20

10Pérez de Guzmán aims to leave a mnemonic registry of high lineages of his time, and he excuses beforehand the shortness of some of his portraits. Pulgar intends to take the same path, but he also adds that: first, it is a patriotic love that drives him to narrate the deeds (“las fazañas and notables hechos > hazañas y notables hechos”) and the lineage and conditions of kings, noblemen, prelates, and knights; and second, he wishes to demonstrate that these men were not inferior to the Greeks, Romans, and French heroes. Although nuanced by different arguments, both authors target the same social categories: noblemen (“claros” or “grandes varones”), prelates (“perlados”) and knights (“cavalleros”). Essentially, they look for the recognition and fame of their biographees, akin to the regime and royal family, and to include them and make them an essential part of the “official” history.

II. Dimensions of Both Collective Biographies by “Category”

27Fernán Pérez de Guzmán’s Generaciones includes seven (of thirty-four) semblanzas of prelates. Pulgar’s Claros varones has a higher number of clergy men (eight of twenty-one). In table 1, we see the texts containing the lives of prelates and their titles.

28In Pérez de Guzmán, the length of the thirty-four biographies differs extraordinarily. This fact does not imply that a “simple correlation between the length of the chapters and a positive depiction of the personalities” should be established, but some noteworthy facts arise47. Figures 1 and 2 represent the total words per biography in each one of the collections.

Figure 1. Word Count by biography for Fernán Pérez de Guzmán, Generaciones y semblanzas.

Figure 2. Word Count by biography for Fernando del Pulgar, Claros varones de Castilla.

29Not surprisingly, and reflecting his mental centrality around the king, the two longest biographies in Pérez de Guzmán are those of the two kings, Enrique III and Juan II. However, kings’ lives are overcome by the life of Alvaro de Luna, Pérez de Guzmán’s political enemy for whom he was imprisoned and exiled. Following this, there is the rest of the noblemen, whose longest entries correspond, on one hand, to a positive example, Fernando de Antequera, and, on the other hand, to a negative example, that of Alonso de Robles, a man of low lineage for which Pérez de Guzmán feels a great hatred. Queen Catalina of Lancaster is one of the shortest, and his dislike towards her is also quite apparent. The remaining seven biographies of prelates also have different extensions, but the pattern is repeated: the two longest biographies represent contrasting examples. The first is Pablo de Santa María, an extremely positive example, and the other is Pedro de Frías, a negative one. He combines sympathy and hatred in equal measure.

30In Pulgar’s Claros varones, the length of the biographies is more balanced, probably reflecting a more conscious literary program. The longest life is the one dedicated to King Enrique IV of Castile, who died in 1454. Following is the biography of Íñigo López de Mendoza, the famous Marquis of Santillana, the Castilian humanist example par excellence. Afterwards, the life of Rodrigo de Villandrando, a “hidalgo” of poor origin who, thanks to his courage and his military effort, came to be count and ally of King Juan II. The fact that a hidalgo takes central stage in the collection is very eloquent and declares the author’s intentions: effort (“esfuerço”) is better than nobility of blood. Villandrando is then followed by Juan Pacheco, a very important politician of Portuguese origin at the service of Enrique IV, and Rodrigo Manrique, whose father, Pedro Manrique, was also biographed by Pérez de Guzmán. A similar case occurs with the prelates. The two longest biographies belong to two figures of converso origins: Francisco de Toledo, obispo of Coria, who had very humble origins but who by studying came to the service of Pope Pius II (Enea Silvio Piccolomini), and, of course, Alfonso de Cartagena, the son of Pablo de Santa María who had been included in Generaciones.

31The choice of biographees and the space dedicated to them is also a reflection of the ideology that traces the two collections: Pérez de Guzmán is moved by sympathies and hatreds and the justifications for social class, while, in Pulgar, lineage and nobility do not have any more central stage, but rather personal effort and human virtues take precedent.

III. The prelates in Generaciones y semblanzas and Claros varones

32Let me enter now into the final stretch of this paper and consider the prelates in both biographical collections. Pérez de Guzmán and Puglar use a similar array of topics and common places for their depictions. For the most part, biographies open with the genealogy of each character. This is much more relevant for Pérez de Guzmán than for Pulgar, who hardly dwells on the origin or explanation of lineage. Following this, the physical characteristics of the subject tend to be used as features reflecting the whole personal portrait. Qualities such as height, corpulence or thinness, gesture, head, nose, and eyes are among the most described. In many cases, unfortunately, beauty reflects the soul: ugliness equals lower qualities, while beauty uplifts people.48 Then, to keep outlining the character’s personality, both Pérez de Guzmán and Pulgar often bring forward a significant anecdote from his life, which can range from a simple expression or moto di spirito to a detailed event. Additionally, their personality is usually defined by means of virtues or vices, especially in the case of Pérez de Guzmán, as we have seen. Finally, and as expected, the death date and the grave place is indicated. However, for Pérez de Guzmán, death is conceived as mere data. He indicates only the date of death and the place where the character was buried. On the contrary, Puglar gives higher importance to the moment of death, highlighting whether each character died, and whether they repented their sins. Now, let’s analyze how the lives of prelates are delineated differently between the two collections.

33In his prologue, Pérez de Guzmán establishes the roles and behaviors to which every one of his characters (knights, kings, and prelates) should stick, by drawing up a roadmap of positive aptitudes to praise but also a group of negative ones to avoid.49 The prelates, for instance, are defined as “wise and literate” and should be in charge of writing works with moral lessons.50 Moreover, a worthy clergy man should descend from a high lineage, and he should be literate, dress well (but not too much, otherwise one falls into vanity), clean, devoted, honest, frank, and calm (not violent).51 Generaciones contains the biographies of five archbishops – two of them of Santiago (Juan García Manrique, Lope de Mendoza) and three of Toledo (Sancho de Rojas, Pedro Tenorio, Gutierre de Toledo) – as well as one bishop of Burgos (Pablo de Santa María) and the Cardinal of Spain (Pedro de Frías).

34For the most part, Pérez de Guzmán considers that prelates are meant to be of noble lineage, which is, in fact, more important than wealth. And this remains a curious fact that the prelate, even if he represents the old medieval ideal of holiness, is indeed touched by the ideals of chivalry.52 Prelates of high birth correspond to Manrique, Rojas, Mendoza, and Pérez de Guzmán’s cousin Gutierre de Toledo. When lineage is missing, the author is forced to justify his choice. This is the case with Pedro Tenorio, Pedro de Frías, and Pablo de Santa María. Tenorio represents a positive example, as he was from the lower nobility but from a good lineage (“hijo de un cavallero de pequeño estado, pero de buen linaje”), and, because of his good and wise nature, and his closeness with the kings Juan II and Enrique IV, he reaches the high dignity of Cardinal of Toledo. Pedro de Frías is the counterpart:

Don Pedro de Frías, cardenal d’España, fue onbre de baxo linaje, pero alcançó grandes dignidades e poder e estado e grant thesoro. Fue primero obispo de Osma e después cardenal, e ovo muy grant lugar con el rey don Enrrique el terçero, que fazía d’él muy grant fiança.53

35In this case, Pérez de Guzmán selects a man whose proximity to the King helps him reach social prestige and influence, obtaining the cardinal dignity and considerable wealth, even with his low genealogical profile. Even still, his low origin somehow anticipates his fall. Besides having all possible defects, Frías is portrayed as an unscrupulous man. Consider this anecdote: once, after a verbal fight with Juan de Tordesilla, Bishop of Segovia, he sends some servants to bite him. Right after, some noblemen denounce him to the King, but Frías bribes the royal for a minor punishment and is sent to Rome with the Pope.

36The clearest example of a character who needs justification for his inclusion is Pablo de Santa Maria, Bishop of Burgos, and converso himself. This defense is the result of the excellent personal relationships Pérez de Guzmán had with Pablo’s two sons, Alfonso and Alvar García, who is mentioned in his prologue. All members of the Santa Maria family are described as venerable prelates (“venerables prelados”), and, particularly, Pablo de Santa María is praised for his wisdom, learnedness in law, and excellence as a theologian. Pablo de Santa María was converted, and without doubt -according to the author- he was a true believer. Pérez de Guzmán also lists Pablo’s religious and doctrinal writings, which correspond to his ideal model of the prelate established in the prologue. The author includes, at this point of the work, a relatively long justification in defense of New Christians, which constitute a unique excursus in Generaciones. Folger considers it a “treatise on Castilian conversos and one of their most important representatives is clearly a digression from the program of Generaciones as he exposes it in the preface”.54 It is certainly a weirdness in the whole set of Pérez de Guzmán’s sketches, especially if we take into account that there is no physical description or mentions to Pablo de Santa María’s manners and habits. Essentially his sketch lacks a semblanza. Pérez de Guzmán provides multiple justifications for including a converso in his gallery, but one of the strongest is still based on lineage: Pablo de Santa María belongs to a noble Hebrew lineage (“fue ebreo, de grant linaje de aquella naçión”). In the same vein, Pérez de Guzmán validates the subject when this one is related to “cavalleros moros” of which the author recognizes the “nobility.” Therefore, social and ethnic bias tends to disappear when characters come from a high social class. The Other can only be part of the Self when they share the value of aristocracy or education, or faith, in the case of converso origin people.

37Education and learnedness are other qualities that prelates should have. For Pérez de Guzmán, these are certainly important traits, especially when his characters write books with didactic and moral values. In the case of Pedro Tenorio, Pérez de Guzmán insists on the fact that Tenorio was a man of extraordinary knowledge (“fue grant dotor e onbre de gran entendimiento”), and moreover he was always surrounded by men of science (namely jurists). Curiously, Pérez de Guzmán takes the liberty to remind readers, in the life of Juan García Manrique, that Tenorio held some intellectual debates with Manrique, although Manrique did not belong to Tenorio’s social class.55 Learnedness, however, can be replaced by any another virtue (e.g. Juan García Manrique, Archbishop of Santiago, “entendía razonablemente; non fue letrado, pero fue muy franco”), and sometimes wisdom seems to be a quality like any other (e.g. Sancho de Rojas was “buena presona, de muy sotil engenio, muy discreto e buen letrado”; Gutierre de Toledo “asaz letrado, que fue dotor”). For Pulgar, on the other hand, being literate is the key to success.56 The unlearned must dignify themselves by exercising chivalrous or courtesan attitudes, as in the case of Pedro de Frías who was not very learned (“non muy buen letrado”) or Sancho de Rojas who was vindictive using some political strategies to make his point, which is viewed poorly by Pérez de Guzmán.57

38Two additional aspects concerning the prelates that are harshly criticized by Pérez de Guzmán are: not caring about his diocese (not visiting it personally) and nepotism:

con toda la privança e poder que ovo, nunca para sí nin pariente suyo ganó un vasallo del rey; nin por el grande estado que ovo e grant privança de los reyes non dexó de visitar él por su persona su arçobispado, las quales dos tachas creo que se fallen en pocos perlados d’este nuestro tienpo.58

Las dignidades de la iglesia muchas d’ellas fizo aver a sus parientes, non faziendo conçiençia de la indignidad e insufiçiençia d’ellos; e en esta manera ovo para un su hermano la iglesia de Sevilla e después la de Toledo, e para un su sobrino moçuelo la iglesia de Santiago, porque el papa non negava ninguna petiçión suya.59

39Criticisms evince from a social reality where prelates are more concerned with political power, wealth, high offices, worldly pleasures, and family, rather than by the preservation of the faith and ascetism.

40The prelate model in Pulgar shares qualities with noblemen, such as prudence, sharpness, liberality, or greed, while other aptitudes acquire higher relevance, such as learnedness and religiosity. In Pulgar, prelates are more nuanced and appealing. Most of them travel, visit European capitals, are ambassadors on behalf of kings, and, in short, they come closer to the idea of the humanist. Additionally, there is more diversity among the subjects. Of the eight portraits of clergy men in Claros varones, three of them come from converso families (Juan de Torquemada, Alfonso de Cartagena, and Francisco de Córdoba), two from “linaje de labradores” (Alfonso de Madrigal, Tello Buendía), and only two are from “limpia sangre” and “linaje de ombres fijosdalgo” (Alfonso Carrillo, and Alfonso de Fonseca). Overall, Pulgar’s portraits are mostly examples of positive virtues, but he is openly – but also elegantly – judgmental in the cases of Carrillo and Fonseca, offering a rather clear image of greedy men.

41Pulgar’s selections evince that lineage becomes secondary, which is certainly related to his personal story but also to a programmatic way of thinking. Among the prelates – as he did for some of the caballeros – Pulgar includes figures of humble origin who have managed to attain a high status. This is the case with the last three biographies, Francisco de Toledo, Alfonso de Madrigal, and Tello Buendía. The prelates’ lives narrated by Pulgar correspond to illustrious men not because of their linages but because they are exemplary figures of moral virtues. In this closing statement regarding Francisco de Toledo, Bishop of Coria, resides Pugar’s main idea:

Ciertamente, quien considerare la vida de este claro varón hallará ser ejemplo y doctrina para todo hombre que quisiere bien vevir, porque ni esta opinión que tenemos de linaje le sublimó, ni la compostura del cuerpo, ni las riquezas, le hicieron claro varón; ni menos se puede decir que la fortuna le fuese favorable para alcanzar la honra y estimación grande que hobo, mas la perseverancia que tovo en la vida virtuosa le abrió puerta para entrar en grandes lugares y le hizo haber acepción acerca de grandes señores y para haber la honra que le dio claro nombre.60

42The case of Francisco is a bright example of well-living in terms of virtue and learnedness. For him to reach success, it was not his high lineage, nor the physics of his body, nor the worldly wealth, nor even fortune, but instead it was perseverance in following higher purposes.61

43Connected to lineage, there is the question of convesos. Pulgar includes the lives of Juan de Torquemada, Cardinal of San Sisto, Francisco de Toledo, Bishop of Coria, who had “sus avuelos […] de linaje de los judíos convertidos,” and Alfonso de Cartagena, who was the son of “obispo Pablo […] de linaje de los judíos”. At a first glance in Pulgar we do not find an equivalent justification about this social group, such as in the case of Pablo de Santa María. But Pulgar is not avoiding the topic by not giving an explanation. He simply does not need any validation. It is his own selection and the impeccable exemplarity of the three prelates of converso origin that demonstrate the point about equality among the portraits. The case of Cartagena is especially significant as he is described almost as a divine presence (“su persona era tan reverenda y de tanta autoridad, que en su presencia todos se honestaban y ninguno osaba decir ni hacer cosa torpe”). In short, his selection speaks by itself. Also, it should be remarked that Pulgar deals already with second and third generations of conversos. Although Pulgar’s selection criteria are more open than in Pérez de Guzmán, this does not mean – as Fernández Gallardo has pointed out62 – that he is questioning the social class order or the preeminence of the nobility. Let’s remember that he was the official chronicler of the monarchs and that Claros varones is permanently directed to the Queen (prologue, razonamientos, and epilogue).

44For Pulgar, wisdom and learnedness are key, and they take center stage in the portraits of clergy men. Most of them are “grandes letrados” in theology, natural philosophy, and civil and canonical law. The best example of this kind of new intellectual is Alfonso de Cartagena who – as Pulgar explains – translated, by instances of Juan II, several of Seneca’s works from Latin into Castilian. He had a vehement debate about the new Latin translation of Aristotle’s Ethics with Leonardo Bruni, and he wrote treatises on moral philosophy and theology. In this sense, in Pulgar the prelate is touched by the humanistic spirit. The only two exceptions are Carrillo who used to have “letrados” at home, though nothing is said about his intellectual capabilities, and Fonseca who was more inclined for terrene goods (e.g. jewelry, gourmet food). Essentially, for Pulgar, wisdom leads to moral and social virtue, as in the case of Juan de Carvajal:

su buen seso le hizo aprender ciencia; y su ciencia le dio saber; y su saber le dio experiencia; y la experiencia le dio conocimiento de las cosas, de las cuales sopo con prudencia elegir las que le hicieron hábito de virtud.63

45Moreover, knowledge is conceived by Pulgar under a diverse light, and therefore prelates are inclined to other kinds of less heterodox wisdom, which could also be considered as the adoption of the new humanistic ideals. For that matter, Carrillo is passionate for alchemy, and “placíale saber expiriencias y propiedades de aguas e de yervas e otros secretos de natura.” Madrigal had no rival in arts, theology, natural philosophy, astrology, or astronomy.64

46The abovementioned civic component suggests that Pulgar is confirmed by the political roles of most of his portraits. Prelates intervene in politics, which is seen as normal and good. The two figures most active are, again, Carrillo and Fonseca who were key political figures of the time. Carrillo was belligerent and seems to be amid many political conflicts, while Fonseca was always trying to be near the kings and attract their attention.65

47Pulgar’s prelates have additional qualities. For the most part, they practice liberality with wealth, they are generous, and they behave modestly. They try to escape fame unsuccessfully, as in the case of Juan de Carvajal.66 Prelates are also devout believers. They follow the precepts of Christian faith, and they are seen under the light of ascetism, which will be more relevant in the following centuries. In addition, prelates felt since childhood the religious calling, and they exercise their virtue to become wise men of honest life (“grandes letrados y hombres de onesta vida”), as in the case of Francisco, Bishop of Coria, who was honest since his childhood and always inclined to science (“desde su menor edad fue honesto y tovo inclinación a la ciencia”). As good Christians, therefore, they also practice charity, especially underscored in the case of Tello Buendía, and they contribute to their parish by building and reforming monasteries and other kinds of constructions. For example, Carvajal and Tello ordered the construction of a bridge that was most needed in their hometowns.

48Little is said about chastity or carnal desires in the case of prelates, but we find some sporadic mentions. For the most part, sex is something generally connected through the virtue of temperance in the face of pleasure, as with Juan de Torquemada’s resistance to temptations (“siempre tovo tan fuerte resistencia contra las tentaciones, que no podieron corromper sus buenas costumbres”). One only direct mention to chastity occurs in the life of Francisco de Coria who is said to die as a virgin. The truth is that many prelates had their own families, and therefore the fact that, for example, Carillo had a natural son, Troilo, is silenced.67

49Finally, Pulgar, consequent with the others proposed virtues, seems to elegantly disagree with the excessive desire for wealth, especially present in Carillos’ and Fonseca’s biographies:

[Carrillo] Los hombres, deseando ser ricos, se meten en tales necesidades que los hacen pobres, este arzobispo, dando e gastando en el arte del alquimia y en buscar mineros y tesoros, pensando alcanzar grandes riquezas para las dar y distribuir, siempre estaba en continuas necesidades. Y sin duda se puede creer que si lo que deseaba tener este perlado correspondiera al corazón que tenía él en él, hiciera grandes cosas. Al fin, gastando mucho y deseando gastar más, murió pobre y adeudado.68

[Fonseca] placíale tener piedras preciosas y perlas y joyas de oro y de plata y otras cosas hermosas a la vista. […] Tenía la codicia común que todos los hombres tienen de haber bienes temporales.69

Conclusions

50To sum up, Pérez de Guzmán and Pulgar navigate similarly through the complex relation between power, wealth, personal benefit, family, morality, and faith. Generaciones and Claros varones emerge from their own experiences and ideals that lead to different literary justifications. Pérez de Guzmán intends to report truthful events and leave to posterity a genealogical registry of the noble class, to which he belongs, sometimes praising and other times judging his subjects. By doing that, Pérez de Guzmán hoped to confer moralizing lessons surfaced amidst the Trastámara political crisis. Pulgar, although he recognizes his predecessor’s labor, intended to overpass him, by paying tribute to the Queen and by bringing Castilian characters and their deeds to the level of those exemplary figures from Greek and Roman antiquity.

51These two works are also rhetorically diverse. Pérez de Guzmán writes a genealogy, brief sketches like registries to authenticate and preserve a selected genealogical memory. Instead, Pulgar is connected to the humanistic vision of the historia ornata, by which the historiographical work is conceived as an artistic work, and where eloquence and rhetorical techniques are key.

52In terms of literary genre, Pulgar offers in his prologue a very intriguing description of the works that has preceded and are similar to his endeavor. Pulgar seems to be consciously pointing to a specific life-writing subfield, the so called “tratados aparte,” which differs from history stricto sensu. The list of literary works inserted within this long tradition begins with the Book of Sirach and Jerome’s De viris illustribus covering Christian literature. Following, there are Plutarch and Valerius Maximus representing Greek and Roman antiquity, whereas Georges de la Vernade incarnates contemporary peers in France. Finally, Pérez de Guzmán is the clear model for his immediate past. Pulgar is drawing an avant-la-lettre history of the phenomenon of collective biographies, which makes more appealing the study of such genre in the Iberian Peninsula and the connection with different traditions and countries. With the Greeks and Romans, Pulgar not only intends to emulate their literary works but to overpass them, since Castilian “fazañas” appear to him more interesting to report than the Roman ones. Literary ambitions in the two authors, therefore, operate at different levels.

53We can detect an evolution of the system of values in prelates’ portraits. The time-lapse of thirty years which runs between the two examined collections made unavoidable the development on the prelate’s figures. This development transpires in different fronts. First, prelates go from being relevant figures within the king’s entourage to performing tasks more akin to politicians, diplomats, and ambassadors. As such, they adopt positive and negative qualities of noblemen, not only in terms of lineage, but also other qualities such as ambition, sharpness, prudence, or greediness. Second, learnedness and erudition become a crucial aptitude for clergymen, especially for those who reach high offices. This wisdom is touched by a humanistic spirit in the sense that it is more variegated, and not anymore relegated to Christian erudition. Prelates, in Pulgar, study nature, alchemy, astronomy, or astrology.

54One last point that remains open is the extent to which these types of collective biographies interpellated their contemporary readership’s civic consciousness, social roles, and political action. The aristocratic nature of most of Pérez de Guzmán and Pulgar’s subjects would imply that only upper sectors of the society were targeted. But the case of prelates is more complex. Did the religious class identify with Pérez de Guzmán’s and Pulgar’s portraits? This question would force us to switch direction and dig into different kind of primary sources, looking for references in later writings produced by prelates themselves. The success of both collections, however, indicates that there was an extensive audience for them. But if figures such as Carrillo or Fonseca could instill hope or inspire ways of life remains a challenging interrogation.