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    Plan

    Plan détaillé Texte intégral Nadal’s Imagines in European sculpture and painting Nadal in the Americas Nadal in India Nadal in China Nadal in Japan Nadal in Safavid Iran Nadal in Ethiopia Conclusion Notes de bas de page Auteur

    « Je révise les images... »

    Ce livre est recensé par

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    Table des matières

    Jerome Nadal’s Evangelicae historiae imagines and the birth of global imagery

    Jean Michel Massing

    p. 393-438

    Résumés

    In this article which first appeared in a longer form in the Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes (80, 2017, p. 161-220), I study the influence of Nadal’s Evangelicae historiae imagines published in 1593 and his Adnotationes et meditationes in Evangelia which appeared one year later. With 153 engravings by Hieronymus, Johan and Anton Wierix, as well as other Antwerp engravers, the Imagines probably had the first set of images to be reproduced on four continents. The use and re-use of these images is clarified to show their global impact. I survey the manuscripts and the books based on the illustrations of the Imagines published in Europe, but also in South America and in Asia. The prints were used all over the world, starting with the confessionals in the Jesuit Church of San Fedele in Milan (begun in 1594). Geographically the influence covers Europe from Spain to Poland and even orthodox Russia, with artists including Rubens, Philippe de Champaigne and Zurbaran. Influences and appropriations are found in Mexico, including on the vaults of the sanctuary of Jesus of Nazareth at Atotonilco done between 1740 and 1776. Numerous works based on the Imagines are found in Peru, including at least fifty paintings in Ayacucho. Others are found in Paraguay, Bolivia and Ecuador. In India the Jesuits introduced them at the Mughal court, as we know from documents and surviving miniatures. They brought them also to China, with no less than three books based on the Imagines, as well as to Japan. Mainly through later French translations, the book was even influential in Ethiopia, as one can see from manuscripts and paintings, but also from the wall-paintings in the church of Narga Sillassie.

    Dans cet article qui est d’abord paru sous une forme plus longue dans le Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes (80, 2017, p. 161-220), j’étudie l’influence des Evangelicae historiae imagines de Nadal publiées en 1593 et de ses Adnotationes et meditationes in Evangelia parues un an plus tard. Avec 153 gravures de Hieronymus, Johan et Anton Wierix, ainsi que d’autres graveurs anversois, les Imagines ont probablement été la première série d’images à être reproduite sur quatre continents. L’utilisation et la réutilisation de ces images sont clarifiées pour montrer leur impact mondial. Je recense les manuscrits et les livres basés sur les illustrations des Imagines publiés en Europe, mais aussi en Amérique du Sud et en Asie. Les gravures ont été utilisées dans le monde entier, à commencer par les confessionnaux de l’église jésuite de San Fedele à Milan (commencés en 1594). Géographiquement, l’influence couvre l’Europe, de l’Espagne à la Pologne et même la Russie orthodoxe, avec des artistes comme Rubens, Philippe de Champaigne et Zurbaran. Des influences et appropriations se retrouvent au Mexique, notamment sur les voûtes du sanctuaire de Jésus de Nazareth à Atotonilco réalisées entre 1740 et 1776. De nombreuses œuvres inspirées des Imagines se trouvent au Pérou, dont au moins cinquante peintures à Ayacucho. D’autres se trouvent au Paraguay, en Bolivie et en Équateur. En Inde, les Jésuites les ont introduites à la cour moghole, comme nous le savons par des documents et des miniatures conservées. Ils les ont également introduites en Chine, avec pas moins de trois livres basés sur les Imagines, ainsi qu’au Japon. Principalement par le biais de traductions françaises ultérieures, le livre a même eu une influence en Éthiopie, comme le montrent des manuscrits et des peintures, mais aussi les fresques de l’église de Narga Sillassie.

    Entrées d’index

    Mots-clés : Nadal (Jérónimo), jésuites, emblèmes, gravures, influence mondiale

    Keywords : Nadal (Jérónimo), Jesuits, emblems, engravings, worldwide influence

    Note de l’auteur

    This contribution was first given as a lecture at the Ninth International Conference of the Society for Emblem Studies at the University of Glasgow in June 2011. It was first published, in a longer and slightly different version, in the Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 80, 2017, p. 161-220.

    Remerciements

    I would like to thank Berthold Kress, Elizabeth McGrath, Ann Massing, Paul Taylor and Elizabeth Savage for much assistance, and also Jenny Boyle, Ian Jones and Zuzanna Sarnecka.

    Texte intégral Nadal’s Imagines in European sculpture and painting Nadal in the Americas Mexico Peru Paraguay Bolivia and Ecuador Nadal in India Nadal in China Nadal in Japan Nadal in Safavid Iran Nadal in Ethiopia Conclusion Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    1In this chapter, dealing with the spread of the Evangelicae historiae imagines first published in 1593 – the first images in history to be reproduced on four continents – my aim is to bring together research on the use and re-use of these images from Paraguay to China, and to clarify their global impact in a way that has not been attempted before.

    2The Adnotationes et meditationes in Evangelia was reprinted three times, in 1595, in 1607 and in 1707;1 and an Italian translation by Agostino Vivaldi, Meditationi sopra li Evangeli, appeared in Rome in 1599.2 This Italian edition was translated into both French and German, but the manuscripts were never printed.3

    3The Imagines was republished in its entirety less often, reappearing in 1596 and in 1647. However it was not the official republications but the numerous copies, re-uses and reworkings of the plates which spread Nadal’s conceptions around the globe.4 In a reduced form and with variants, some of the Imagines were copied in Bartolomeo Ricci’s Considerationi sopra tutta la Vita de NS Giesu Christo, a book with 160 engravings, published in Rome in 1607, and reissued in 1609 and in 1610.5 Jean Bourgeois’s Vitae et passionis et mortis Jesu Christi… mysteria, which appeared in 1622, with seventy-six illustrations by Boetius à Bolswert, is partly based on those in Nadal’s volume.6 Christoffel van Sichem reproduced a large number of the engravings as woodcuts in a Biblia Sacra of 1657;7 forty of these were also bound together in an earlier volume with the title ’t Bosch der Eremyten ende Eremitinnen, published by Pieter Jacobsz. Paets in 1644,8 while others are found in the first Armenian Bible, on which work was started in Antwerp in 1666 and which was completed two years later.9 More influential was an Abrégé de la vie et passion de nostre sauveur Jesus Christ, avec les figures et quelques reflections sur les principaux mysteres, published in Paris by ‘la veuve Joron’ in 1663 with reprints in 1665 and 1672; the second part of this book, with 144 plates, was published by Etienne du Castin as L’homme de douleur ou la vie, miracles, mort et passion de Jésus-Christ, in 1665, again in 1689 (with 124 plates) and once more in 1693, and there were further editions published by Jean-Baptiste Loyson before 1677 and in 1677, then by Nicolas Belley in 1693.10

    4More than sixty plates of the Imagines were used, although with some retouchings, in the Mystica Ciudad de Dios of Sister María de Jesús de Ágreda, not in the first edition of 1670, but in the posthumous edition of 1736, published in Antwerp.11 The plates in this book were to inspire many paintings in Central and South America. The engravings were also copied, with legends in Russian, by unidentified engravers of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth for the local Greek Catholic and Orthodox Churches.12 And there were still more reworkings of Nadal’s prints, even in China and Japan, in the nineteenth century.13 It was through this wide diffusion of the compositions, both in books and as single sheets, that painters and sculptors on four continents became acquainted with Nadal’s pictorial conceptions.

    Nadal’s Imagines in European sculpture and painting14

    5Between 1594 and 1596, shortly after Nadal’s volume was published, twenty-five plates from his book were adapted in relief sculptures by the brothers Giovanni, Giacomo and Gianpaolo Taurino, on nine or ten richly ornamented confessionals (of which eight survive) in the Jesuit Church of San Fedele in Milan.15 The church was commissioned by Carlo Borromeo in 1569 and designed by Pellegrino Tibaldi, and Nadal was kept personally informed of the progress of its construction by Leonetto Chiavone, the rector of the Jesuit College in Milan, who presided over most of the building work.16 Six of the surviving confessionals are arranged along opposite walls of the nave, three north and three south, with the remaining two on either side of the entrance doorway. Each confessional has a richly sculpted décor. In each of the two spaces where the penitents kneel there is a rectangular panel which shows an episode from Christ’s Passion. Above the stalls for the priest and penitents there is a broad frieze with two typologically connected scenes, one from the Old Testament, the other from the New, separated by a shield with the name of Jesus, the IHS of the Jesuits. On the seventh confessional, for example, the two lower scenes show respectively the Raising of the Cross and the Crucifixion, while in the frieze above are represented Noah’s Ark and the Storm on the Sea of Galilee. The sculptors started work in 1594, making use of the first edition of Nadal’s Imagines, which had only been published a year before. No fewer than twenty-five of Nadal’s engravings were used for this cycle.17 The sculptors inevitably simplified the scenes; if we compare, for example, the representation of Jesus nailed to the cross, on the sixth confessional (fig. 13.1), with plate Crucifigitur Iesus, ‘Jesus is nailed to the Cross’) of Nadal’s book (pl. 127/C), we can see that the sculptors have been forced to simplify the composition and jettison a number of elements of the prototype, including the two thieves being crucified and the total eclipse of the sun. Also jettisoned – and this is usually the case for works of art based on the Imagines – were the letters in the image and their attached notes. In a Jesuit church, when Jerome Nadal was personally known to the rector of the attached college, we can perhaps suppose that works of art based on Nadal were contemplated with a copy of the Imagines or Adnotationes in hand. But in many other works, the literary apparatus of devout reading and meditation found in Nadal’s text was divorced from the images themselves.

    Fig. 13.1. Giovanni, Giacomo and Gianpaolo Taurino, Jesus is Nailed to the Cross, sculpted scene above an ornamented confessional, 1594-1596. Milan, Jesuit Church of San Fedele.

    Image

    6A most interesting use of Nadal’s book (pl. 61/XXXI and 87/LXXIIII) is found in two paintings by Philippe de Champaigne, showing respectively Christ and the Canaanite Woman (fig. 13.2) and the Entry of Christ into Jerusalem (fig. 13.3) (both Paris, Église du Val-de-Grâce). According to André Félibien, they were made circa 1628, commissioned by Marie de Médicis for a Salle de la Reine in the convent of the Carmelites in the rue Saint-Jacques.18 The painting of Jesus with the Canaanite woman (Matthew 15.22-28) shows Christ being implored to cure the woman’s daughter, who is possessed by a demon. She is kneeling before him, with the Apostles intervening, according to the text of the Gospels:

    And behold a woman of Canaan who came out of those coasts, crying out, said to Him: Have mercy on me, O Lord, thou son of David: my daughter is grievously troubled by a devil. who answered her not a word. And his disciples came and besought him, saying: Send her away, for she crieth after us: And he answering said: I was not sent but to the sheep that are lost of the house of Israel. But she came and adored him, saying: Lord, help me. who answering, said: It is not good to take the bread of the children, and to cast it to the dogs. But she said: Yea, Lord: for the whelps also eat of the crumbs that fall from the table of their masters. Then Jesus answering said to her: O woman, great is thy faith: be it done to thee as thou wilt: and her daughter was cured from that hour.

    Fig. 13.2. Philippe de Champaigne, The Canaanite Woman, c. 1628, Paris, église du Val-de-Grâce.

    Image

    Fig. 13.3. Philippe de Champaigne, The Entry of Christ into Jerusalem, c. 1628. Paris, église du Val-de-Grâce.

    Image

    7The talk of dogs and whelps presumably explains why a dog is seen next to the Canaanite woman. The scene in the background – Christ, the apostles and the woman with her dog entering her house – has been wrongly identified as another episode, the curing of the deaf and dumb, but what is illustrated is another part of the same story, as told in St Mark’s gospel (7.24-30): “And rising from thence he went into the coasts of Tyre and Sidon: and entering into a house, he would that no man should know it, and he could not be hid. For a woman as soon as she heard of him, whose daughter had an unclean spirit, came in, and fell down at his feet.” This reading is confirmed by the model of the painting, Nadal’s plate 61/XXXI (De Cananaea, ‘The Canaanite woman’), which shows a combination of the two texts (Matthew 15, Mark 7) in the legends of the plate (pl. 61/XXXI).19 The letter A stands for the region of Tyre and Sidon in Phoenicia (Regio Tyri, & Sidonis in Phoenice) and B for the house where Jesus wanted to stay unnoticed (Domus in pago, ubi voluit latere IESVS), which was in a district not far from C, Tyre (Tyrus non longe). The letter D stands for the next episode, Christ entering the house followed by the woman (IESVM primum intellige domum ingressum, quem secuta est mulier) while the main scene, E, shows Christ with the woman (Egressum consequitur; clamat; rogant pro ea discipuli. Respondet illi tandem IESVS; O mulier, etc.). The letter F shows the house of the Canaanite woman in which her daughter is freed from the demons (Domus Cananaea, & in ea liberata filia a daemonio); and finally, G refers to the whelps eating the crumbs falling from the table of their masters (Edunt catelli de micis cadentibus de mensa dominorum). Philippe de Champaigne has taken over the main scene and the subsidiary scene from Mark’s gospel, of Christ trying to enter the house, but he has left out other details in the background, such as the city of Tyre, the devil leaving the woman’s daughter, and the whelps eating crumbs. Even to have two scenes from the same story offends against that unity of action which was thought desirable by French academicians;20 the pious accumulation of narrative detail in Nadal’s print was bound to be suppressed by an artist trying to adapt the image as a painting.

    8Champaigne’s Entry of Christ into Jerusalem (fig. 13.3), from the same set of paintings in the Parisian Carmel,21 is based on plate 87/LXXIIII (Ingressus solemnis in civitatem, ‘The solemn entrance into the city’). As in the engraving by Hieronymus Wierix, Champaigne shows Christ approaching Jerusalem, which is seen on the right. Christ is sitting on an ass, behind which a visibly smaller colt of an ass is trotting. According to Matthew’s gospel, both were fetched at the orders of Christ, in order to fulfil an Old Testament prophecy: “Now all this was done that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet, saying: Tell ye the daughter of Sion: Behold thy king cometh to thee, meek, and sitting upon an ass, and a colt the foal of her that is used to the yoke” (Matthew 21.2-5, alluding to Zachariah 9: 9). Matthew’s account differs from that of the other three gospels, in which Christ simply rides on the colt of an ass (Mark 11.2-7, Luke 19.30-36, John 12.14-15). Here we see a rare divergence between image and text in Nadal. In the print Christ rides on the ass accompanied by the colt, following Matthew; the legend beneath, however, follows Mark, Luke and John, describing Christ as eques pullo asinae vectus, ‘a rider borne on the colt of an ass’. The adnotatio follows suit, describing Jesus as in pullo asinae […] eques, ‘a rider on the colt of an ass’. How this divergence between text and image came about is a matter for speculation, but it does reveal that Champaigne was taking his cue from Wierix’s engraving, rather than from the Latin of Nadal.

    9Not that Champaigne followed his model at all slavishly: in fact, he seems to have felt that the engraving needed considerable improvement. Whereas the ass ridden by Jesus in the print is large enough to be a mule, Champaigne converts the animal into a donkey so small that Christ’s feet are almost touching the ground. The mass of identical crania sprinkled with the palms in Wierix is turned into a group portrait, with each face and gesture clearly individuated, and, as with the Canaanite woman, background details of the print – Bethany, the Mount of Olives, the Garden of Gethsemane – are omitted.

    10Philippe de Champaigne seems also to have used Nadal for a third composition in the Parisian Carmel: a Resurrection of Lazarus, formerly on the south side of the nave of the church and now in the Musée de Grenoble.22 The composition is reversed and much altered, but the attitude and physiognomies of those handling the corpse of Lazarus, and those of a few other figures, such as the man pinching his nose because of the smell, recall plate 78/LXIII (Suscitat Lazarum Jesu, ‘Jesus raises Lazarus’) in Nadal, signed by Johan Wierix.23

    11A subtle use of one of Nadal’s engravings (pl. 152/CLII) is found in Rubens’s modello for his painting of the Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin in St Petersburg, which was presented to the chapter of Antwerp cathedral on 22 April 1611 (fig. 13.4).24 The painting shows the group of Apostles and holy women at the empty tomb, which contains only roses and the shroud of the Virgin. Three men are rolling away the stone from the front of the sepulchre. Some of the Apostles look at the tomb, others raise their eyes to the Virgin who is being received in heaven. She is crowned by her son rather than – as is usually the case, including in Rubens’s other Assumptions – by the Trinity. Putti and little angels below her and at her side follow her rise to heaven, while musician angels celebrate her Assumption. In his oil sketch, Rubens has created a complex figure group developing a scheme derived from Hieronymus Wierix’s plate Suscitatur Virgo mater a filio, ‘The Virgin Mother is raised up by her Son’) (pl. 152/CLII)) which specifically shows, as Nadal explains, Christ’s reception of the Virgin in heaven.25 The similarities between the Rubens and the Wierix are structural (the way Christ and the Virgin are framed by putti and clouds, the orientation of the tomb) and there are many obvious differences (the open tomb, the presence of the holy women, the poses of the Apostles). And yet it seems not unlikely that Rubens – unlike Philippe de Champaigne – had read and reflected on the text accompanying the image. By painting men moving away the stone he showed himself aware of Nadal’s assertion that the tomb was closed when the Apostles arrived. If the tomb had been open then the body might simply have been stolen: only if it was closed could the disappearance of the Virgin’s body be considered miraculous.26 The same line of reasoning lay behind the doctrine that the tomb of Christ was sealed during the Resurrection (134/CVIII, Resurrectio Christi Gloriosa, ‘The glorious resurrection of Christ’).27

    Fig. 13.4. Peter Paul Rubens, modello for the Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin, 1611, St Petersburg, Hermitage.

    Image

    12Another link between Rubens and Nadal was noted by Sir Joshua Reynolds in his description of Rubens’s famous Descent from the Cross in Antwerp Cathedral. In his Journey to Flanders, first published in 1797, he mentioned that “The composition of this picture is said to be borrowed from an Italian print: this print I never saw; but those who have seen it, say, that Rubens has made no deviation from it except in the attitude of the Magdalene. On the print is written: “Peter Passer invenit; Hieronymus wirix sculpsit’.”28

    13Reynolds probably knew about the link with the print from Nadal’s book (plate Deponitur Christi corpus e cruce, ‘Christ’s body is taken down from the Cross’) (pl. 132/CV) from Jean François Marie Michel’s Histoire de la Vie de P.P. Rubens, published in Brussels in 1771.29 There are certainly major differences – Reynolds overestimated the importance of the model – but the relationship cannot be denied; the main similarity between the two scenes is the presence of the shroud, which refers to the passage in Mark when “Joseph [of Arimathea] bought a linen cloth, and took Him down, and wrapped Him in the linen cloth”.30 Its presence in Descents from the Cross is rare and, of course, central to Rubens’s composition. Some specific details, as well as a sketch for a Descent from the Cross now in St Petersburg, also testify to the relationship between the two works.31

    14The engravings of Nadal’s Evangelicae Historiae imagines were praised, and mentioned on over twenty occasions, by Francisco Pacheco in his Arte de la Pintura of 1649.32 They had a direct and indirect influence on Pacheco’s pupil and future son-in-law Diego Velázquez, and, it has been suggested, on the Spanish picture-within-the-picture tradition.33 Also in Spain, a borrowing from Hieronymus Wierix’s plate Circuncisio Christi, ‘The circumcision of Christ’) (pl. 5/VII), can be seen in a painting by Francisco de Zurbarán, made in 1639 for the high altar of the Charterhouse of Our Lady of the Defence (Cartuja de Santa María de la Defensión) outside Jerez de la Frontera (fig. 13.5).34 In the print, Mary and Joseph are on the left of the scene watching the priest, who is leaning slightly forward with the circumcision knife in his right hand, about to perform the ritual act, while two figures on the right appear to act as witnesses. The two young servants (Pueri subservientes, according to the label) carry the ceremonial instruments, one of them turning his head to the viewer. Above is the IHS monogram, the Name of Jesus, since Christ received his name at his circumcision – the Jewish sacrament was taken to prefigure Christian baptism.35 The name of Jesus, as the text tells us, is adored by angels, mortals, and the souls of those in Limbo and Purgatory. In Zurbarán’s composition the central figures are reversed, but are shown in similar postures to those in the engraving. That Zurbarán was aware of Nadal’s plate is shown by an accumulation of suggestive details; the round altar, the young servant holding a tray with a gilt ewer, the figure standing on the extreme left who recalls one of the two witnesses in Wierix’s engraving, and the arched square-columned architecture. This example shows how, sometimes, only a few of the figures in Nadal were used. We see a similar selectivity when Bartolomé Esteban Murillo used a detail of the retinue of Christ on his way to Jerusalem from Nadal’s plate 86/LXXIII (In conspectum Hierusalem venit Jesus, ‘Jesus comes within view of Jerusalem’), for his Multiplication of the Loaves and Fishes in the church of the Hospital de la Caridad in Seville.36 A later example, by Pascual Mespletera, is in the hermitage of L’Avellà near Catí (Valencia), where ten compositions painted in fresco (1737) are based on Nadal, directly or indirectly, but with numerous simplifications. Recently restored, they represent respectively the Annunciation, Visitation, Adoration of the Shepherds, Circumcision, Adoration of the Magi, Presentation in the Temple, Wedding at Cana, Christ Appearing to his Mother, Ascension and finally Pentecost.37

    Fig. 13.5. Francisco de Zurbaran, Circumcision, 1639, painted for Jerez de la Frontera, Cartuja de Santa María de la Defensión. Musée de Grenoble, inv. MG 1326.

    Image

    Nadal in the Americas

    15Nadal’s publications found their way to the Americas, although whether they were available for purchase in cities such as Mexico City and Lima, or were brought over from Europe, cannot be said for sure. We have one or two records of people owning copies: José Vázquez, a Spaniard living in Mexico City, owned four Antwerp publications, including a copy of the Evangelicae historiae imagines (the 1596 edition republished by Martinus Nutius),38 and Diego Mejía de Fernangil from Potosí, in modern day Bolivia, must have had long access to a copy, given that he wrote 200 sonnets based on the illustrations in Nadal’s book. These form the second part of an unpublished manuscript poem, ‘Parnaso Antártico’.39 Besides these fragments of evidence of actual possession of Nadal’s book, we can see numerous examples of the prints being appropriated by artists in Mexico, Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia and Paraguay.

    Mexico

    16In the Chapel of the Relics in the cathedral of Mexico City there is a representation of Christ Mocked (Rey de Burlas), which is datable to 1646-1647. The painting is attributed to José Juares, and is based on the composition of Nadal’s plate 115/LXXXVIII (De gestis in carcere Caiphae, post dimissum concilium, ‘The events in Caiaphas’s prison, after the council had been dismissed’).40

    17The print of the Circumcision (pl. 5/VII) was used for one of the panels of a large altarpiece of the Virgen de los Dolores, from the Jesuit hacienda of Santa Lucía near Mexico City (now in the Jorge Borbolla Villamil collection in Cuernavaca). The carving of the retablo recalls the work of the sculptor Manuel de Velasco, the style of the paintings themselves the art of Juan Correa and Cristóbal de Villalpando, suggesting a date of c. 1690.41 The iconographic programme focuses on the Mater dolorosa surrounded by the sorrowful episodes of Christ’s life: the Circumcision, the Flight into Egypt, Christ Taking Leave of his Mother, the way to Calvary, the Nailing to the Cross, the Crucifixion (today replaced by a painting of St Lucy) and the Deposition. Although the panel of the Circumcision follows the composition of the engraving by Wierix, it includes only one of the two young servants.

    18An important example of the use of Nadal can be seen in central Mexico, on the vaults of the sanctuary of Jesus of Nazareth at Atotonilco, not far from San Miguel de Allende in the province of Guanajuato. There, a Creole Oratorian priest and poet, Luis Felipe Neri de Alfaro – who wrote and published at least ten books on themes of devotion and Christian piety42 – founded a sanctuary and recruited a local artist, Miguel Antonio Martinez de Pocasangre, to paint the walls and the ceilings with thirteen cycles of paintings and sculptures focussing on meditations on the Virgin, on the via crucis of Jesus, and on His Sacred Heart (1740-1776).43 The majority of the representations of the Passion are based, thematically and often compositionally, on engravings from Nadal’s books.44 The seven vaults of the nave are each decorated by four radial scenes. On the second vault of the Vestibule, for example, one of the compositions is based on plate Ducitur Jesus ad Pilatum; Et Judas laqueo se suspendit, ‘Jesus is led to Pilate; Judas hangs himself with a noose’) (pl. 117/XC), with Judas returning the thirty pieces of silver as the central scene and, behind it, Christ captive and then Judas suspended from the tree.45 On the fourth vault of the nave (fig. 13.6), the four scenes concerned with Christ’s trial show events at Herod’s court. In a large scene to the west we see Christ before Herod with, as in Nadal’s plate, ‘the army of Herod bearing arms’ (Quae gesta sunt apud Herodem, ‘What happened before Herod’) (pl. 119/XCII, D).46 Next, to the north, comes Pilate asking the Jews if they would like him to release Barabbas or Jesus. This is derived from the main scene (D) of plate 120/XCIII (Quae gesta sunt, postquam reductus est ad Pilatum, ‘What occurred after he was returned to Pilate’). On the east side is the Flagellation (plate Flagellatur Christi, ‘Christ is scourged’) (pl. 121/XCIIII) and finally to the south the Ecce Homo, the scene labelled A in Nadal’s plate 123/XCVI (Gesta post coronationem, antequam ferretur sententia, ‘Events after the crowning [with thorns], before sentence is passed’).

    Fig. 13.6. Miguel Antonio Martinez de Pocasangre, Christ’s Trial at Herod’s Court, 1740–76. Atotonilco (Mexico, province of Guanajuato), Sanctuary of Jesus of Nazareth, fourth vault of the nave.

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    19A lateral altarpiece in the parochial church of Nuestra Señora de Los Dolores in Xaltocán, dating from the second half of the eighteenth century, is also based on illustrations from Nadal’s books.47 The altarpiece is a large retablo, a reredos combining a gilt wood structure with oil paintings, of a kind typical in Spanish and Latin American art. The Xaltocán retablo has a predella with the Veil of Veronica in the centre over the tabernacle, and with the Agony in the Garden and the Arrest of Christ on either side. This predella is surmounted by three tiers of imagery which decrease progressively in size. The first tier has a sculpture of Christ on the Cross at its centre, flanked by paintings of Christ before Caiaphas on the left and the Flagellation on the right (fig. 13.7). Above, the narrative continues with the Crowning with Thorns and Christ Carrying the Cross, with, between them, an image of the Entombed Christ; then, on either side, two more or less triangular compositions follow the curve of the vault representing Christ Nailed to the Cross and the Descent from the Cross. The narrative develops from left to right and from bottom to top, in a Passion cycle. The chronology, of course, but also the details of the compositions – despite simplifications and modifications between paintings and models48 – are ultimately derived from plates 107/LXXX, 108/ LXXXI, 114/LXXXVII, 121/XCIIII, 122/ XCV, 125/XCVIII, 127/C and 132/CV of Nadal’s books, although the connection, here as elsewhere in the New world, need not have been directly with the Imagines or Adnotationes, since all the plates were re-used in the 1736 edition of María de Jesús de Ágreda’s Mystica ciudad de Dios.

    Fig. 13.7. Anonymous artist, The Flagellation, second half of the 18th century, from an altarpiece of the Passion. Xaltocán, Nuestra Señora de Los Dolores.

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    20Besides these major cycles, other Mexican re-uses of Nadal have been identified, for example in four anonymous paintings from the end of the seventeenth century in the chapel of the Expiración of the via crucis of Puebla;49 in a number of paintings by Ignacio Berben in the upper cloister of the former Convento de Guadalupe, Zacatecas;50 in a Passion cycle in Guadalupe, made in 1749 for Gabriel José de Ovalle;51 and in some of the paintings in a retablo of the Virgen de los Dolores, a work of the end of the eighteenth century in the church of Mapethé, Hidalgo.52

    21Other, freer, less convincing appropriations of the prints have been suggested, for example for the Tempest in the Straits of Gibraltar, one of the compositions found in the hospital de San Juan de Dios in Atlixco (1743), illustrating the life of St John of God.53

    Peru

    22Nadal’s prints were used in South America before their first known adaptations in Mexico. In their Historia de la pintura Cuzqueña (1982), José de Mesa and Teresa Gisbert identified twenty-six borrowings from the book from 1625 onwards; most are seventeenth-, with a few eighteenth-century paintings. These are mainly found in Cuzco, for the most part in the cathedral, and were painted by artists including Diego de la Puente, Quispe Tito, Salvador Sandoval, Faustino Galindo and Basilio Pacheco.54

    23A group of around fifty paintings from a mid-eighteenth century workshop west of Cuzco in Ayacucho – famous for its thirty-three churches (one for each year of Christ’s life) – are also based on the engravings in Nadal’s publications.55 These paintings are attributed to an unknown but talented master who appears to have been working with a less skilled assistant.

    24The church and the convent of Santa Clara in Ayacucho have two canvasses, dated 1752, showing Jesus returned to Pilate and Events before Pilate’s Sentencing of Jesus, based on Nadal’s plates 120/XCIII (Quae gesta sunt, postquam reductus est ad Pilatum, ‘what happened after he was returned to Pilate’) and 123/XCVI (Gesta post coronationem, antequam ferretur sententia, ‘Events after the crowning, before he is sentenced’). The two paintings are signed respectively by Faustino Galindo and Basilio Pacheco, both of whom, as we have seen, also worked in Cuzco.56

    25In the convent of Santa Teresa in Ayacucho, two series of ten and twelve paintings illustrate respectively miracles and parables, and events from the Passion of Christ. All are by the same author, if not by the same workshop. The first series on the life and the teachings of Christ comprises the Baptism of Christ, the Healing of Peter’s Wife’s Mother, the Pool at Bethesda, the Pharisees Sending Servants to Arrest Christ, the Healing of the Blind Man, the parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard, Dives and Lazarus, Jesus Casting the Merchants out of the Temple and Christ and the Centurion, all based on and often developing Nadal’s illustrations.57 The Passion cycle includes the traditional scenes: the Entry into Jerusalem, the Last Supper, the Agony in the Garden, the Arrest of Christ, Christ sent from Herod to Pilate, the Flagellation, the Crowning with Thorns and Ecce Homo, the Way to Calvary, the Crucifixion and finally the Deposition.58 The fifth canvas, Christ sent from Herod to Pilate (fig. 13.8), shows a complex narrative based on no less than three plates from Nadal’s book. Christ is shown in the centre of the canvas, being manhandled by his captors, as in plate Capitur Christus, ‘Christ is taken’) (pl. 110/LXXXIII). However, whereas in the print by Nadal this figure group depicts Christ immediately after his arrest at the brook Cedron, here he is shown being sent back to Pilate after his interrogation by Herod (Quae gesta sunt apud Herodem, ‘The events which took place before Herod’) (pl. 119/XCII). The crown, throne and baldachin clearly identify the Tetrarch from Nadal’s print, but, whereas in the print Christ is standing before Herod, in the painting he is being led away to Pilate, an event that takes place only in the background of Wierix’s Herod engraving (H: Remittitur ad Pilatum). In the background of the painting are three scenes based on another plate, Ducitur Jesus ad Pilatum; et Iudas laqueo se suspendit, ‘Jesus is led to Pilate; Judas hangs himself with a noose’) (pl. 117/XC).59 Judas returns the pieces of silver to the chief priests, and devils take his soul as he hangs from the tree. The painter has also added a small subsidiary scene from Nadal, of the Virgin hurrying to see her son (F in the print). The architecture in the painting is inspired by the prints from Nadal, especially by the two we have just considered, and the Flagellation (pl. 121/XCIIII).

    Fig. 13.8. Christ sent from Herod to Pilate, from a cycle of scenes from the Passion, mid-18th century. Ayacucho, Convento de Santa Teresa.

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    26Cuzco and Ayacucho were certainly not the only Peruvian localities where Nadal’s book was used. In other cases it was probably just the basic composition which interested the painter, as in a Transfiguration (pl. 63/XXXIII) by an unidentified eighteenth-century artist in the Barbosa-Stern collection, which is based on the respective print in Nadal’s book (Transfiguratio Christi, ‘The Transfiguration of Christ’) (fig. 13.9).60 In this collection there are also paintings after Nadal’s plates of Christ and the Samaritan woman, and a Flagellation,61 as well as two copper panels showing the Jews discussing the refusal of Jesus to attend the feast of tabernacles (50/LXVII: Non ascendit ad festum Iesus: quaerunt eum Iudaei, ‘Jesus does not go up to the festival day: the Jews seek him’) and the Council deliberating the death of Jesus (79/LXX: Concilium de nece Iesu, ‘The Council concerning the death of Jesus’). Both of these panels reproduce the explanatory captions beneath Nadal’s engravings.62

    Fig. 13.9. Unidentified artist, Transfiguration, 18th century. Lima, Barbosa-Stern collection.

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    Paraguay

    27Another use of plates from Nadal is found in an extremely rare book published in Buenos Aires in 1705 in the Guarani language: De la diferencia entre lo temporal y eterno: crisol de desengaños, con la memoria de la eternidad, postrimerias humanas, y principales misterios divinos, por el P. Juan Eusebio Nieremberg de la Compañía de Iesus y traducido en lengua guarani por el Padre Ioseph Serrano de la misma Compañia...63 It is known today in a single exemplar printed in Loreto, a Jesuit ‘reduction’ (a settlement for indigenous people) which today is in Paraguay. The prolific Jesuit author Jan Eusebio Nieremberg (1595-1658) published his Diferencia entre lo temporal y lo eterno in Madrid in 1640, but José Serrano, the translator, must have used the illustrated Antwerp edition of 1684, with engravings by Gaspar Bouttats (c. 1640-1695/96), as some of these were copied in the Guarani version. Born in Antequera in Andalusia, Serrano (1634-1713) joined the Jesuit noviciate in Seville in 1652 and completed his studies in Buenos Aires, where he arrived in 1658. He stayed in the Jesuit province of Paraguay and was instrumental with another Jesuit, Juan Neuman, in setting up printing presses in the reductions of Loreto, Santa Maria la Mayor and San Javier. Serrano completed his translation, which was originally meant to be published in Rome, by 1696.64 The 1705 edition has forty-three illustrations, decorated initials and vignettes. Only the first, the portrait of Tirso Gonzales (1624-1705), the general of the Jesuits, is signed: by Joan Yapari, an indigenous South American artist. It seems likely that the other artists involved in the project were also indigenous.65 Most of the prints in the book are carefully copied from Bouttat’s engravings, but on occasion we find an adaptation taken directly from Nadal. In the thirty-eighth illustration of the book (fig. 13.10), for example, we find a blending of plates De morte Epulonis et Lazari, ‘The death of Epulo [“the man who feasts”] and Lazarus’) (pl. 74/XXXVIII) and Ex inferno interpellat Abrahamum Epulo frustra, ‘Epulo appeals from hell to Abraham in vain’) (pl. 75/XXXIX).66 The South American edition reverses the original composition of 74/XXXVIII, which shows the death of rich Epulo and poor Lazarus. Devils fight over Epulo’s soul, and robbers carry away his goods. In the door opening, a grave is dug to receive his body, while demons prepare his place in hell. The window shows Lazarus’s soul entering the realm of the Prophets and the Fathers of the Church. Above, in a kind of tympanum, hell is shown as concentric half-circles: from top to bottom the realm of the Fathers (Limbus patrum) with Abraham and Moses, then the circle of the non-baptised children (Limbus puerorum), and finally Purgatoy (Purgatorium), with hell in the centre (Globus inferni) where Epulo now resides forever, looking towards – in fact addressing – Abraham and Lazarus. Hell is copied from the next plate in Nadal’s books (pl. 75/XXXIX), which already showed the same details. Another print in the Guarani version shows devils taken from another print in Nadal’s book (plate Capitur Christus, ‘Christ is taken’) (pl. 110/LXXXIII) while reversing the composition, above a death bed scene based on one of Bouttat’s illustrations, also reversed.67

    Fig. 13.10. Juan Nieremberg, De la diferencia entre lo temporal y eterno…traducido en lengua guarani por … Ioseph Serrano, Las Doctrinas, 1705, pl. 38.

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    Bolivia and Ecuador

    28Other borrowings have been identified in Peru’s neighbours, Bolivia and Ecuador. From the first of these countries comes a large painting of the Antichrist in the Iglesia de Caquiaviri in La Paz (fig. 13.11) based on plate De Antichristo, ‘The Antichrist’) of Nadal’s publications (pl. 97/CXLVIII). Atypically, the imagery is provided with long Spanish captions which explain, as in Nadal’s book, the details of the iconography.68 In Ecuador, too, various paintings, such as a Visitation by Miguel de Santiago (c. 1620/33-1706) in the church of Nuestra Señora de la Presentación at Quinche (Quito), are based on the corresponding plate in Nadal’s book.69

    Fig. 13.11. Anonymous painter, Antichrist, 1739. La Paz, Iglesia de Caquiaviri.

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    Nadal in India

    29Through the treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, the world was divided into two commercial zones of influence: the western part, with the exception of Brazil, went to Spain, while the Portuguese obtained control over the eastern territories, from Brazil to Japan. Nadal’s book was as popular in the Portuguese empire as in the Spanish.70 From Lisbon and Antwerp, it was exported to the east, both as a summa of post-tridentine beliefs and for missionary work. In 1510, after the Portuguese defeated the ruling Bijarur kings, the city of Velha Goa became a major centre of Portuguese influence, and the crossroads of the Indies. The Jesuits were based there, and it was from there they led their missions to the Mughal rulers.71 By the time of their third official visit to meet Emperor Akbar in Lahore (1595-1605), Fathers Jerónimo Xavier and Manoel Pinheiro, and brother Bento de Goes, had been shown the European books and the Christian works of art already in the imperial collection: books “Such as the Royal Bible, then other Bibles, Concordances, four parts of the Summa of St Thomas…”, and many others.72 The third mission brought to the emperor a newly published book, a copy of Jerome Nadal’s Evangelicae historiae imagines which had appeared shortly before.73 Jerónimo Xavier wrote books in Portuguese which he then translated into Persian with the assistance of Abd al-Sattan ibn-Qasim Lahori, the emperor’s court historian, and gave to Akbar and his son Salim (later Emperor Jahangir) between 1602 and 1609. One of these texts, the Mirāt al-Quds (Mirror of Holiness), was completed in 1602 and decorated by the artists of the Mughal court under the direction of Manohar.74 The copy made by the Jesuits, however, did not satisfy Salim, so he had a deluxe copy made with twice as many illustrations. According to Xavier, “he ordered it transcribed in very fine letters on extremely costly paper and ordered paintings made of every scene that could possibly be depicted […]. He was not content with the scenes that were engraved by Father Nadal: he [had] these painted, and many others. It was an extremely lavish book, and in Rome one would make an effort to see it.”75

    30This manuscript commissioned by Salim does not survive, but if the prince had all 153 of Nadal’s scenes painted, then it must have formed the most lavish adaptation of the Imagines ever made. The Persian text of the Mirāt al-Quds, describing in great detail the New Testament stories, was published with a parallel Latin translation in Leiden in 1639.76

    31A few Mughal miniatures undeniably show the influence of engravings in Nadal’s book. One example from this period (1605-1610) shows the composition of plate 3/V (Nativitas Christi, ‘The birth of Christ’) reversed (pl. 3/V, fig. 13.12). Nadal’s subsidiary scenes of the Annunciations to the Shepherds and the Magi are omitted. The fact that even the motto held by the angels is reversed suggests that it was traced from the original print.77

    Fig. 13.12. Moghul artist, Nativity, watercolour miniature, 1605-1610. London, Victoria and Albert Museum.

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    Nadal in China

    32The most obvious evidence of Nadal’s popularity in Asia is found in China. There too Nadal’s book was central to Jesuit religiosity and missionary expansion. A Jesuit missionary in China, Niccolò Longobardo, requested a copy of Nadal’s book on 18 October 1598:

    Not only books are necessary for us, but also pictures to console and help the new Christians […]. Above all some of the books made by our Brother Nadal with the mysteries and observations on the life of Christ would be of great consolation and benefit here. Because, when these mandarins come to us, attracted by the fame of the Europeans, we can demonstrate to them something that will immediately give us the opportunity to disseminate what is being asserted in these missions. And to help in particular the uneducated it would be appropriate to have a few cheaply-made books which represent in images the mysteries of faith, the commandments, the mortal sins, the sacraments etc. Here all such books are considered very artistic and subtle for having shadows, which are not found in Chinese painting.78

    33Another missionary, Lazaro Cattaneo, reiterated this demand to his general in a letter sent from Macao on 12 October 1599, for ‘the new book with images of the life of Christ’.79 Matteo Ricci, too, had a copy of Nadal’s book, which he lent to Manoel Diaz, who took it to Nanchang. This is why Ricci ordered more copies, in a letter to another Jesuit, Ludovico Maselli, dated 12 May 1605.80 In a letter to João Álvares, dated 12 May 1605, he added that the book “is of even greater use than the Bible in the sense that while we are in the middle of talking we can also place right in front of their eyes things which, with words alone, we would not be able to make clear”.81

    34In China, Nadal’s book led to three major illustrations of the life of Christ in book form:

    • The Song nianzhu guicheng (‘Rules for reciting the rosary’), translated by the Portuguese Jesuit, João da Rocha – or sometimes given to another Jesuit, Gaspar Ferreira – published in Nanjing c. 1619, with twenty-five woodcuts based on Nadal’s book.82
    • The Tianzhu jiangsheng chuxiang jingjie (‘Illustrated explanation of the Lord of Heaven’s Incarnation’) published by another Jesuit, Giulio Aleni, in Quanzhou in 1637, with fifty-six woodcuts mostly based on Nadal.83
    • Jincheng shuxiang (‘Images in a booklet presented to His Majesty’), composed by the Jesuit Johann Adam Schall von Bell and published in Beijing in 1640 (the preface is dated 14 November 1640).84

    35The Song nianzhu guicheng (‘Rules for reciting the Rosary’) is often found after the Tianzhu shengjiao qimeng (‘Instructions in the holy religion of the Lord of Heaven’), a ‘creative’ translation by João da Rocha of the Doutrina christâa, the catechism written by the Jesuit Marcos Jorge and expanded by Ignacio Martins.85 Martins is probably also the author of the second part, although the table of contents credits Gaspar Ferreira; such texts were indeed continuously reworked and elaborated by the Chinese Jesuits. This tendency to rework also affected the Song nianzhu guicheng, of which a later edition exists.86 The text, in the form of a dialogue between a master and a catechumen on the subject of devotion to the rosary, is followed by fifteen sections focussing on three groups of meditations associated with the rosary: the five joyful, five sorrowful and five glorious mysteries of the Virgin. Each meditation is illustrated by a wood-block print, of which all but one are derived from Nadal’s engravings. The second joyful mystery is the Visitation (fig. 13.13), the narrative of which is shown in Nadal’s plate In die Visitationis, ‘On the day of the Visitation’) (pl. 2/CXLIX).87 The text of Luke 1.39-42 relates that, following the Annunciation, the Virgin decided to visit her mother Elizabeth:

    And Mary rising up in those days, went into the hill country with haste into a city of Judea. And she entered into the house of Zachary, and saluted Elizabeth. And it came to pass, that when Elizabeth heard the salutation of Mary, the infant leaped in her womb. And Elizabeth was filled with the Holy Ghost: and she cried out with a loud voice, and said: Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb.

    Fig. 13.13. The Visitation, in João da Rocha, Song nianzhu guicheng, Nanjing, 1619.

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    36Nadal’s print labels the stages of the narrative, beginning with the Annunciation (A: ‘Nazareth, where the Annunciation is represented, after which the Virgin Mother decided to visit Elizabeth’) while the next scene shows the journey (B: ‘Mary makes her way in haste with Joseph to the hill country of Judea’). The adnotatio develops the story: ‘See how the holy Virgin, queen of angels, travels seated on an ass. Joseph follows, keeping to the road and urging the beast on.’88 In Nadal’s print the ass, in fact, is shown again, resting outside Zachary’s house (C: ‘Zachary’s house in the tribe of Judah in the mountains’).The narrative continues with the central scene, the meeting of Elizabeth and Mary (D, E and F) and then with G (‘Zachary and Joseph praise God’), which shows them embracing.89 The Chinese woodcut shows the action within a southern Chinese setting, without any relation to the classical architecture of Nadal’s print, and according to Chinese spatial conventions.90 The central scene shows the Visitation and below, near the entrance, Zachary and Joseph embracing and praising God, while the ass which carried Mary has become an elegant horse, attached to the tree which frames the composition. The features and costumes of the figures, too, are clearly Chinese. This is less so in the Visitation scene that is found in the other series after Nadal, the Tianzhu jiangsheng chuxiang jingjie (‘Illustrated explanation of the Lord of Heaven’s Incarnation’) published by another Jesuit, Giulio Aleni, in Jinjiang (Quanzhou) in 1637 (fig. 13.14).91 The woodcut showing the Visitation carefully copies the entire narrative of Nadal’s plate, with letters identifying the scenes and explained, as in the model, by notes to the plate, and follows the European dress of the original closely. Only in the face of the Virgin is there a hint of Chinese physiognomy, but this is in part due to the absence of modelling on the figures. In the surrounding architecture more attempt is made to mimic the shading of the original, although here too the hatching is much simpler, in part because the woodcut medium allows less scope for the creation of fine parallel lines. The tiling on the floor in the background shows a lack of concern and/or understanding for western perspective.92 Aleni’s adaptation of Nadal was exceptionally successful, being republished, in eight volumes, in 1738 and in 1796, and later in 1852 and 1903.93

    Fig. 13.14. The Visitation, in Giulio Aleni, Tianzhu jiangsheng chuxiang jingjie, Quanzhou, 1637.

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    37The Jincheng shuxiang, finally, has forty-eight illustrations – one of the Four Evangelists, another of the Adoration of the Magi and the remaining forty-six of scenes from the life of Christ, from the Annunciation to the Ascension, each image complemented by a short explanatory text. This publication is rare, recorded in only four copies: one in Paris, one in Rome and two in Vienna.94 The model for the Jincheng shuxiang – the work on which it was based – was a richly illustrated Latin manuscript, the present whereabouts of which is unknown, which was compiled in Munich in 1617. The manuscript, Vita D[omi]ni n[ost]ri Jesu Christi Filij Dei, Filij virginis, e sacro sanctis quatuor Evangelijs delibata & Maximo potentissimoq[ue] Sinarum Imperatori & Monarcha transmissa a Maximiliano Comite Palatino Rheni utriusq[ue] Bauvaria Duce Anno D[omi]ni M.DCXVII (‘The life of our Lord Jesus Christ, transmitted to the Great and Powerful Emperor and Monarch of the Chinese by Maximilian, Count Palatine of the Rhine and Duke of the two Bavarias, in the Year of the Lord 1617’), was a life of Christ based on the Concordia evangelica of Cornelius Jansenius. It had parchment pages with golden letters and fifty images, but was so small that it could be held in the palm of a hand. It was slipped into a drawer of an ebony cabinet which was presented by the family of Maximilian I of Bavaria to the Chongzhen emperor. The other drawers of the cabinet contained more gifts, including precious silver objects and a wax relief of the three Magi. The Jesuit Nicolas Trigault, who delivered the cabinet to China, was also involved in the manuscript’s production. In a letter of 25 August 1616 to another Jesuit, Matthäus Rader, he commented: “Regarding the images […] they can either all be taken from the book of Brother Nadal, or only those that suit. In such a way, however, that one always keeps away from nudity, for which the Chinese have an extreme aversion, except in the Passion of the Lord or the Nativity of the child Jesus.”95

    38The manuscript, having been made part of the Imperial collections, would have disappeared from public sight had not the Jesuit Adam Schall, who translated the Latin text into Chinese for the emperor, arranged the production of a printed version in Chinese. This printed text, the Jincheng shuxiang, was intended both to commemorate the duke’s gift and to spread Christian doctrine in China.

    39The first group of woodcuts in the Jincheng shuxiang is based on Nadal’s Evangelicae historiae imagines of 1593 and Bartolomeo Ricci’s Vita Domini Nostri Jesu Christi of 1607, a book with 160 illustrations of which half are already based on Nadal.96 The second group contains prints from Passion series after Johannes Stradanus, as well as from Hendrick Goltzius, Jacob de Gheyn II and Zacharias Dolendo after Karel van Mander. The third comprises single sheets by Johan Matthias Kager and the Sadelers. The woodcuts in the Jincheng shuxiang show a respect for Chinese artistic conventions, but the European originals are nevertheless followed quite closely. An example of the use of Nadal is Anton Wierix II’s Parable of the Good Samaritan (Luke 10.25-37), plate Incidit in latrones viator, ‘A traveller is attacked by thieves’ (pl. 33/CXXX), used for the twenty-fourth illustration of the Jincheng shuxiang (fig. 13.15). The woodcut reproduces the principal scene, but also the attack of the robbers on the right and the Samaritan bringing the injured man to the inn. The Chinese caption to the right of the woodcut states: “Jesus the Lord of Heaven argues that one should love one’s fellow man without being selective.” The message to the emperor, to love one’s neighbour as oneself, was of course quite a revolutionary idea in the strongly hierarchical Chinese society. This is heightened in the commentary:

    Jesus instructed that one should love others like oneself. Since the Lord of Heaven is the Great Father, all human beings are my brothers and sisters, and they all deserve my love. Once he told the parable of a man who on his travels was left nearly dead by robbers. Someone in charge of sacrifices [i.e., a priest] passed by that place but did not inquire, and a local person also passed and did not inquire either. There happened to be a traveller passing by and he sympathised greatly. He got off his horse and used oil and wine to heal him. He even carried him away and arranged support for him. Yet he was only someone who happened to travel there. To make the heart of the Lord of Heaven one’s own heart is not to distinguish between people from different places. This image is about the duty of loving others as this man did. The small scene above on the right is the harm done by the robbers. And the small scene bottom left is the victim being carried away on the horse.97

    Fig. 13.15. The Good Samaritan, woodcut from Johann Adam Schall von Bell, S.J., Jincheng shuxiang, Beijing, 1640, ill. 24.

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    Nadal in Japan

    40As early as 1584, Marco Ferraro, a missionary in Japan, asked for a copy of Nadal’s book, on the incorrect assumption that it must already have been printed.98 However, given the outlawing of Christianity by the Shogunate in the 1630s, it is not surprising that Nadal proved much less popular in Japan. Influences on the visual arts of Japan were minimal, but a late Japanese bilingual adaptation of Nadal’s book, the Zezusu Genko Kiryaku, in four volumes, was published in Tokyo in 1880, both in Chinese and in hiragana.99

    Nadal in Safavid Iran

    41Nadal’s images also found their way to Christian communities in Safavid Persia, where they were used as models for wall paintings in the cathedral of New Julfa, the Armenian quarter of Isfahan, built between 1606 and 1654.100 There the defeated Armenians were allowed, in the words of the seventeenth-century historian Arakel of Tabriz, “to decorate [their churches] with paintings of the divine mysteries and images of the Saints”.101 Iranian decorative motifs were combined with western models. On the drum of the church are found the Creation and Fall as well as the Death of Abel. The narrative then continues on the south arm of the eastern cross, on the spandrels of the south wall of the western cross, on the spandrels of the west wall, on the eastern arm and on the north wall of the eastern arm, while the north wall of the western arm is covered with a Last Judgement. The walls are divided into six bands showing, from top to bottom, in the spandrels on either side of the single window: a series of Old Testament scenes, typologically linked to the scenes of the life of Christ in the row below; a decorative strip with illustrations of the parables in decorative insets; another row, of rectangular scenes showing more scenes from the life of Christ and the martyrdom of Armenian saints, with panels of ornamental tiles below. The typological relationships are unusual. On the west end, for example, Elisha Healing the water of Jericho (II kings 2.19-22) is linked to the washing of the Feet; the Passover to the Last Supper; Shimei Cursing David to the Betrayal; the Judgement of Solomon to Christ before Caiaphas; and Daniel before Nebuchadnezzar to the Scourging of Christ. The scenes on the west half of the south wall parallel Balaam’s Ass with the Temptation; Angels Guiding Lot from Sodom with Angels Ministering to Christ; the Ark Brought into Jerusalem with the Entry of Christ into Jerusalem; the Golden Calf with Christ Expelling the Merchants from the Temple; and Moses Showing the Tables of the Law with the Transfiguration.102 The student of Nadal will appreciate that the first four of these scenes (fig. 13.16) are based respectively on the following plates from Nadal: 12/XXV (Tentat Christum daemon, ‘The devil tempts Christ’), 14/XXVII (Angeli ministrant Christo, ‘Angels minister to Christ’), 87/LXXIV (Ingressus solennis in civitatem, ‘The solemn entrance into the city’) and 16/LVII (Eijcit primo vendentes de templo, ‘He drives the merchants out of the temple for the first time’).103 The Transfiguration, however, reproduces the composition of a print by Jacques de Bie after Maarten de Vos.104 Wall paintings based on Antwerp engravings are also found in another Armenian sanctuary in New Julfa, the church of Bethlehem: there, no less than thirteen compositions can be traced to those in Nadal’s book.105

    Fig. 13.16. Armenian artist, The Temptation of Christ, The Angels ministering to Christ, The Entry of Christ into Jerusalem and Christ expelling the Merchants from the Temple. Isfahan, New Julfa, cathedral, south wall, western half.

    Image

    Nadal in Ethiopia

    42Jerome Nadal’s name also appears in the Jesuits’ Ethiopian account, which is found in the annual letter from the province of Goa in 1611. There we learn that a close relative of Emperor Susenyos I (1607-1632) had all the engravings in Nadal’s book transformed into paintings, and that the Emperor liked them so much that he too would have given a great deal of money to have them painted for himself. A few days later, when the images were brought to him, he invited the Jesuits to explain them in the presence of his brothers and of the nobility. Having listened to the explanations, the Emperor and his entourage, we are told, praised the faith of the Portuguese. The Jesuits also explained matters of belief to those who visited the palace of the Emperor’s relative, where the images were held, and the latter often praised to his people the Roman church, something the Jesuits thought was promising.106 However there is no evidence that this early encounter influenced Ethiopian art, since surviving borrowings from the compositions in Nadal’s book only date from the eighteenth century. The Jesuits were expelled from Ethiopia in 1633, but it may be that one of them, Charles François Xavier de Brévédent, who returned in 1698, introduced one of the French versions of Nadal’s book: the Abrégé de la vie et passion de Nostre Sauveur Jesus Christ (first edition 1663), or the Histoire de la vie et passion de Nostre Sauveur Jesus Christ (before 1677), or the Tableaux sacrez de la vie, doctrine, miracles …de Nostre Sauveur Jesus Christ (1677).107 One of these books, perhaps together with Nadal’s original contribution, had a major influence, directly and indirectly, on Ethiopian painting in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The evidence for the model having been a French version rather than Nadal’s original stems from the fact that the compositions are all based on the reduced number of images found in the Abrégé and the three added plates found only there; also, with only one exception, the Ethiopian illuminations follow the same direction as those of the Abrégé, in which half of them are reversed.

    43The earliest influence of the Abrégé is found in works from the circle of King Täklä Haymanot (1706-1708), but these are often only single figures or details of a composition. It is later, in devotional volumes based on the life of Christ, that the influence is most obvious, although the compositions are generally simplified.108 An illustrated Gospel of St John, from the church of Tänbén in the Tigray region, which can be dated to the 1720s, has fifty-one mainly full-page illustrations, of which thirty-seven seem to be influenced by the Abrégé. Another, unrelated Gospel of St John in a private collection, made around 1755, contains thirty-six compositions which can be traced back through intermediaries to thirty-five engravings in Nadal.109 Similar examples of influence based on intervening prototypes can be found in Ethiopian manuscripts of the Miracles of Mary, as well as in icons.110 An eighteenth-century Passion triptych bought in Gondar by the Mission Dakar Djibouti in 1932 and now in the Musée du Quai Branly in Paris (fig. 13.17) has on its central panel a representation of the Nailing on the Cross and of the Crucifixion which are clearly based on the French illustrations (fig. 13.18, 13.19).111

    Fig. 13.17. Ethiopian artist (Gondar school?), Passion triptych, 18th century. Paris, Musée du quai Branly.

    Image

    Fig. 13.18. Jesus est cruficié / Jesus is Nailed to the Cross, from the Abrégé de la vie et passion de nostre sauveur Jesus Christ, Paris 1663, pl. 32 (cf. fig. 4 above).

    Image

    Fig. 13.19. Cinquiesme parole de nostre Seigneur touchant sa soif / Fifth saying of our Lord touching His thirst, from the Abrégé de la vie et passion de nostre sauveur Jesus Christ, Paris 1663, pl. 34.

    Image

    44Nadal’s prints were also used for wall-paintings, for example in the church of Narga Sillassie on Dek Island in Lake Tana, northern Ethiopia, commissioned by Queen Mentewāb (Wälätä Giyorgis), mother of King Iyasu II (r. 1730-155). The Transfiguration painted on the north side of the drum of the church between 1737 and 1750 for example is clearly modelled on its engraved source, as can be seen from the figures of Christ and the Apostles, their postures as well as their garments.112 Similarly, the Ascension of Christ on the east side of the drum (pl. 13.20) shows Christ rising aloft, his arms spread out, and surrounded by angels as in the engraving (Ascensio Christi in Coelum, ‘The Ascension of Christ into Heaven’) (pl. 148/CXXVI, C-E): Christ is “[…] taken on a majestic cloud and removed from their sight. Countless angels from heaven join the host of angels and holy souls to receive Him with a jubilant blare of trumpets”; below, “Two distinguished angels vested in white [but not white in the wall painting] proclaim that Christ will return in like majesty and glory to judge the whole world.”113 There are many differences in style and composition between the painting and the print, but certain gestures – for example the hands of Christ and the angels beneath his feet – are copied with surprising precision. Such influences, only recently identified, profoundly marked Passion iconography in Ethiopian art, and numerous works show, sometimes directly but more often indirectly, the influence of their prototype.

    Fig. 13.20. Ethiopian artist, Ascension of Christ, c. 1737-1750. Dek Island, northern Ethiopia, church of Narga Sillassie.

    Image

    Conclusion

    45In our own time images are transmitted around the globe in seconds, and it is no longer remarkable to us to see photographs and films of events that took place on the other side of the globe just minutes earlier. It is easy to forget that this is the result of the digital revolution, and that until recently photojournalists caught planes to bring negatives home to the press.114 Before air travel, images travelled by ship: before photography, hand-made images travelled by sailing ship. But even in the days of sail, some images were seen on four continents; and Jerome Nadal’s Imagines were the first in history to achieve this status.

    46Quite how Nadal’s images were viewed, by peoples from such divergent cultural backgrounds, begs further study. The use of the Imagines around the world reveals the attempt of the Jesuits to provide a clear theological and visual coverage both of Christian history and of the liturgical year, providing not only the images, but also various levels of analysis and meditation. Nadal’s work could provide candidates for the priesthood with full theological implications, could assist the learned in their meditations, and could provide images to help the illiterate visualise the basic religious message. Various scholars have studied the influence of Nadal in limited geographic areas, but as this article has shown, the whole picture is overwhelming, revealing a highly ambitious attempt to propagate the teachings of Christianity. Global imagery began with an intense, conscious programme of propaganda; which, from the perspective of our own time, may not seem surprising.

    Notes de bas de page

    1 For the 1707 edition, see M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs de la Bible dite de Natalis, in Quærendo, 6, 1976, p. 41-45.

    2 J. Nadal, Meditationi sopra li Evangelii che tutto l’anno si leggono nella Messa, trans. Agostino Vivaldi, Rome 1599; M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Wierix illustrateurs, p. 42-43; J.M. March, Las imagines del P. Jerónimo Nadal y las Meditationes sobre los Evangelios del P. Vivaldi, in Estudios Eclesiásticos, 3, 1924, p. 429-31; D. Zardin, Le Adnotationes et meditationes illustrate di Nadal sui Vangeli del ciclo liturgico: il modello e il riuso, in E. Ardissino and E. Selmi (eds), Visibile teologia. Il libro sacro figurato tra Cinquecento e Seicento, Rome, 2012, p. 21-23; see also M. Nicolau, Jerónimo Nadal, S.I. (1507-1580). Sus obras y doctrinas espirituales, Madrid, 1949, p. 171-74. These Meditationi were also translated into Castilian: P. Rheinbay, Biblische Bilder für den inneren Weg: Das Betrachtungsbuch des Ignatius-Gefährten Hieronymus Nadal (1507-1580), Egelsbach, 1995, p. 217, n. 25, with further references.

    3 The French translation is Paris, Bibliothèque Mazarine MS T. 1386=1073; see M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 43. For the two German translations see C. Sommervogel, with A. de Backer and A. Carayon, Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus, V, Brussels-Paris, 1894, col. 1519; also M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 42 and 494.

    4 The Imagines were originally planned to appear in 1586.

    5 B. Ricci, Considerationi sopra tutta la vita de N.S. Giesu Christo, Rome, 1607; see P. Rheinbay, p. 218-222. For the Visitation see R. Dekoninck, A Graphic Koiné for a New Religious Value. The Visual Translatability of the Evangelicae historiae imagines, in Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art / Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 64, 2014, p. 284 and 286, fig. 8.

    6 J. Bourgeois, Vitae, passionis et mortis Jesu Christi, Domini nostri mysteria…; figuris aeneis expressa per Boetium a Bolswert, Antwerp, 1622, with 76 meditations and as many illustrations; see also P. Rheinbay, p. 222-224; and A. Catellani, Lo sguardo e la parola: saggio di analisi della letteratura spirituale illustrata, Florence 2009, p. 137-154, figs 28-29.

    7 Biblia Sacra, dat is de geheele Heylige Schrifture, bedeylt in t’Oud en Nieu testament, overseen en verbetert na den lesten Roomschen text, verciert met veele schoone figueren gesneden door Christoffel Van Sichem, Amsterdam, 1657 (but the title-page of the New Testament bears the date 1646). The Visitation has been reproduced by Dekoninck, p. 284-285, fig. 7.

    8 Jan van Gorcum and Heribert Rosweyde, ’t Bosch der Eremyten ende Eremitinnen, van Ægypten ende Palestinen, met figuren van Abraham Blommaert, door Christophorus à Sichem, Antwerp, 1644. M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 53.

    9 T.S.R. Boase, A Seventeenth-Century Typological Cycle of Paintings in the Armenian Cathedral at Julfa, in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 13, 1950, p. 323-327.

    10 M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 53-59.

    11 Ibid., p. 50-51. See also A. Robin, El retablo de Xaltocán, Las Imágenes de Jerónimo Nadal y la monja de Ágreda, in Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 28, 88, 2006, p. 53-70 (59-60).

    12 M.E. Ermakova and O.R. Chromov, Russkaya Gravyura na Medi (Russian Engraving on Copper), Moscow, 2004, p. 13-15, nos 4-5; W. Deluga, Printed Sources of Seventeenth-and Eighteenth-Century Polish Art, in Print Quarterly, 31, 2014, p. 227-233 (229).

    13 M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 59-60, and ead., Les estampes des Wierix conserves au Cabinet des estampes de la Bibliothèque royale Albert 1er, Brussels, 1982, p. 494-496, for a few of these books; P.M. Daly and G.R. Dimler, Corpus librorum emblematum, The Jesuit Series, IV, Toronto, 2005, J.1059-J.1068, p. 178-195. The re-edition by Abbé Brispot, La Vie de N.S. Jésus-Christ […] illustré de 130 gravures sur acier, Paris, 1853, is found widely, including in the library of Lima cathedral. J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée de Notre-Seigneur au temps des Ming, in Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft. Nouvelle revue d’histoire missionnaire, 14, 1958, p. 103-115 (103), mentions a Chaldean adaptation.

    14 This section does not include discussion of Nadal’s influence in Russia and Poland. I plan to deal with those areas elsewhere.

    15 P. Pirri, Intagliatori Gesuiti italiani dei secoli XVI e XVII, in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 21, 1952, p. 3-59 (35-39), pls V-VI and figs 7-11; see also M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 62.

    16 S. Della Torre and R. Schofield, Pellegrino Tibaldi architetto e il S. Fedele di Milano: invenzione e costruzione di una chiesa esemplare, Como, 1994, p. 345.

    17 According to Pirri, Intagliatori, p. 37, no. 66, the Taurino brothers used pls 29/XIIII, 33/CXXXVII, 34/LXIV, 35/L1, 47/XXXII, 53/LIII, 57/LIX, 69/XLV, 78/LXIII, 101/LXXVII, 102/LXXVIII, 107/LXXX, 108/LXXXI, 110/LXXXIII, 112/LXXXV, 115/LXXX-VIII, 121/XCIIII, 122/XCV, 123/XCVI, 126/XCIX, 127/C, 128/CI, 130/CIII, 132/CV and 133/CVI.

    18 Both paintings were confiscated in 1793, together with an Ascension, a Pentecost and a Salvator Mundi. B. Dorival, Les influences de l’art des Pays-Bas sur la peinture de Philippe de Champaigne, in Bulletin des Musées royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, 19, 1970-1971, p. 7-54 (26-27 and 15, fig. 11); in his Philippe de Champaigne, 1602-1674, Paris, 1976, p. 35-36, no. 54, pl. 54, Dorival claims it was freely copied from pl. 48 of the Abrégé de la vie et passion de nostre sauveur Jésus Christ, Paris, 1663, although the engravings of this book are based on those of Nadal’s publication; D. Lavalle, in his entries for these paintings in Philippe de Champaigne (1602-1674): Entre politique et dévotion, ed. A. Tapié and N. Sainte Fare Garnot, exh. cat. (Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts 2007 and Geneva, Musée Rath 2007-2008), Paris, 2007, p. 95, nos 7 and 8, makes no mention of Nadal. See also R. Dekoninck, p. 285-287, fig. 9. G. Kientz, Philippe de Champaigne c. 1630: A Rediscovered “Pentecost” for the Carmelites in rue Saint-Jacques, Paris, in Burlington Magazine, 153, 2011, p. 797-804 (fig. 24), has identified a new painting from the cycle.

    19 The drawing for the plate was by Maarten de Vos, and it was engraved by Hieronymus Wierix; it replaced an engraving that Wierix had already made after Passeri, showing that the involvement of De Vos was a very late development in the production process; see W.S. Melion, ‘Quis non intelliget hoc voluisse Christum’: The Significance of the Redacted Images in Jerónimo Nadal’s Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia of 1595, in J. Nadal, Annotations, 4, p. 1-50, p. 31-34, figs 11 and 12.

    20 A. Mérot (ed.), Les Conférences de l’Académie royale de peinture et de sculpture au XVIIe siècle, Paris, 1996, p. 133-134, 315-317.

    21 Dorival, Philippe de Champaigne, p. 38, no. 58, pl. 58 (see also above, n. 18, for the erroneous connection with the Abrégé); Lavalle, Philippe de Champaigne, no. 8, p. 95, ills p. 94 and 97.

    22 N. Sainte Fare Garnot, in Philippe de Champaigne, no. 6, p. 92-93, with ill.; Dorival, Philippe de Champaigne, p. 37, no. 56, pl. 56.

    23 For this print see Melion, ‘Quis non intelliget hoc voluisse Christum’, p. 34-38, figs 15-16.

    24 For this sketch and its link with Nadal see D. Freedberg, Rubens: The Life of Christ after the Passion, Oxford, 1984 (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, 7), p. 190-194, no. 46, fig. 129, and for Rubens’s other Assumptions, p. 138-195, nos 35-46, figs 85-128; see also Id., A Source for Rubens’s modello of the Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin: A Case Study in the Response to Images, in Burlington Magazine, 120, 1978, p. 432-441 (432-433). The connection with Nadal was first noticed by T.L. Glen, Rubens and the Counter Reformation. Studies in his Religious Paintings between 1609 and 1620, New York-London, 1977, p. 150-153, figs 75-76; Glen also proposed to link pl. 130/CIII to Rubens’s Coup de lance painted in 1620 for the Recollect church in Antwerp (p. 57-59, figs 15-16). For Nadal’s place in Netherlandish art see J.B. Knipping, Iconography of the Counter Reformation in the Netherlands: Heaven on Earth, Nieuwkoop-Leiden, 1974, s.v. Nadal.

    25 See Nadal, Adnotationes, p. 546: Assumit in caelum Matrem Christus.

    26 Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda aurea, ed. T. Graesse, 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1850, p. 521.

    27 See the commentaries on Matthew 28.5 in the Bibliorum Sacrorum glossa ordinaria, Venice, 1603, V, cols 466-467.

    28 Sir J. Reynolds, The Works, ed. E. Malone, London, 1797, p. 23; A Journey to Flanders and Holland, ed. H. Mount, New York, 1996, p. 31-33. The relationship has been studied by B. Kress, Passeri, Rubens, and Reynolds: A Neglected Source for the Antwerp Descent from the Cross, in Source, 32/2, 2013, p. 35-40.

    29 J.F.M. Michel, Histoire de la Vie de P. P. Rubens, Brussels, 1771, p. 54.

    30 Nadal, Annotations, II, p. 273.

    31 L. Burchard and R.A. d’Hulst, Rubens Drawings, Brussels, 1963, p. 66-68, no. and fig. 37; J.R. Judson, Rubens: The Passion of Christ, Turnhout, 2000 (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, VI), p. 170-72, no. 43a, fig. 136; see also Kress, Passeri, p. 40.

    32 F. Pacheco, Arte de la pintura, ed. B. Bassegoda i Hugas, Madrid, 2001, s.v. Nadal; B. Navarette Prieto, La pintura andaluza del siglo XVII y sus fuentes grabadas, Madrid, 1998, p. 49-50. For Nadal’s influence in Spain see also F. Delgado, El padre Jerónimo Nadal y la pintura sevillana del siglo XVII, in Archivum historicum Societatis lesu, 28, 1959, p. 354-363.

    33 J.F. Mofitt, Francisco Pacheco and Jerome Nadal: New Light on the Flemish Sources of the Spanish “Picture-within-the-Picture”, in Art Bulletin, 72, 1990, p. 631-638; see also the ensuing letters by D. Freedberg and L. Steinberg, with Mofitt’s answer published as Pacheco, Nadal and Velázquez, in Art Bulletin, 73, 1991, p. 503-507.

    34 For this painting and its relation to Nadal see E.R. Cunnar, Jerome Nadal and Francisco Pacheco: A Print and a Verbal Source for Zurbaran’s Circumcision (1639), in Boletín del Museo e Instituto Camón Aznar, 33, 1988, p. 105-112; B. Navarette Prieto, La pintura andaluza, p. 50-51, figs 33-34; V. Gerard-Powell, Autour de Zurbaran: Catalogue raisonné des peintures espagnoles du XVe au XIXe siècles du Musée de Grenoble, Paris, 2001, p. 70-75, no. 6, ills. For the wider picture, I.V. Pérez Guillén, Nuevas fuentes de la pintura de Zurbarán: La estampa didáctica jesuítica, in Goya, Revista de Arte, 213, 1989, p. 151-152 and 153-160 (with more, but less convincing, suggestions); and A. Rodríguez y Gutiérrez de Ceballos, “Las imágenes de la historia evangélica” del P. Jerónimo Nadal en el marco del Jesuitismo y la Contrarreforma, in Traza y Baza. Cuadernos hispanos de simbología, arte y literatura, 5, 1974, p. 98-99.

    35 P. Lombard, Sententiae, iv.1; Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologica, I.2.102.5.

    36 B. Navarette Prieto, La pintura andaluza, p. 50-52, figs 37-38 (but I am not convinced by the link he proposes between Francisco de Herrera el Viejo and Nadal, p. 50-52, figs 35-36).

    37 F. Martín Rosas, Las Evangelicae historiae Imágenes del padre Nadal como fuente de inspiración para un ciclo de pinturas del eremitorio de L’Avellà (Catí), in Boletin del Museo e Instituto Camón Aznar, 39, 1990, p. 87-100.

    38 E. González González, Boeken uit de zuidelijke Nederlanden in Nieuw-Spanje, in W. Thomas and E. Stols (eds), Een wereld op papier: Zuid-Nederlandse boeken, prenten en kaarten in het Spaanse en Portugese wereldrijk (16de-18de eeuw), The Hague, 2009, p. 208. F. de la Maza, El pintor Martín de Vos en México, Mexico City, 1971, p. 63-67, mentions the prints by Maarten de Vos in the Evangelicae historiae imagines and notes the presence of the 1594 Adnotationes in the Biblioteca Nacional of Mexico.

    39 M. Menéndez y Pelayo, Historia de la poesía hispano-americana, Madrid, 1913, p. 169-170; see also M. Nicolau, Jerónimo Nadal, p. 186; J. de Mesa and T. Gisbert, Historia de la pintura Cuzqueña, 2 vols, Lima, 1982, I, p. 13; Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS espagnol 389.

    40 José Juárez: Recursos y discursos del arte de pintar, ed. N. Sigaut, exh. cat. (Mexico, Museo Nacional de Arte 2002), Mexico, 2002, p. 151-155, no. 42, with ill.

    41 L.E. Alcalá, Las Imágenes de Jerónimo Nadal y un retablo novohispano, in Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 64, 1993, p. 47-55. For the altarpiece, C. Bargellini, in Mexico: Splendors of Thirty Centuries, exh. cat. (New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 1991, and elsewhere), New York, 1991, p. 339-342, no. 146, with ills.

    42 A.I. Pérez Gavilán, The via crucis in Eighteenth-Century New Spain: Innovative Practices in the Sanctuary of Jesus of Nazareth at Atotonilco, Guanajuato, Ph.D. thesis, State University of New York at Binghamton, 2010, p. 283-285.

    43 J. de Santiago, Atotonilco: Alfaro y Pocasangre, Guanajato, 2004; A.I. Pérez Gavilán, The via crucis.

    44 J. de Santiago, Atotonilco, p. 159-258, for the correspondences between the Exercises of St Ignatius, the prints by Nadal and the paintings in the nave.

    45 For this scene, see A.I. Pérez Gavilán, The via crucis, p. 89-90, fig. 18.

    46 Ibid., p. 90, fig. 19.

    47 A. Robin, El retablo de Xaltocán, p. 53-70, esp. 61-70.

    48 Ibid., p. 65-66 and 56, figs 2-3.

    49 Ibid., p. 58.

    50 M. Valverde Ramírez, Ignacio Berben, pintor en la Nueva Galicia, in Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 79, 2001, p. 171-178; A. Robin, El retablo de Xaltocán, p. 53-70, with numerous illustrations.

    51 C. Bargellini, Amoroso horror: arte y culto en la serie de la Pasión de Gabriel de Ovalle de Guadalupe, Zacatecas, in XVIII Coloquio Internacional de Historia del Arte. Arte y violencia, Mexico, 1995, p. 504-505; also A. Robin, El retablo de Xaltocán, p. 58.

    52 Ibid., p. 58.

    53 S. Sebastián López, El arte iberoamericano del siglo XVIII, in Arte Iberoamericano desde la colonización a la independencia, 2 parts (Summa Artis, xxviii and xxix), Madrid, 1985, 2nd ed. 1992, part 2, El Barroco tardío. Méjico, Centroamérica y Cuba, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Brasil, Paraguay, Argentina y Chile, Estados Unidos, p. 150-156 (esp. p. 153, fig. 138).

    54 J. de Mesa and T. Gisbert, Historia, I, p. 105-06; see also J. Bernales Ballesteros, La pintura en Lima durante el Virreinato, in Pintura en el Virreinato del Perú, Lima, 1989, p. 103. A set of paintings of the life of Christ after the engravings are found, for example, in the Capilla de la Penitenciara in the church of San Pedro in Lima: L. Fiocco Bloisa, El grabado, medio peregrino entre Europa y América virreinal, in C. Michaud and J. Torres della Pina (eds), Colección Barbosa-Stern. De Amberes al Cusco. El grabado europeo como fuente del arte virreinal, exh. cat. (Centro Cultural de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2009), Lima, 2009, p. 44.

    55 M.C. Garcia Saiz, Las Imágenes de la historia evangélica del P. Jerónimo Nadal y la pintura en Ayacucho (Perú), in Cuadernos de arte colonial, 4, 1988, p. 43-66. R. Dekoninck, A Graphic Koiné, p. 286 and 288, fig. 10, reproduces and studies a painting which combines scenes of the Canaanite woman and the Healing of the Centurion’s Servant, in the Monasterio de Santa Teresa in Ayacucho, based on the engravings from Nadal’s book, 61/XXXI (De Cananaea, illustrated here as fig. 3) and 27/XIII (Sanatur servus Centurionis).

    56 M.C. Garcia Saiz, Las Imágenes, p. 44.

    57 Ibid., p. 51-58.

    58 Ibid., p. 46-51 (image p. 46).

    59 Ibid., p. 48-49, figs 3-6.

    60 For the print, see W.S. Melion, ‘Quis non intelliget hoc voluisse Christum’, p. 25-30, figs 13-14. For the painting, J. Mariazza Foy in J. Torres de la Pina (ed.), Mestizo del renacimiento al barroco andino, Lima, 2008, p. 118-119, with ill.; and L. Fiocco Bloisa, El grababo, p. 36-37 and 44, with ills.

    61 Nadal, pls 35/LI (De Samaritana, ‘The Samaritan woman’) and 121/XCIIII (Flagellatur Christus, ‘Christ is scourged’) (fig. 14). For the paintings see L. Fiocco Bloisa, El grababo, p. 41-45, figs 13-14.

    62 For the paintings see R. Mujica Pinilla, De centros y periferias: Del grabado europeo al lienzo virreinal peruano, in De Amberes al Cusco, p. 71-73, fig. 28; and L. Fiocco Bloisa, El grababo, p. 44-45, fig. 15.

    63 J.E. Nieremberg, De la diferencia entre lo temporal y eterno, facs. ed., intr. by F.M. Gil, Buenos Aires, 2010; Gil’s introduction is available online via the Biblioteca Digital of the Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina; G. Furlong, Misiones y sus pueblos de Guaranies, Buenos Aires, 1962, p. 586-587, ill. p. 573-587; S. Fabrici, Un antiguo libro en Guaraní: De la diferencia entre lo temporal y eterno de Juan Eusebio Nieremberg (Impresso en Las Doctrinas, 1705), in Incipit, 3, 1983, p. 173-181; S. Sebastián, Lectura iconográfica de la versión guaraní del libro del padre Nieremberg, De la diferencia entre lo temporal y eterno, in Boletin del Museo e Instituto Camón Aznar, 48, 1992, p. 309-328; G.A. Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions in Asia and Latin America, 1542-1773, Toronto, 1999, p. 173. Most useful has been F. Obermeier, Der argentinische Erstdruck Nieremberg De la diferencia in Guarani im kontext der Bilderzyklen in Lateinamerika im 18. Jahrhundert’, available online via ART-Dok, Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg.

    64 G. Furlong, Misiones, Lectura, p. 572 and 586.

    65 S. Sebastián, Lectura, p. 310 and 318, fig. 2; F. Obermeier, Der argentinische Erstdruck, Buch 1, Lámina 38.

    66 S. Sebastián, Lectura, p. 312; F. Obermeier, Der argentinische Erstdruck, Buch 1, Lámina 38. See J. Nadal, Adnotationes, p. 126 (pl. 74/XXXVIII) and 127-28 (pl. 75/XXXIX).

    67 S. Sebastián, Lectura, p. 313; F. Obermeier, Der argentinische Erstdruck, under Buch 1, Lámina 38 and Buch II, Lámina 8. For prints sent to the Jesuit missions see J. Torre Revello, Un envío de imágenes con destino a las Misiones Jesuíticas, in Boletín de la Comisión Nacional de Museos y de Monumentos y Lugares Históricos, I, 1939, p. 25-32; J.A. Manrìque, La estampa como fuente del arte en la Nueva España, in Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 50, 1982, p. 55-60, does not mention Nadal’s books. The influence is referred to by J. de Mesa and T. Gisbert, El arte del siglo XVI en Perú y Bolivia, in Arte Iberoamericano, part 1 (=Summa Artis, xxviii), p. 421.

    68 S. Lopes, El arte del siglo XVII, Guatemala y Centroamérica, Colombia, Venezuela y Ecuador, in Arte Iberoamericano, part 1 (= Summa Artis, XXVIII), p. 622. For a detailed analysis of the painting and a transcription of the texts see T. Gisbert, El paíraiso de los pájaros parlantes. La imagen del otro en la cultura andina, La Paz, 1999, p. 185-188, figs 79-79b, and a few unnumbered illustrations; T. Gisbert and J. de Mesa, Los grabados, el “juicio final” y la idolatría indígena en el mundo andino, in N. Campos Vera (ed.), Memoria del v Encuentro Internacional sobre Barroco. Entre cielos e infiernos, La Paz, 2010, p. 17-42; R. Mujica Pinilla, Hell in the Andes: The Last Judgment in the Art of Viceregal Peru, in I. Katzew (ed.), Contested Visions in the Spanish Colonial World, exh. cat. (Los Angeles, County Museum of Art 2011- 12; Mexico City, Museo Nacional de Historia 2012), Los Angeles etc., 2011, p. 192-193, fig. 144.

    69 J. Maria Vargas, Miguel de Santiago, su vida, su obra, Quito, 1970, p. 59-62.

    70 A copy of the Evangelicae historiae imagines was in the library of the wealthy Portuguese merchant in Antwerp, Manuel Ximenez. In an inventory of 1617, it was valued for as much as 80 florins. C. Göttler, Last Things: Art and the Religious Imagination in the Age of Reform, Turnhout, 2010, p. 275.

    71 E. Maclagan, The Jesuits and the Great Mogul, London, 1932; see also Id., The Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar, in Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 65, 1896, p. 38-112.

    72 E. Maclagan, Jesuit Missions, p. 68-69; see also G.A. Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions, p. 116-117.

    73 Ibid., p. 123 and 129. Plate 33/CXXX of Nadal’s book (here fig. 31) is found in a Mughal album in Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Museum; see G.A. Bailey, “The Truth-Showing Mirror”: Jesuit Catechism and the Arts in Mughal India, in J.W. O’Malley et al. (ed.), The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts 1540-1773, Toronto, 1999, p. 385-386 and 387, fig. 18.5.

    74 G.A. Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions, p. 128-30. For Jahangir’s early interest in Christian art see A. Kumar Das, Prince Salim and Christian Art, in J. Flores and N. Vassallo e Silva (ed.), Goa and the Great Mughal, exh. cat. (Lisbon, Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation 2004), London, 2004, p. 163-169.

    75 From a letter preserved in Rome, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Goa 46 I, fols 52v-53r; English translation from G.A. Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions, p. 129; see also Id., “Truth-Showing Mirror”, p. 392.

    76 J. Xavier, Dāstān i Masīh: Historia Christi persice conscripta… Latine reddita & animadversionibus notata a Ludovico de Dieu, Leiden, 1639.

    77 The miniature in the Victoria and Albert Museum (D.402-1885) is 11.6 cm wide, the print in Nadal is 14.5 cm wide, but the former presents a cropped version of Nadal’s image. S. Stronge, Painting for the Mughal Emperor: The Art of the Book 1560-1660, London, 2002, p. 111-113, pls 78-79; for Nadal’s print see W.S. Melion, ‘Quis non intelliget hoc voluisse Christum’, p. 5-17, figs 3-4. F. Weis, The Impact of Nadal’s Evangelicae Historiae Imagines on the Illustrations of the Akbarnama in the Victoria and Albert Museum, in Indo-Asiatische Zeitschrift, 6/7, 2002-2003, p. 95-117, proposed that Nadal’s Imagines was the source for three surviving Mughal miniatures from the Akbarnama. The relationship proposed by Y. Rice, A Persian Mahabharata: The 1598-1599 Razmnama, in Manoa, 22, 2010, p. 128, between a representation of the Sarngaka Birds Survive the Burning of the Khandava Forest in the Philadelphia Razmnama and pl. 131/CIIII (Christus descendens ad inferos, ‘Christ descending into hell’) of Nadal’s book is also not obvious to me.

    78 «Quella necessità che abbiamo de’ libri, l’abbiamo anche di imagini per potere consolare et aiutare i nuovi christiani […] . Sopra tutto ci sariano qui di singolar consolatione et profitto un paro di quei libri che fece il nostro P. Natale con li misterij e considerationi della Vita di Christo; perchè, quando vengono questi mandarini, tirati dalla fama degli Europei, gli possiamo mostrar cosa che ci dia subito occasione di seminare quel che si pretende in queste missioni. Et per aiutare particolarmente l’idioti verriano assai a proposito alcuni libri dozzenali, dove si rappresentano con figure li misterij della fede, li comandamenti, li peccati mortali, li sacramenti etc. Quali tutti si stimano qui per molto artificiosi e sottili, perhaver quell’ombre che non tengono le pitture cinesi.» M. Ricci, Opere storiche, ed. by T. Venturi, 2 vols, Macerata, 1913, II, p. 475, n. 2; P.M. d’Elia, Le origini dell’arte cristiana cinese (1583-1640), Rome, 1939, p. 80; H. Bernard, L’art chrétien en Chine du temps du P. Matthieu Ricci, in Revue d’histoire des missions, 12, 1935, p. 218; P. Rheinbay, Nadal’s Religious Iconography Reinterpreted by Aleni for China, in T. Lippiello and R. Malek (ed.), ‘Scholar from the West’: Giulio Aleni S.J. (1582-1649) and the Dialogue between Christianity and China, Sankt Augustin-Nettetal, 1997, p. 323-334 (329).

    79 P.M. d’Elia, Le origini, p. 82-83; see J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée, p. 104.

    80 M. Ricci, Lettere (1580-1609), ed. by F. D’Arelli with contributions from F. Mignini and S. Bozzola, Macerata, 2001, p. 380, no. 38. P.M. d’Elia, Le origini, p. 81-82.

    81 «[…] più utile è anco quel libro che questo della Bibbia per adesso, poichè con quello dichiariamo, anzi poniamo avanti agli occhi quello che alle volte con parole non possiamo dichiarare.» M. Ricci, Lettere, p. 406, no. 43; P.M. d’Elia, Le origini, p. 81-82; for the translation see N. Standaert, An Illustrated Life of Christ Presented to the Chinese Emperor: The History of Jincheng shuxiang (1640), Sankt Augustin, 2007, p. 13 n. 9.

    82 N. Standaert, An Illustrated Life, p. 12-13, with bibliography; Elia, Le origini, p. 67-119, with numerous illustrations next to Nadal’s plates.

    83 Ibid., p. 13-14, with bibliography; J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée, p. 103-15; P. Rheinbay, Nadal’s Religious Iconography Reinterpreted; R. Dekoninck, A Graphic Koinè, p. 288-290, fig. 11.

    84 See N. Standaert, An Illustrated Life.

    85 For an extensive bibliography see ibid., p. 12-13 n. 6-7. For this book see most recently M. Reed and P. Demattè, China on Paper: European and Chinese Works from the Late Sixteenth to the Early Nineteenth Century, Malibu, 2007, p. 168-171, no. 16.

    86 There are copies in Rome, Biblioteca nazionale centrale, and in Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France. M. Cohen and N. Monnet, Impressions de Chine, exh. cat. (Paris, Galerie Colbert, Bibliothèque nationale 1992), Paris, 1992, p. 110-11; M. Reed and P. Demattè, p. 169.

    87 J. Nadal, Adnotationes, p. 537-42.

    88 Ibid., p. 538: Vide ut iter faciat sancta Virgo Angelorum omnium domina insidens asinae, sequitur Joseph, urget asinani.

    89 Ibid., p. 577 and 578.

    90 For this print see P.M. d’Elia, Le origini, p. 76, ill. p. 89; J. Jennes, Invloed der Vlaamsche prentkunst in Indië, China en Japan tijdens de XVIe en XVIIe eeuw, Louvain, 1943, p. 110 and 169, pl. XVII; M. Cohen and N. Monnet, Impressions de Chine, p. 110, no. 69, with ill.

    91 N. Standaert, An illustrated life, p. 13-14 n. 10, for the basic bibliography. This book, too, has other editions; J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée, p. 103-115. For a 19th-century version, after a version of P. Brispot, La vie de N.S. Jésus-Christ écrite par les quatre Evangiles, 2nd ed, Paris, 1853, see Y. Sun, Cultural Translatability and the Presentation of Christ as Portrayed in Visual Images from Ricci to Aleni, in R. Malek (ed.), The Chinese Face of Jesus Christ, II, Sankt Augustin-Nettetal, 2003, p. 461-498 (484).

    92 M. Cohen and N. Monnet, Impressions de Chine, p. 112, no. 70, with ill.

    93 J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée, p. 113-114.

    94 N. Standaert, An illustrated life, p. 14-15; R. Dekoninck, A Graphic Koinè, p. 288.

    95 The letter is in Munich, Archivum Monacense Societatis Jesu, M I 30, 82; cited from the translation in N. Standaert, An illustrated life, p. 30.

    96 Ibid., p. 57 and see also p. 91-96, table 4.

    97 Ibid., p. 205-08. I am grateful to Phoebe Sum Yue Liu at the Warburg Institute for her assistance in revising Standaert’s translation of the Chinese text (p. 208).

    98 See P.M. d’Elia, Le origini, p. 79 n. 4; also P. Rheinbay, Nadal’s Religious Iconography Reinterpreted, p. 326. See the contribution by S. Morischita in this volume.

    99 J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée, p. 113-114.

    100 For the cathedral and its wall paintings see T.S.R. Boase, A Seventeenth-Century Typological Cycle, p. 323-327; J. Carswell, New Julfa: The Armenian Churches and Other Buildings, Oxford, 1968, p. 30-34, fig. 10, pl. III.

    101 Arakel of Tabriz, Collection d’histoires arméniennes, trans. M.-F. Broset, St Petersburg, 1874, p. 302.

    102 I have used T.S.R. Boase, A Seventeenth-Century Typological Cycle, p. 324-25, for the identification of the scenes.

    103 G.A. Bailey, Counter Reformation Symbolism and Allegory in Mughal Painting, Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1996, p. 188 n. 20, mentioned the book of Nadal as a source for the paintings. More recently see S. Laporte-Eftekharian, Diffusion et exploitation des gravures religieuses dans la Perse Safavide: L’exemple de la Nouvelle Djoulfa, in Annales d’histoire de l’art et d’archéologie, 25, 2003, p. 51-70, esp. 56-65, figs 5-9; and ead., Transmission et métamorphose de modèles iconographiques occidentaux, principalement flamands, dans les églises de la Nouvelle-Djoulfa (Ispahan), in Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art, 73, 2004, p. 63-80, esp. 64-69, 72-75 and 79, figs 1-2 and 7-8.

    104 S. Laporte-Eftekharian, Diffusion et exploitation, p. 64-65, figs 10-11.

    105 For the church, J. Carswell, New Julfa, p. 50- 51, fig. 18, pl. II. For this conclusion, S. Laporte-Eftekharian, Diffusion et exploitation, p. 61 (also p. 55-58, 61-66, figs 6-9); Ead., Transmission et métamorphose, esp. p. 65-69 and 79, figs 1-2.

    106 Relationes et epistolae variorum: Pars prima, liber ii (Rerum Aethiopicarum scriptores occidentales, XI), ed. by C. Beccari, Rome, 1911, p. 209, ‘Ex litteris annuis Provinciae Goanae an. 1611’. See P. Caraman, The Lost Empire: The Story of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, 1555-1634, London, 1985, p. 82; C. Bosc-Tiessé, Les îles de la mémoire : fabrique des images et écriture de l’histoire dans les églises du lac Tānā, Éthiopie, XVIe-XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 2008, p. 99-102.

    107 J. Mercier, Les sources iconographiques occidentales du cycle de la vie du Christ dans la peinture éthiopienne du dix-huitième siècle, in Journal asiatique, 287, 1999, esp. p. 379-385.

    108 J. Mercier, La peinture éthiopienne à l’époque axoumite et au XVIIIe siècle, in Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. Comptes rendu des séances de l’année 2000, Paris, 2000, p. 35-65 and, for a synoptic table of the link with the Abrégé, p. 66-70.

    109 Formerly Sam Fogg, London, sold in 2006. See J. Mercier, Ethiopian Art History, in D.E. Horowitz (ed.), Ethiopian Art: The Walters Art Museum, Baltimore, 2001, p. 63-64 and 67, fig. 24.

    110 J. Mercier, Les sources, esp. p. 378, 381-382, 384-385, figs 1-8. He recorded the use of 47 prints of Nadal’s book in Ethiopia.

    111 C. Bosc-Tiessé and A. Wion, Peintures sacrées d’Éthiopie : Collection de la Mission Dakar-Djibouti, St-Maur-des-Fossés, 2005, p. 52-53 and see also the triptych on p. 50-51.

    112 C. Bosc-Tiessé, The Use of Occidental Engravings in Ethiopian Painting in the 17th and 18th Centuries, in M.J. Ramos with I. Boavida (ed.), The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art: On Portuguese-Ethiopian Contacts in the 16th-17th Centuries, Aldershot, 2004, p. 87-99 (esp. p. 88-89, pl. 5); for the church paintings, also ead., Les îles de la mémoire, p. 314-26.

    113 C. Bosc-Tiessé, Les îles de la mémoire, esp. p. 316, fig. 17, and 491, pl. XX.

    114 H. Evans, Pictures on a Page: Photo-Journalism, Graphics and Picture Editing, London, 1997, preface.

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    1 For the 1707 edition, see M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs de la Bible dite de Natalis, in Quærendo, 6, 1976, p. 41-45.

    2 J. Nadal, Meditationi sopra li Evangelii che tutto l’anno si leggono nella Messa, trans. Agostino Vivaldi, Rome 1599; M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Wierix illustrateurs, p. 42-43; J.M. March, Las imagines del P. Jerónimo Nadal y las Meditationes sobre los Evangelios del P. Vivaldi, in Estudios Eclesiásticos, 3, 1924, p. 429-31; D. Zardin, Le Adnotationes et meditationes illustrate di Nadal sui Vangeli del ciclo liturgico: il modello e il riuso, in E. Ardissino and E. Selmi (eds), Visibile teologia. Il libro sacro figurato tra Cinquecento e Seicento, Rome, 2012, p. 21-23; see also M. Nicolau, Jerónimo Nadal, S.I. (1507-1580). Sus obras y doctrinas espirituales, Madrid, 1949, p. 171-74. These Meditationi were also translated into Castilian: P. Rheinbay, Biblische Bilder für den inneren Weg: Das Betrachtungsbuch des Ignatius-Gefährten Hieronymus Nadal (1507-1580), Egelsbach, 1995, p. 217, n. 25, with further references.

    3 The French translation is Paris, Bibliothèque Mazarine MS T. 1386=1073; see M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 43. For the two German translations see C. Sommervogel, with A. de Backer and A. Carayon, Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus, V, Brussels-Paris, 1894, col. 1519; also M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 42 and 494.

    4 The Imagines were originally planned to appear in 1586.

    5 B. Ricci, Considerationi sopra tutta la vita de N.S. Giesu Christo, Rome, 1607; see P. Rheinbay, p. 218-222. For the Visitation see R. Dekoninck, A Graphic Koiné for a New Religious Value. The Visual Translatability of the Evangelicae historiae imagines, in Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art / Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 64, 2014, p. 284 and 286, fig. 8.

    6 J. Bourgeois, Vitae, passionis et mortis Jesu Christi, Domini nostri mysteria…; figuris aeneis expressa per Boetium a Bolswert, Antwerp, 1622, with 76 meditations and as many illustrations; see also P. Rheinbay, p. 222-224; and A. Catellani, Lo sguardo e la parola: saggio di analisi della letteratura spirituale illustrata, Florence 2009, p. 137-154, figs 28-29.

    7 Biblia Sacra, dat is de geheele Heylige Schrifture, bedeylt in t’Oud en Nieu testament, overseen en verbetert na den lesten Roomschen text, verciert met veele schoone figueren gesneden door Christoffel Van Sichem, Amsterdam, 1657 (but the title-page of the New Testament bears the date 1646). The Visitation has been reproduced by Dekoninck, p. 284-285, fig. 7.

    8 Jan van Gorcum and Heribert Rosweyde, ’t Bosch der Eremyten ende Eremitinnen, van Ægypten ende Palestinen, met figuren van Abraham Blommaert, door Christophorus à Sichem, Antwerp, 1644. M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 53.

    9 T.S.R. Boase, A Seventeenth-Century Typological Cycle of Paintings in the Armenian Cathedral at Julfa, in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 13, 1950, p. 323-327.

    10 M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 53-59.

    11 Ibid., p. 50-51. See also A. Robin, El retablo de Xaltocán, Las Imágenes de Jerónimo Nadal y la monja de Ágreda, in Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 28, 88, 2006, p. 53-70 (59-60).

    12 M.E. Ermakova and O.R. Chromov, Russkaya Gravyura na Medi (Russian Engraving on Copper), Moscow, 2004, p. 13-15, nos 4-5; W. Deluga, Printed Sources of Seventeenth-and Eighteenth-Century Polish Art, in Print Quarterly, 31, 2014, p. 227-233 (229).

    13 M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 59-60, and ead., Les estampes des Wierix conserves au Cabinet des estampes de la Bibliothèque royale Albert 1er, Brussels, 1982, p. 494-496, for a few of these books; P.M. Daly and G.R. Dimler, Corpus librorum emblematum, The Jesuit Series, IV, Toronto, 2005, J.1059-J.1068, p. 178-195. The re-edition by Abbé Brispot, La Vie de N.S. Jésus-Christ […] illustré de 130 gravures sur acier, Paris, 1853, is found widely, including in the library of Lima cathedral. J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée de Notre-Seigneur au temps des Ming, in Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft. Nouvelle revue d’histoire missionnaire, 14, 1958, p. 103-115 (103), mentions a Chaldean adaptation.

    14 This section does not include discussion of Nadal’s influence in Russia and Poland. I plan to deal with those areas elsewhere.

    15 P. Pirri, Intagliatori Gesuiti italiani dei secoli XVI e XVII, in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 21, 1952, p. 3-59 (35-39), pls V-VI and figs 7-11; see also M. Mauquoy-Hendrickx, Les Wierix illustrateurs, p. 62.

    16 S. Della Torre and R. Schofield, Pellegrino Tibaldi architetto e il S. Fedele di Milano: invenzione e costruzione di una chiesa esemplare, Como, 1994, p. 345.

    17 According to Pirri, Intagliatori, p. 37, no. 66, the Taurino brothers used pls 29/XIIII, 33/CXXXVII, 34/LXIV, 35/L1, 47/XXXII, 53/LIII, 57/LIX, 69/XLV, 78/LXIII, 101/LXXVII, 102/LXXVIII, 107/LXXX, 108/LXXXI, 110/LXXXIII, 112/LXXXV, 115/LXXX-VIII, 121/XCIIII, 122/XCV, 123/XCVI, 126/XCIX, 127/C, 128/CI, 130/CIII, 132/CV and 133/CVI.

    18 Both paintings were confiscated in 1793, together with an Ascension, a Pentecost and a Salvator Mundi. B. Dorival, Les influences de l’art des Pays-Bas sur la peinture de Philippe de Champaigne, in Bulletin des Musées royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, 19, 1970-1971, p. 7-54 (26-27 and 15, fig. 11); in his Philippe de Champaigne, 1602-1674, Paris, 1976, p. 35-36, no. 54, pl. 54, Dorival claims it was freely copied from pl. 48 of the Abrégé de la vie et passion de nostre sauveur Jésus Christ, Paris, 1663, although the engravings of this book are based on those of Nadal’s publication; D. Lavalle, in his entries for these paintings in Philippe de Champaigne (1602-1674): Entre politique et dévotion, ed. A. Tapié and N. Sainte Fare Garnot, exh. cat. (Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts 2007 and Geneva, Musée Rath 2007-2008), Paris, 2007, p. 95, nos 7 and 8, makes no mention of Nadal. See also R. Dekoninck, p. 285-287, fig. 9. G. Kientz, Philippe de Champaigne c. 1630: A Rediscovered “Pentecost” for the Carmelites in rue Saint-Jacques, Paris, in Burlington Magazine, 153, 2011, p. 797-804 (fig. 24), has identified a new painting from the cycle.

    19 The drawing for the plate was by Maarten de Vos, and it was engraved by Hieronymus Wierix; it replaced an engraving that Wierix had already made after Passeri, showing that the involvement of De Vos was a very late development in the production process; see W.S. Melion, ‘Quis non intelliget hoc voluisse Christum’: The Significance of the Redacted Images in Jerónimo Nadal’s Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia of 1595, in J. Nadal, Annotations, 4, p. 1-50, p. 31-34, figs 11 and 12.

    20 A. Mérot (ed.), Les Conférences de l’Académie royale de peinture et de sculpture au XVIIe siècle, Paris, 1996, p. 133-134, 315-317.

    21 Dorival, Philippe de Champaigne, p. 38, no. 58, pl. 58 (see also above, n. 18, for the erroneous connection with the Abrégé); Lavalle, Philippe de Champaigne, no. 8, p. 95, ills p. 94 and 97.

    22 N. Sainte Fare Garnot, in Philippe de Champaigne, no. 6, p. 92-93, with ill.; Dorival, Philippe de Champaigne, p. 37, no. 56, pl. 56.

    23 For this print see Melion, ‘Quis non intelliget hoc voluisse Christum’, p. 34-38, figs 15-16.

    24 For this sketch and its link with Nadal see D. Freedberg, Rubens: The Life of Christ after the Passion, Oxford, 1984 (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, 7), p. 190-194, no. 46, fig. 129, and for Rubens’s other Assumptions, p. 138-195, nos 35-46, figs 85-128; see also Id., A Source for Rubens’s modello of the Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin: A Case Study in the Response to Images, in Burlington Magazine, 120, 1978, p. 432-441 (432-433). The connection with Nadal was first noticed by T.L. Glen, Rubens and the Counter Reformation. Studies in his Religious Paintings between 1609 and 1620, New York-London, 1977, p. 150-153, figs 75-76; Glen also proposed to link pl. 130/CIII to Rubens’s Coup de lance painted in 1620 for the Recollect church in Antwerp (p. 57-59, figs 15-16). For Nadal’s place in Netherlandish art see J.B. Knipping, Iconography of the Counter Reformation in the Netherlands: Heaven on Earth, Nieuwkoop-Leiden, 1974, s.v. Nadal.

    25 See Nadal, Adnotationes, p. 546: Assumit in caelum Matrem Christus.

    26 Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda aurea, ed. T. Graesse, 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1850, p. 521.

    27 See the commentaries on Matthew 28.5 in the Bibliorum Sacrorum glossa ordinaria, Venice, 1603, V, cols 466-467.

    28 Sir J. Reynolds, The Works, ed. E. Malone, London, 1797, p. 23; A Journey to Flanders and Holland, ed. H. Mount, New York, 1996, p. 31-33. The relationship has been studied by B. Kress, Passeri, Rubens, and Reynolds: A Neglected Source for the Antwerp Descent from the Cross, in Source, 32/2, 2013, p. 35-40.

    29 J.F.M. Michel, Histoire de la Vie de P. P. Rubens, Brussels, 1771, p. 54.

    30 Nadal, Annotations, II, p. 273.

    31 L. Burchard and R.A. d’Hulst, Rubens Drawings, Brussels, 1963, p. 66-68, no. and fig. 37; J.R. Judson, Rubens: The Passion of Christ, Turnhout, 2000 (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, VI), p. 170-72, no. 43a, fig. 136; see also Kress, Passeri, p. 40.

    32 F. Pacheco, Arte de la pintura, ed. B. Bassegoda i Hugas, Madrid, 2001, s.v. Nadal; B. Navarette Prieto, La pintura andaluza del siglo XVII y sus fuentes grabadas, Madrid, 1998, p. 49-50. For Nadal’s influence in Spain see also F. Delgado, El padre Jerónimo Nadal y la pintura sevillana del siglo XVII, in Archivum historicum Societatis lesu, 28, 1959, p. 354-363.

    33 J.F. Mofitt, Francisco Pacheco and Jerome Nadal: New Light on the Flemish Sources of the Spanish “Picture-within-the-Picture”, in Art Bulletin, 72, 1990, p. 631-638; see also the ensuing letters by D. Freedberg and L. Steinberg, with Mofitt’s answer published as Pacheco, Nadal and Velázquez, in Art Bulletin, 73, 1991, p. 503-507.

    34 For this painting and its relation to Nadal see E.R. Cunnar, Jerome Nadal and Francisco Pacheco: A Print and a Verbal Source for Zurbaran’s Circumcision (1639), in Boletín del Museo e Instituto Camón Aznar, 33, 1988, p. 105-112; B. Navarette Prieto, La pintura andaluza, p. 50-51, figs 33-34; V. Gerard-Powell, Autour de Zurbaran: Catalogue raisonné des peintures espagnoles du XVe au XIXe siècles du Musée de Grenoble, Paris, 2001, p. 70-75, no. 6, ills. For the wider picture, I.V. Pérez Guillén, Nuevas fuentes de la pintura de Zurbarán: La estampa didáctica jesuítica, in Goya, Revista de Arte, 213, 1989, p. 151-152 and 153-160 (with more, but less convincing, suggestions); and A. Rodríguez y Gutiérrez de Ceballos, “Las imágenes de la historia evangélica” del P. Jerónimo Nadal en el marco del Jesuitismo y la Contrarreforma, in Traza y Baza. Cuadernos hispanos de simbología, arte y literatura, 5, 1974, p. 98-99.

    35 P. Lombard, Sententiae, iv.1; Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologica, I.2.102.5.

    36 B. Navarette Prieto, La pintura andaluza, p. 50-52, figs 37-38 (but I am not convinced by the link he proposes between Francisco de Herrera el Viejo and Nadal, p. 50-52, figs 35-36).

    37 F. Martín Rosas, Las Evangelicae historiae Imágenes del padre Nadal como fuente de inspiración para un ciclo de pinturas del eremitorio de L’Avellà (Catí), in Boletin del Museo e Instituto Camón Aznar, 39, 1990, p. 87-100.

    38 E. González González, Boeken uit de zuidelijke Nederlanden in Nieuw-Spanje, in W. Thomas and E. Stols (eds), Een wereld op papier: Zuid-Nederlandse boeken, prenten en kaarten in het Spaanse en Portugese wereldrijk (16de-18de eeuw), The Hague, 2009, p. 208. F. de la Maza, El pintor Martín de Vos en México, Mexico City, 1971, p. 63-67, mentions the prints by Maarten de Vos in the Evangelicae historiae imagines and notes the presence of the 1594 Adnotationes in the Biblioteca Nacional of Mexico.

    39 M. Menéndez y Pelayo, Historia de la poesía hispano-americana, Madrid, 1913, p. 169-170; see also M. Nicolau, Jerónimo Nadal, p. 186; J. de Mesa and T. Gisbert, Historia de la pintura Cuzqueña, 2 vols, Lima, 1982, I, p. 13; Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS espagnol 389.

    40 José Juárez: Recursos y discursos del arte de pintar, ed. N. Sigaut, exh. cat. (Mexico, Museo Nacional de Arte 2002), Mexico, 2002, p. 151-155, no. 42, with ill.

    41 L.E. Alcalá, Las Imágenes de Jerónimo Nadal y un retablo novohispano, in Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 64, 1993, p. 47-55. For the altarpiece, C. Bargellini, in Mexico: Splendors of Thirty Centuries, exh. cat. (New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 1991, and elsewhere), New York, 1991, p. 339-342, no. 146, with ills.

    42 A.I. Pérez Gavilán, The via crucis in Eighteenth-Century New Spain: Innovative Practices in the Sanctuary of Jesus of Nazareth at Atotonilco, Guanajuato, Ph.D. thesis, State University of New York at Binghamton, 2010, p. 283-285.

    43 J. de Santiago, Atotonilco: Alfaro y Pocasangre, Guanajato, 2004; A.I. Pérez Gavilán, The via crucis.

    44 J. de Santiago, Atotonilco, p. 159-258, for the correspondences between the Exercises of St Ignatius, the prints by Nadal and the paintings in the nave.

    45 For this scene, see A.I. Pérez Gavilán, The via crucis, p. 89-90, fig. 18.

    46 Ibid., p. 90, fig. 19.

    47 A. Robin, El retablo de Xaltocán, p. 53-70, esp. 61-70.

    48 Ibid., p. 65-66 and 56, figs 2-3.

    49 Ibid., p. 58.

    50 M. Valverde Ramírez, Ignacio Berben, pintor en la Nueva Galicia, in Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 79, 2001, p. 171-178; A. Robin, El retablo de Xaltocán, p. 53-70, with numerous illustrations.

    51 C. Bargellini, Amoroso horror: arte y culto en la serie de la Pasión de Gabriel de Ovalle de Guadalupe, Zacatecas, in XVIII Coloquio Internacional de Historia del Arte. Arte y violencia, Mexico, 1995, p. 504-505; also A. Robin, El retablo de Xaltocán, p. 58.

    52 Ibid., p. 58.

    53 S. Sebastián López, El arte iberoamericano del siglo XVIII, in Arte Iberoamericano desde la colonización a la independencia, 2 parts (Summa Artis, xxviii and xxix), Madrid, 1985, 2nd ed. 1992, part 2, El Barroco tardío. Méjico, Centroamérica y Cuba, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Brasil, Paraguay, Argentina y Chile, Estados Unidos, p. 150-156 (esp. p. 153, fig. 138).

    54 J. de Mesa and T. Gisbert, Historia, I, p. 105-06; see also J. Bernales Ballesteros, La pintura en Lima durante el Virreinato, in Pintura en el Virreinato del Perú, Lima, 1989, p. 103. A set of paintings of the life of Christ after the engravings are found, for example, in the Capilla de la Penitenciara in the church of San Pedro in Lima: L. Fiocco Bloisa, El grabado, medio peregrino entre Europa y América virreinal, in C. Michaud and J. Torres della Pina (eds), Colección Barbosa-Stern. De Amberes al Cusco. El grabado europeo como fuente del arte virreinal, exh. cat. (Centro Cultural de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2009), Lima, 2009, p. 44.

    55 M.C. Garcia Saiz, Las Imágenes de la historia evangélica del P. Jerónimo Nadal y la pintura en Ayacucho (Perú), in Cuadernos de arte colonial, 4, 1988, p. 43-66. R. Dekoninck, A Graphic Koiné, p. 286 and 288, fig. 10, reproduces and studies a painting which combines scenes of the Canaanite woman and the Healing of the Centurion’s Servant, in the Monasterio de Santa Teresa in Ayacucho, based on the engravings from Nadal’s book, 61/XXXI (De Cananaea, illustrated here as fig. 3) and 27/XIII (Sanatur servus Centurionis).

    56 M.C. Garcia Saiz, Las Imágenes, p. 44.

    57 Ibid., p. 51-58.

    58 Ibid., p. 46-51 (image p. 46).

    59 Ibid., p. 48-49, figs 3-6.

    60 For the print, see W.S. Melion, ‘Quis non intelliget hoc voluisse Christum’, p. 25-30, figs 13-14. For the painting, J. Mariazza Foy in J. Torres de la Pina (ed.), Mestizo del renacimiento al barroco andino, Lima, 2008, p. 118-119, with ill.; and L. Fiocco Bloisa, El grababo, p. 36-37 and 44, with ills.

    61 Nadal, pls 35/LI (De Samaritana, ‘The Samaritan woman’) and 121/XCIIII (Flagellatur Christus, ‘Christ is scourged’) (fig. 14). For the paintings see L. Fiocco Bloisa, El grababo, p. 41-45, figs 13-14.

    62 For the paintings see R. Mujica Pinilla, De centros y periferias: Del grabado europeo al lienzo virreinal peruano, in De Amberes al Cusco, p. 71-73, fig. 28; and L. Fiocco Bloisa, El grababo, p. 44-45, fig. 15.

    63 J.E. Nieremberg, De la diferencia entre lo temporal y eterno, facs. ed., intr. by F.M. Gil, Buenos Aires, 2010; Gil’s introduction is available online via the Biblioteca Digital of the Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina; G. Furlong, Misiones y sus pueblos de Guaranies, Buenos Aires, 1962, p. 586-587, ill. p. 573-587; S. Fabrici, Un antiguo libro en Guaraní: De la diferencia entre lo temporal y eterno de Juan Eusebio Nieremberg (Impresso en Las Doctrinas, 1705), in Incipit, 3, 1983, p. 173-181; S. Sebastián, Lectura iconográfica de la versión guaraní del libro del padre Nieremberg, De la diferencia entre lo temporal y eterno, in Boletin del Museo e Instituto Camón Aznar, 48, 1992, p. 309-328; G.A. Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions in Asia and Latin America, 1542-1773, Toronto, 1999, p. 173. Most useful has been F. Obermeier, Der argentinische Erstdruck Nieremberg De la diferencia in Guarani im kontext der Bilderzyklen in Lateinamerika im 18. Jahrhundert’, available online via ART-Dok, Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg.

    64 G. Furlong, Misiones, Lectura, p. 572 and 586.

    65 S. Sebastián, Lectura, p. 310 and 318, fig. 2; F. Obermeier, Der argentinische Erstdruck, Buch 1, Lámina 38.

    66 S. Sebastián, Lectura, p. 312; F. Obermeier, Der argentinische Erstdruck, Buch 1, Lámina 38. See J. Nadal, Adnotationes, p. 126 (pl. 74/XXXVIII) and 127-28 (pl. 75/XXXIX).

    67 S. Sebastián, Lectura, p. 313; F. Obermeier, Der argentinische Erstdruck, under Buch 1, Lámina 38 and Buch II, Lámina 8. For prints sent to the Jesuit missions see J. Torre Revello, Un envío de imágenes con destino a las Misiones Jesuíticas, in Boletín de la Comisión Nacional de Museos y de Monumentos y Lugares Históricos, I, 1939, p. 25-32; J.A. Manrìque, La estampa como fuente del arte en la Nueva España, in Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 50, 1982, p. 55-60, does not mention Nadal’s books. The influence is referred to by J. de Mesa and T. Gisbert, El arte del siglo XVI en Perú y Bolivia, in Arte Iberoamericano, part 1 (=Summa Artis, xxviii), p. 421.

    68 S. Lopes, El arte del siglo XVII, Guatemala y Centroamérica, Colombia, Venezuela y Ecuador, in Arte Iberoamericano, part 1 (= Summa Artis, XXVIII), p. 622. For a detailed analysis of the painting and a transcription of the texts see T. Gisbert, El paíraiso de los pájaros parlantes. La imagen del otro en la cultura andina, La Paz, 1999, p. 185-188, figs 79-79b, and a few unnumbered illustrations; T. Gisbert and J. de Mesa, Los grabados, el “juicio final” y la idolatría indígena en el mundo andino, in N. Campos Vera (ed.), Memoria del v Encuentro Internacional sobre Barroco. Entre cielos e infiernos, La Paz, 2010, p. 17-42; R. Mujica Pinilla, Hell in the Andes: The Last Judgment in the Art of Viceregal Peru, in I. Katzew (ed.), Contested Visions in the Spanish Colonial World, exh. cat. (Los Angeles, County Museum of Art 2011- 12; Mexico City, Museo Nacional de Historia 2012), Los Angeles etc., 2011, p. 192-193, fig. 144.

    69 J. Maria Vargas, Miguel de Santiago, su vida, su obra, Quito, 1970, p. 59-62.

    70 A copy of the Evangelicae historiae imagines was in the library of the wealthy Portuguese merchant in Antwerp, Manuel Ximenez. In an inventory of 1617, it was valued for as much as 80 florins. C. Göttler, Last Things: Art and the Religious Imagination in the Age of Reform, Turnhout, 2010, p. 275.

    71 E. Maclagan, The Jesuits and the Great Mogul, London, 1932; see also Id., The Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar, in Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 65, 1896, p. 38-112.

    72 E. Maclagan, Jesuit Missions, p. 68-69; see also G.A. Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions, p. 116-117.

    73 Ibid., p. 123 and 129. Plate 33/CXXX of Nadal’s book (here fig. 31) is found in a Mughal album in Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Museum; see G.A. Bailey, “The Truth-Showing Mirror”: Jesuit Catechism and the Arts in Mughal India, in J.W. O’Malley et al. (ed.), The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts 1540-1773, Toronto, 1999, p. 385-386 and 387, fig. 18.5.

    74 G.A. Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions, p. 128-30. For Jahangir’s early interest in Christian art see A. Kumar Das, Prince Salim and Christian Art, in J. Flores and N. Vassallo e Silva (ed.), Goa and the Great Mughal, exh. cat. (Lisbon, Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation 2004), London, 2004, p. 163-169.

    75 From a letter preserved in Rome, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Goa 46 I, fols 52v-53r; English translation from G.A. Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions, p. 129; see also Id., “Truth-Showing Mirror”, p. 392.

    76 J. Xavier, Dāstān i Masīh: Historia Christi persice conscripta… Latine reddita & animadversionibus notata a Ludovico de Dieu, Leiden, 1639.

    77 The miniature in the Victoria and Albert Museum (D.402-1885) is 11.6 cm wide, the print in Nadal is 14.5 cm wide, but the former presents a cropped version of Nadal’s image. S. Stronge, Painting for the Mughal Emperor: The Art of the Book 1560-1660, London, 2002, p. 111-113, pls 78-79; for Nadal’s print see W.S. Melion, ‘Quis non intelliget hoc voluisse Christum’, p. 5-17, figs 3-4. F. Weis, The Impact of Nadal’s Evangelicae Historiae Imagines on the Illustrations of the Akbarnama in the Victoria and Albert Museum, in Indo-Asiatische Zeitschrift, 6/7, 2002-2003, p. 95-117, proposed that Nadal’s Imagines was the source for three surviving Mughal miniatures from the Akbarnama. The relationship proposed by Y. Rice, A Persian Mahabharata: The 1598-1599 Razmnama, in Manoa, 22, 2010, p. 128, between a representation of the Sarngaka Birds Survive the Burning of the Khandava Forest in the Philadelphia Razmnama and pl. 131/CIIII (Christus descendens ad inferos, ‘Christ descending into hell’) of Nadal’s book is also not obvious to me.

    78 «Quella necessità che abbiamo de’ libri, l’abbiamo anche di imagini per potere consolare et aiutare i nuovi christiani […] . Sopra tutto ci sariano qui di singolar consolatione et profitto un paro di quei libri che fece il nostro P. Natale con li misterij e considerationi della Vita di Christo; perchè, quando vengono questi mandarini, tirati dalla fama degli Europei, gli possiamo mostrar cosa che ci dia subito occasione di seminare quel che si pretende in queste missioni. Et per aiutare particolarmente l’idioti verriano assai a proposito alcuni libri dozzenali, dove si rappresentano con figure li misterij della fede, li comandamenti, li peccati mortali, li sacramenti etc. Quali tutti si stimano qui per molto artificiosi e sottili, perhaver quell’ombre che non tengono le pitture cinesi.» M. Ricci, Opere storiche, ed. by T. Venturi, 2 vols, Macerata, 1913, II, p. 475, n. 2; P.M. d’Elia, Le origini dell’arte cristiana cinese (1583-1640), Rome, 1939, p. 80; H. Bernard, L’art chrétien en Chine du temps du P. Matthieu Ricci, in Revue d’histoire des missions, 12, 1935, p. 218; P. Rheinbay, Nadal’s Religious Iconography Reinterpreted by Aleni for China, in T. Lippiello and R. Malek (ed.), ‘Scholar from the West’: Giulio Aleni S.J. (1582-1649) and the Dialogue between Christianity and China, Sankt Augustin-Nettetal, 1997, p. 323-334 (329).

    79 P.M. d’Elia, Le origini, p. 82-83; see J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée, p. 104.

    80 M. Ricci, Lettere (1580-1609), ed. by F. D’Arelli with contributions from F. Mignini and S. Bozzola, Macerata, 2001, p. 380, no. 38. P.M. d’Elia, Le origini, p. 81-82.

    81 «[…] più utile è anco quel libro che questo della Bibbia per adesso, poichè con quello dichiariamo, anzi poniamo avanti agli occhi quello che alle volte con parole non possiamo dichiarare.» M. Ricci, Lettere, p. 406, no. 43; P.M. d’Elia, Le origini, p. 81-82; for the translation see N. Standaert, An Illustrated Life of Christ Presented to the Chinese Emperor: The History of Jincheng shuxiang (1640), Sankt Augustin, 2007, p. 13 n. 9.

    82 N. Standaert, An Illustrated Life, p. 12-13, with bibliography; Elia, Le origini, p. 67-119, with numerous illustrations next to Nadal’s plates.

    83 Ibid., p. 13-14, with bibliography; J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée, p. 103-15; P. Rheinbay, Nadal’s Religious Iconography Reinterpreted; R. Dekoninck, A Graphic Koinè, p. 288-290, fig. 11.

    84 See N. Standaert, An Illustrated Life.

    85 For an extensive bibliography see ibid., p. 12-13 n. 6-7. For this book see most recently M. Reed and P. Demattè, China on Paper: European and Chinese Works from the Late Sixteenth to the Early Nineteenth Century, Malibu, 2007, p. 168-171, no. 16.

    86 There are copies in Rome, Biblioteca nazionale centrale, and in Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France. M. Cohen and N. Monnet, Impressions de Chine, exh. cat. (Paris, Galerie Colbert, Bibliothèque nationale 1992), Paris, 1992, p. 110-11; M. Reed and P. Demattè, p. 169.

    87 J. Nadal, Adnotationes, p. 537-42.

    88 Ibid., p. 538: Vide ut iter faciat sancta Virgo Angelorum omnium domina insidens asinae, sequitur Joseph, urget asinani.

    89 Ibid., p. 577 and 578.

    90 For this print see P.M. d’Elia, Le origini, p. 76, ill. p. 89; J. Jennes, Invloed der Vlaamsche prentkunst in Indië, China en Japan tijdens de XVIe en XVIIe eeuw, Louvain, 1943, p. 110 and 169, pl. XVII; M. Cohen and N. Monnet, Impressions de Chine, p. 110, no. 69, with ill.

    91 N. Standaert, An illustrated life, p. 13-14 n. 10, for the basic bibliography. This book, too, has other editions; J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée, p. 103-115. For a 19th-century version, after a version of P. Brispot, La vie de N.S. Jésus-Christ écrite par les quatre Evangiles, 2nd ed, Paris, 1853, see Y. Sun, Cultural Translatability and the Presentation of Christ as Portrayed in Visual Images from Ricci to Aleni, in R. Malek (ed.), The Chinese Face of Jesus Christ, II, Sankt Augustin-Nettetal, 2003, p. 461-498 (484).

    92 M. Cohen and N. Monnet, Impressions de Chine, p. 112, no. 70, with ill.

    93 J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée, p. 113-114.

    94 N. Standaert, An illustrated life, p. 14-15; R. Dekoninck, A Graphic Koinè, p. 288.

    95 The letter is in Munich, Archivum Monacense Societatis Jesu, M I 30, 82; cited from the translation in N. Standaert, An illustrated life, p. 30.

    96 Ibid., p. 57 and see also p. 91-96, table 4.

    97 Ibid., p. 205-08. I am grateful to Phoebe Sum Yue Liu at the Warburg Institute for her assistance in revising Standaert’s translation of the Chinese text (p. 208).

    98 See P.M. d’Elia, Le origini, p. 79 n. 4; also P. Rheinbay, Nadal’s Religious Iconography Reinterpreted, p. 326. See the contribution by S. Morischita in this volume.

    99 J. Dehergne, Une vie illustrée, p. 113-114.

    100 For the cathedral and its wall paintings see T.S.R. Boase, A Seventeenth-Century Typological Cycle, p. 323-327; J. Carswell, New Julfa: The Armenian Churches and Other Buildings, Oxford, 1968, p. 30-34, fig. 10, pl. III.

    101 Arakel of Tabriz, Collection d’histoires arméniennes, trans. M.-F. Broset, St Petersburg, 1874, p. 302.

    102 I have used T.S.R. Boase, A Seventeenth-Century Typological Cycle, p. 324-25, for the identification of the scenes.

    103 G.A. Bailey, Counter Reformation Symbolism and Allegory in Mughal Painting, Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1996, p. 188 n. 20, mentioned the book of Nadal as a source for the paintings. More recently see S. Laporte-Eftekharian, Diffusion et exploitation des gravures religieuses dans la Perse Safavide: L’exemple de la Nouvelle Djoulfa, in Annales d’histoire de l’art et d’archéologie, 25, 2003, p. 51-70, esp. 56-65, figs 5-9; and ead., Transmission et métamorphose de modèles iconographiques occidentaux, principalement flamands, dans les églises de la Nouvelle-Djoulfa (Ispahan), in Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art, 73, 2004, p. 63-80, esp. 64-69, 72-75 and 79, figs 1-2 and 7-8.

    104 S. Laporte-Eftekharian, Diffusion et exploitation, p. 64-65, figs 10-11.

    105 For the church, J. Carswell, New Julfa, p. 50- 51, fig. 18, pl. II. For this conclusion, S. Laporte-Eftekharian, Diffusion et exploitation, p. 61 (also p. 55-58, 61-66, figs 6-9); Ead., Transmission et métamorphose, esp. p. 65-69 and 79, figs 1-2.

    106 Relationes et epistolae variorum: Pars prima, liber ii (Rerum Aethiopicarum scriptores occidentales, XI), ed. by C. Beccari, Rome, 1911, p. 209, ‘Ex litteris annuis Provinciae Goanae an. 1611’. See P. Caraman, The Lost Empire: The Story of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, 1555-1634, London, 1985, p. 82; C. Bosc-Tiessé, Les îles de la mémoire : fabrique des images et écriture de l’histoire dans les églises du lac Tānā, Éthiopie, XVIe-XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 2008, p. 99-102.

    107 J. Mercier, Les sources iconographiques occidentales du cycle de la vie du Christ dans la peinture éthiopienne du dix-huitième siècle, in Journal asiatique, 287, 1999, esp. p. 379-385.

    108 J. Mercier, La peinture éthiopienne à l’époque axoumite et au XVIIIe siècle, in Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. Comptes rendu des séances de l’année 2000, Paris, 2000, p. 35-65 and, for a synoptic table of the link with the Abrégé, p. 66-70.

    109 Formerly Sam Fogg, London, sold in 2006. See J. Mercier, Ethiopian Art History, in D.E. Horowitz (ed.), Ethiopian Art: The Walters Art Museum, Baltimore, 2001, p. 63-64 and 67, fig. 24.

    110 J. Mercier, Les sources, esp. p. 378, 381-382, 384-385, figs 1-8. He recorded the use of 47 prints of Nadal’s book in Ethiopia.

    111 C. Bosc-Tiessé and A. Wion, Peintures sacrées d’Éthiopie : Collection de la Mission Dakar-Djibouti, St-Maur-des-Fossés, 2005, p. 52-53 and see also the triptych on p. 50-51.

    112 C. Bosc-Tiessé, The Use of Occidental Engravings in Ethiopian Painting in the 17th and 18th Centuries, in M.J. Ramos with I. Boavida (ed.), The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art: On Portuguese-Ethiopian Contacts in the 16th-17th Centuries, Aldershot, 2004, p. 87-99 (esp. p. 88-89, pl. 5); for the church paintings, also ead., Les îles de la mémoire, p. 314-26.

    113 C. Bosc-Tiessé, Les îles de la mémoire, esp. p. 316, fig. 17, and 491, pl. XX.

    114 H. Evans, Pictures on a Page: Photo-Journalism, Graphics and Picture Editing, London, 1997, preface.

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    Massing, J. (2023). Jerome Nadal’s Evangelicae historiae imagines and the birth of global imagery. In R. Dekoninck, P.-A. Fabre, & W. S. Melion (éds.), « Je révise les images... ». Rome: Publications de l’École française de Rome. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.efr.51796
    Massing, Jean Michel. « Jerome Nadal’s Evangelicae Historiae Imagines and the Birth of Global Imagery ». In « Je révise Les images. », édité par Ralph Dekoninck, Pierre-Antoine Fabre, et Walter S. Melion. Rome: Publications de l’École française de Rome, 2023. doi:10.4000/books.efr.51796.
    Massing, Jean Michel. « Jerome Nadal’s Evangelicae Historiae Imagines and the Birth of Global Imagery ». « Je révise Les images. », édité par Ralph Dekoninck et al., Publications de l’École française de Rome, 2023, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.efr.51796.

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    Dekoninck, Ralph, Pierre-Antoine Fabre, et Walter S. Melion, éd. « Je révise les images. ». Rome: Publications de l’École française de Rome, 2023. doi:10.4000/books.efr.51445.
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