Italian mendicants at Paris in the fourteenth century
p. 533-546
Résumés
This essay examines the two educational programs of the mendicant orders at their Parisian convents, the lectorate and the doctoral program, and the Italians who were sent there to study. Contacts, ideas, and texts acquired while at Paris, were brought back to mendicant libraries in Italy. The largest number of Italian mendicants sent to Paris were Augustinian Hermits. Other places of contact between Italians and scholars from other regions, such as Bologna, Avignon, and meetings of General Chapters, are also discussed.
Cet article examine les deux programmes d’éducation des ordres mendiants dans leurs couvents parisiens, le programme de lectorat et le programme doctoral, et les Italiens qui y furent envoyés pour étudier. Contacts, idées et textes acquis lors du séjour à Paris furent ramenés dans les bibliothèques mendiantes d’Italie. Le plus grand nombre de Mendiants italiens est celui des Ermites de Saint Augustin. D’autres lieux de contact entre Italiens et universitaires venus d’autres régions, comme Bologne, Avignon, les rencontres des chapitres généraux, sont également abordés
Entrées d’index
Mots-clés : éducation mendiante, Paris, Bologne, Avignon, bibliothèques mendiantes
Keywords : Mendicant education, Paris, Bologna, Avignon, mendicant libraries
Texte intégral
1When trying to assess the content and quality of the intellectual life and work of mendicants in Italy in the fourteenth century, one needs to look closely at their contact with the principal center of intellectual life on the Continent, especially in the first half of the fourteenth century, namely the University of Paris. What were the avenues and extent of contact between Paris and the mendicant convents and studia in Italy before the fifteenth century? Were there important differences in this respect among the various orders? What individuals played a major role in the transmission of knowledge between Paris and Italy in this period?
2The easiest avenues to study are those in which there was direct contact, where Italian friars were sent to Paris for advanced study in theology. There were two such programs (a licentiate program and a doctoral program) for each of the four major mendicant orders: the Dominicans, the Franciscans, the Augustinian Hermits, and the Carmelites.
3The licentiate program was the result of a policy in which each of the provinces of an order were allowed to send two or three friars to Paris each year for what was usually a three‑year period of study in theology that prepared them to teach theology in convents or provincial studia in their home province1. Theoretically, depending on the number of provinces in an order, there would be a large number of young friars, usually in their early 20s, arriving in late summer each year to take the place of a similar number returning to their provinces after completing the licentiate program.
4We do not know, however, how often each province took advantage of this opportunity, and thus what the ratio of students among the provinces would have been at any particular time. Where surviving documents do reveal who was at the Paris convent in a particular year and similar documents give us the same type of evidence for other years, it is possible to construct a tentative pattern on the assumption that provinces that sent candidates regularly in the years where evidence exists, probably did so in other years as well. But those are assumptions, not facts. Moreover, most provinces did not mention the names of friars chosen to go to Paris for the licentiate program even if they kept records or minutes of the provincial chapter meetings. Consequently, although the majority of residents at the Paris convent of each order were undoubtedly these students in the licentiate program, it is not always possible to know whether such a list included all residents in the convent or only a select number for whatever reason, and without corroborating evidence from other sources, it is difficult to determine in which category of residency a particular name should be placed, whether in the licentiate program, the doctoral program, or present there for some other reason.
5Candidates for the licentiate program from each province were chosen by the leadership of the province. Competition for being selected, therefore, was solely among the convents within a province. All candidates sent to Paris would have had training in logic and the other arts as well as several years of theological study before being chosen to study at Paris. And when at Paris, they were studying in a studium of the order. While they probably did have access to lectures and debates throughout the academic community during these few years of Parisian study, they were not students at the University of Paris.
6After these years of study at Paris in the licentiate program of the order, these students carried back to their provinces the ideas and sometimes the texts they had acquired during their Parisian residence, potentially bringing back the latest discussions and arguments as well as impressions of the leading figures at Paris. This avenue of intellectual exchange has not been adequately recognized, since so much attention has been devoted to bachelors and doctors at Paris. But for transmission of knowledge, this level of Parisian contact is equally important and numerically perhaps more significant than the doctoral program. To give one example, Balliol College 63 contains the notes of an anonymous English Augustinian Hermit who recorded lectures and disputations he heard at Paris by Francis Caracciolo (the only known text), a portion of the lectura of Dionysius de Burgo San Sepulchro, and the opinions of the Augustinian doctoral candidate, Johannes Parentii of Rome2. It is as likely that this Augustinian note‑taker was a licentiate candidate from the English province as a bachelor of theology.
7After returning from Paris to their province, a licentiate served in teaching or administrative duties within the province, and sometimes even outside the province, at the discretion of the provincial leadership. This might entail teaching in a convent, or for the more accomplished, teaching in a provincial studium, or through election to an administrative position. For example, to take some Franciscans, John Duns Scotus, after having studied in Paris at the lectorate level, returned to England and Oxford, where he lectured on the Sentences before being sent back to Paris to read the Sentences a second time in 1302‑1304/5 (interrupted by his exile for not supporting Philip IV against Boniface VIII) and to be promoted to the doctorate in 13053. Peter Aureol lectured on the Sentences in southern France, probably at Toulouse, before returning to Paris to read the Sentences in 1316‑1318 and incept as doctor of theology4. Arnaud of Clermont, another Franciscan from southern France, lectured at the Franciscan convents in Bordeaux, Toulouse, and Orléans before being allowed through papal intervention to read the Sentences at Paris in the summer of 1333, followed immediately by promotion to the doctorate. An example of election to an administrative position during the time between the lectorate and the doctorate is Pastor de Serrescuderio, who was serving as the Franciscan provincial minister of Provence (1329‑1331) when he was temporarily relieved of that position to return to Paris and read the Sentences (1332‑1333), being licensed and incepting at Paris, before returning to continue as Provincial Minister (1334‑1337)5. Since we are concerned with Italian mendicants, the case of the Augustinian Hermit, Gregory of Rimini, provides a final example. After his time in the lectorate program at Paris, Rimini returned to Italy and lectured at Rimini, Bologna, Padua, and Perugia before being sent back to Paris to read the Sentences and be promoted to the doctorate6.
8In all probability it was from among those who had already had some Parisian study in the licentiate program of an order that one was selected and put forward by a province to return to Paris for the doctoral program. It was not impossible for someone who had never been sent to Paris to be selected, but the vast majority would have had previous Parisian training. This feature has been overlooked in reconstructing biographies of medieval mendicant theologians and in assessing what they would have known and who they would have known at Paris, and when, that is, at what point in their career they overlapped with other scholastic theologians.
9Each province of an order had the right to nominate a candidate each year at the general chapter meeting to be sent back to Paris to “read”, that is to lecture on, the Bible, the Sentences, or perhaps to incept as a doctor. In contrast to the licentiate program, where each province could send two or three friars each year, only one friar from the entire order could be selected each year to be sent to Paris for the doctoral program, first to lecture on the Bible and then to lecture on the Sentences, and then finally to be put forward for licensing and inception. The friar selected as the biblical bachelor would probably be the same one who, two years later, would be selected as sententiarius to read the Sentences. If one was not selected to be sent as biblicus, he had little chance of being chosen later to be a sententiarius, although there are some examples. Only one of these provincial candidates could be selected each year at the general chapter meeting from a field that could number up to 15 or 20, but was probably limited to a handful of viable candidates based on past academic performance and being known by the leadership of the order, particularly by the master, prior or minister general, who usually had the deciding voice, with the support or approval of the General Chapter. With the Franciscans for most of the fourteenth century the choice of the sententiarius was made by the Minister General. For every friar chosen to be sent to Paris for the baccalaureate and doctorate by an order on the basis of intellectual acumen and potential for making a major contribution and bringing distinction to the order through scholarly reputation, there were as many if not more who were chosen on the basis of social background, political connections inside and outside the order, and administrative talent that might lead to the episcopate. The career of Pastor de Serrescuderio is one example of a provincial minister being sent to Paris for the doctorate and then returned to an administrative career within the order and the church. There were a number of Dominicans serving as provincial priors when they were chosen to read the Sentences at Paris, among them Berengar of Landorra in 1308, William de Lauduno in 13137, Bernard Lombardi in 13268.
10Except for occasional mentions in the records of general chapters of the various orders and a few individual documents, such as the listing of adherents at Parisian mendicant convents in 1303 during Philippe le Bel’s campaign against Boniface VIII (and non‑adherents at the Franciscan convent), or the listing of residents at the Augustinian Hermits’ convent in 1326, we do not know the names of those sent to Paris for the lectorate program, and most of those who were sent were not subsequently selected to be bachelors and doctoral candidates at Paris9. Consequently, the following discussion is limited to those known to have been sententiarii or to have incepted as doctors at Paris.
Dominicans
11At the beginning of the fourteenth century several candidates from the Dominican provinces in Italy were selected to read the Sentences at Paris. Of the 10 Italian Dominican bachelors who were successful in being chosen between 1307 and 1364, only four have surviving questions or had their arguments cited by others. The first of these was John of Parma, who read the Sentences at Paris in 1307‑1308 and became a doctor of theology in 131310. The second was John de Regina of Naples, who read the Sentences at Paris sometime between 1309 and 1311, and who incepted as master of theology in 131511. The third was Bernard Lombardi, who read the Sentences at Paris in 1327‑132812. And the fourth was Francis Massa de Belluno, sometimes called de Treviso, who left no work but whose opinions were cited by Gregory of Rimini and Alfonsus Vargas of Toledo13. Part of the reason for this small showing is that the French province of the Dominican order controlled half the appointments, and only in alternate years was a candidate chosen from one of the other provinces. In view of the number of Dominican provinces, 18 by 1303, and the strength of the Dominican order in southern France, which was divided into two provinces, it is remarkable that the four Italian Dominican provinces were as successful in fielding candidates as they were – some ten before the Papal Schism in 1378. Although the records of the Dominican order are good for the period after 1360, Simon de Puteo of Palermo from the province of Sicily was the last Italian Dominican known to have read the Sentences at Paris, specifically in 1363‑1364, before the end of the century14.
12Thanks to the records of the general chapters of the Dominican Order, we know the names of those who read the Sentences at Paris, year by year, throughout the fourteenth century – some 90 percent, and several of those for whom we do not have names we have some of their opinions and arguments as cited by fellow bachelors in their principial debates. By knowing who else was active at Paris year by year, one can hypothesize on what each of those ten Italian Dominican sententiarii might have brought back to their convent libraries. But until we have a good survey of Dominican libraries in Italy beyond the few that have been studied, we can only talk about those they would have come into contact with while at Paris, and those who are cited in the few writings we have from Italian Dominicans.
Franciscans
13Turning next to the Franciscans, the picture is brighter, especially in the first decades of the century. Part of this is due to the fact that the French province of the Franciscan Order had the privilege of naming the sententiarius every three years, not every other year. This meant that in the other two years of a three‑year cycle the Franciscan reading the Sentences came from one of the other provinces. Moreover, the Franciscans divided Italy into many more provinces than did the Dominicans, which meant that each Franciscan province had to compete with 33 other provinces for the two non‑French openings every three years in sending a friar to Paris for the baccalaureate and doctorate in theology. But with fourteen Italian provinces there was a far greater chance that the candidate would be from Italy. On the other hand, one might assume that when a candidate was selected from any one province for the Parisian baccalaureate, it would be extremely rare for there to be another chosen from that same province during the century. Two exceptions, however, in the first two decades of the fourteenth century were John Duns Scotus and William of Alnwick, both from the English province, which included Scotland, and James of Ascoli and Francis of Marchia, both from the Marches province in Italy.
14In the opening decade of the fourteenth century James of Ascoli read the Sentences at Paris and incepted as doctor of theology by 131015. Just before 1320 we have two important Italian Franciscan sententiarii, Landulphus de Caracciolo from Naples in the province of Terra di Lavoro and Francis of Marchia from the province of the Marches of Ancona16. Both would have overlapped with the Italian Augustinian Dionysius of Borgo Sansepolcro and the English Carmelite John Baconthorp. Bernard of Arezzo from the Franciscan province of Tuscany read the Sentences at Paris in 1335‑1336, the same year as Nicholas of Autrecourt17. Peter of Aquila from the Franciscan province of Penna, read at Paris in the late 1330s18. We find, however, the same phenomenon affecting the Franciscans as we did for the Dominicans. After Peter of Aquila, the only Italian Franciscan we know by name who read the Sentences at Paris was Francis of Perugia around 136519. The Augustinian Hermit, Bonsemblante Baduarius, reading the Sentences at Paris in 1359‑1360, cited his Franciscan socius, but not by name. The Franciscan William of Cremona in 1365‑1366 read the Sentences at Bologna, which in 1364 had created a faculty of theology out of the mendicant convents of the city.
15Fortunately the contents of several Italian Franciscan libraries at the beginning of the fifteenth century are known from book lists or catalogues, and have been studied. K. W. Humphreys worked on the library of the Franciscan convent of St. Antony at Padua as well as that of the Franciscan convent at Siena20. Cesare Cenci compiled the catalogue of the Franciscan convent at Assisi, and studied the library catalogue from the late fourteenth century21. What these reveal is a wide range of scholastic texts of authors in and outside the order. Occasionally we have indications of who possessed the volume for a period of years22.
Augustinian Hermits
16The Augustinian Hermits sent by far the largest number of Italian sententiarii to Paris of any mendicant order – a phenomenon that lasted into the 1370s, until the papal schism put the Italian provinces on the Urbanist, or Roman side of the schism. Even more than for the Franciscans, Italy was the center of the order, with the largest number of convents of any national region. Almost half of the provinces of the order were in Italy, which gave Italian Augustinian friars a distinct advantage when voting in General Chapter meetings and sending friars to Paris for the doctorate in theology.
17But the presence of Italian Augustinians at Paris far exceeded that numerical advantage. During the fourteenth century up to 1378‑1379 (the beginning of the Papal Schism) the Augustinian Hermits sent 39 Italian friars to Paris to read the Sentences (65% of the total number of known Augustinian sententiarii). That compares to 9 from Germany, 9 from France, including Aquitaine, 3 or 4 from Spain, and 1 from Hungary. There does not seem to have been any rotation system among the provinces of the Augustinian order as there was for the Dominicans and Franciscans. This resulted in long sequences of Italian friars being sent to Paris, sometimes one after the other even from the same province.
18That policy did not result in promoting inferior candidates. The Italian Augustinian sententiarii included some of the most important theologians at Paris in the fourteenth century, among them William of Cremona, John de Lana of Bologna, Prosper de Reggio Emilia, Dionysius de Burgo Sansepolcro, Gerard of Siena, Michael de Massa, Gregory of Rimini, Hugolino of Orvieto, Bonsemblante Baduarius de Peraga of Padua, Dionysius de Montina or Modena, and Simon of Cremona23. Moreover, all but a few came from Lombardy and north‑central Italy, the exception being James Caracciolo of Naples at mid‑century.
Carmelites
19Italian Carmelites, to the extent the records allow conclusions, had the smallest presence at Paris of the four major mendicant orders. We know of only three in the second quarter of the fourteenth century and one in the third quarter24. Of those, only Paul of Perugia, who read the Sentences at Paris in 1344‑1345, left any writings behind25. The other three are simply names.
Indirect points of contact
20In addition to direct contacts Italian mendicant friars experienced while at Paris in either the lectorate or doctoral programs, there were several other places where they could have come into contact with Parisian intellectual activity. Among these were other universities in southern France and northern Italy where both secular and mendicant scholars familiar with Paris interacted from time to time. The most important of these were Bologna, Naples, Montpellier, and Toulouse. And after the teaching programs of the mendicant convents at Bologna were brought together in 1364 into what was effectively a faculty of theology, reading the Sentences and being credentialed as a doctor of theology at Bologna became an attractive option, not only for Italians but for Germans as well. Among those we find using this route was the Franciscan William Centueri of Cremona, in 1365, and the German Cistercian Conrad of Ebrach, in 136826. Even before 1364 the Carmelite, Michael Aiguani, was sent to Bologna to read the Sentences in 1362 and was subsequently promoted as a doctor of theology. The Great Schism that made Paris inhospitable for Italian mendicants after 1379 made Bologna and Naples even more attractive.
21The papal curia and studium, first at Avignon, then in Rome, was another venue for contact. For the religious orders this was a particularly important site for contact as well as promotion. In addition to the theological course of study at Avignon that brought students and masters of theology together from the various religious orders as well as those not in orders, nuncios representing institutions, bishops and kings created a mixed intellectual and political environment that provided opportunities for learning and career advancement.
22Also by papal request (mandate) a candidate, who had lectured on the Bible and the Sentences at a studium generale of the order, could be examined by three doctors of theology and be granted the doctorate secundum papam. So in the last third of the fourteenth century Italian mendicants were being credential closer to home, which was also the case for German Dominicans and Franciscans, with the few exceptions that were able to obtain support from a Minister General or a General Chapter to be sent to Paris for promotion.
23A third venue of contact were the General Chapter meetings of a particular order, where friars in the middle stages of their theological education could come into personal contact with the doctors of their order as well as some of its leadership. Historians have tended to look only at the decisions made at such meetings, forgetting that there was an undocumented social dimension even if it consisted only in brief contact and conversation. Perhaps more than any other occasion, annual meetings of the General Chapter of an order was the one place where mid‑career friars could meet and get to be known by the leadership of the order, particularly the Master, Prior, or Minister General, which was the principal route to being chosen to go to Paris for the theological doctorate.
Mendicant Libraries A Research Frontier
24Finally, perhaps the richest underused sources for understanding the quality and range of intellectual resources in mendicant convents in Italy and the transmission of knowledge from Paris into Italian studia are the convent libraries in Italy as revealed in book lists and catalogues from the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. What Neil Ker did for England, Sigrid Krämer for Germany and Switzerland, Elisabeth Pellegrin, A.‑M. Genevois and Jean‑François Genest, and most recently Claire Angotti have done for France, has yet to be done with the same thoroughness for Italy27. In view of the large number of Italian Augustinian friars at Paris in comparison to the other mendicant orders, a major avenue for research should focus on Augustinian libraries in lower Lombardy, Tuscany, Umbria, and Rome. To give just one example, the numerous manuscripts of the Questions on the Sentences of Gerard of Siena at the Biblioteca Angelica in Rome – more than in any other library and with traceable provenance, time of acquisition, and names of users – is the kind of research opportunity that would shed considerable light on philosophical and theological learning in the mendicant convents of late medieval Italy28.
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Notes de bas de page
1 Courtenay 1999; Roest 2000.
2 Courtenay 2009a; id. 2013.
3 Courtenay 1995; id. 2012.
4 Buytaert 1953.
5 For information on Arnaud and Pastor, see Courtenay 1996a, p. 330‑346.
6 Clement VI’s letter of 12 January 1345 to the chancellor at Paris in Denifle, Chatelain 1891, 557, no. 1097. The entire document from Reg. Vat. 166, f. 326v is transcribed in Marcolino 1981, p. xi: Gregorius de Arimino ordinis fratrum Heremitarum sancti Augustini, in sacra pagina Bacallarius Parisiensis, qui iam sunt viginti duo anni elapsi in studio laboravit, sex videlicet annis continuis Parisius ac postmodum inde ad natale solum rediens, Bononiae, Paduae et Perusii cathedram tenuit principalem, et iam sunt anni quatuor quod ad legendum sententias rediit Parisius et earum lecturam ibidem commendabiliter consummavit...
7 Denifle – Chatelain 1891, p. 155‑56, no. 696.
8 Denifle – Chatelain 1891, p. 292, no. 854.
9 For the names of those resident at the Dominican, Franciscan, and Augustinian convents in 1303 see Courtenay 1996b, 1993. For those at the Augustinian convent in 1326 see Courtenay 2001.
10 Denifle – Chatelain 1891, p. 175, 275n; Glorieux 1933, vol. 1 p. 221‑222; Stegmüller 1947, p. 231.
11 Glorieux 1935, p. 159‑73; Stegmüller 1947, p. 230.
12 Denifle – Chatelain 1891, p. 865, n°854; Glorieux 1935, p. 64‑65; Stegmüller 1947, p. 52‑53.
13 There are problems with the identity or exact name of the Dominican bachelor who read the Sentences at Paris in 1343‑44. Both Gregory of Rimini (1343‑1344) and Alfonsus Vargas of Toledo (1344‑1345) cite a fellow Dominican bachelor as Franciscus de Treviso. In the records of the General Chapter of the Dominican order in 1342 and 1343 (Denifle, Chatelain 1891, p. 526, #1059; p. 538, no. 1071), the friar designated to read at Paris in 1343‑44 was Franciscus de Belluno, presumably referring to the town of Belluno in the Alpine valley of Piave, north of Treviso. In June 1346 the Dominican General Chapter assigned Franciscus de Belluno, by then Doctor of Theology, to be the lector at Bologna in 1346‑1347, and assigned Franciscus de Tervisio [Treviso] to read the Sentences at Bologna in that same year (Denifle, Chatelain 1891, p. 592, no. 1127). Unless one assumes that Franciscus de Belluno was being assigned two tasks at Bologna, regent lector as well as sententiarius, either de Belluno and de Treviso were two different Dominicans (Denifle’s conclusion, Denifle – Chatelain 1891, p. 592), or there were two Dominicans referred to as “de Treviso,” the senior of which also went by the name of de Belluno. In any event, both Rimini and Vargas cite their contemporary bachelor as Franciscus de Tervisio, or Tarvisio, never as de Belluno. Rimini cites him as a fellow bachelor; Vargas refers to Franciscus’ vesperies, which was a disputation connected with his inception as master. This would suggest that the person to whom they refer read the Sentences in 1343‑1344, incepted in late in 1344 or in 1345, and was sent to Bologna as DTh in 1346. He died in 1354; Kaeppeli 1970, p. 390. His only surviving works are two scriptural commentaries, one on Genesis and one on Tobit/Tobias (Pavia, Bibl. Univ. Aldini 168, f. 1r‑25, 27r‑37v).
14 Denifle – Chatelain 1894, p. 105, no. 1280.
15 On James of Ascoli [Jacobus de Esculo], see Glorieux 1933, vol. 2 p. 236‑37; Stegmüller 1947, p. 184; Glorieux 1935, p. 141‑142.
16 On Landulphus, see Stegmüller 1947, p. 253‑254; Duba 2010, 2016. On Francis of Marchia, see Glorieux 1935, p. 88; Stegmüller 1947, p. 105‑107; Schneider 1991; Atti 2004; id. 2006; id. 2008; id. 2011; Duba 2007 and Franciscus de Marchia 2008‑.
17 Kaluza 1991.
18 Stegmüller 1947, p. 309‑312.
19 Ibid., p. 104‑105.
20 Humphreys 1966, 1978.
21 Cenci 1981.
22 The note in the copy of the second half of William of Melitona OFM’s commentary on Ecclesiasticus (Paris, Bibl. Mazarine, ms. 233, f. 1r) that the volume containing chapters 1‑6 was borrowed from the Augustinian convent at Paris by Nicholas de Virtuto, a French secular theologian at Paris, or the list of Italian Augustinian possessors of a copy of the Questions on the Sentences of Gerard of Siena OESA (Rome, Bibl. Angelica, cod. 101, f. 239v‑240r). For a discussion of the latter, see Courtenay 2009b, p. 254‑255.
23 The two best surveys of Augustianian doctors of theology in the fourteenth century remain Trapp 1956 and Zumkeller 1964.
24 Henry of Aquila, 1324‑1325; James of Auzo, 1327‑1328; Paul of Perusio, 1344‑1345, and Bernard of Rome around 1370.
25 Xiberta 1931; Stegmüller 1947, p. 299‑300.
26 On William of Cremona see Guglielmo Centueri 1967. On Conrad of Ebrach, see Stegmüller 1947, p. 71‑73; Lauterer 1959.
27 Ker 1964; Ruf, Krämer et al. 1990; Genevois, Genest, Chalandon 1987; Pellegrin 1990; Angotti 2012.
28 Courtenay 2009b.
Auteur
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William J. Courtenay
Professor of Medieval History, emeritus, University of Wisconsin
Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence Licence OpenEdition Books. Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.
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