Versione classicaVersione mobile

Les mobilités monastiques en Orient et en Occident de l’Antiquité tardive au Moyen Âge (IVe-XVe siècle)

 | 
Olivier Delouis
, 
Maria Mossakovska-Gaubert
, 
Annick Peters-Custot

Mobilités et contingences matérielles

Monastic networks and livestock activity: relationships and contacts at regional level in the southern slopes of the Pyrenees (6th-9th centuries)

Jordina Sales-Carbonell e Marta Sancho i Planas

Testo integrale

Introduction

  • 1 This text belongs to the research project of the Servei d’Arqueologia de la Generalitat de Catalun (...)

1We are presenting a series of monastic establishments from the 6th and 9th centuries with ties to animal husbandry which, judging from the data, represented an organized network geared towards exploiting these resources1. This forged ties between these monasteries and their surroundings. While written sources provide no direct evidence of this, there are indirect references and archaeological data, which allow us to perceive this network.

2The network spanned a section of the Pyrenees and Western pre-Pyrenees: a mountainous region that roughly corresponds to the current mainland provinces of Lleida and Huesca – that is, a portion of ancient Tarraconensis. The time frame under consideration begins in the immediate aftermath of the fall of the Western Roman Empire (late 5th and early 6th century) and, after the Muslim conquest, ends with the Christian Reconquista in the area, which took place in the 9th century. It is at the end of this period that written sources about the monasteries become more frequent, as we shall see.

  • 2 For a general historical framework on the subject, see Sancho Planas, in press.

3This monastic network linked the territories of the Lleidan plains with the higher ranges of the Pyrenees with the aim of controlling the winter and summer pastures respectively. The bishoprics in the area – i.e. Vrgellum, Ilerda and Osca – that flanked the territory under consideration exercised a degree of effective control over it (fig. 1). Understanding this network will not only allow us to glimpse at an aspect of monastic mobility and the resulting deepening contacts between monasteries, but will also help us better comprehend the economic roots and the political manoeuvring of the elites of the time. In this regard, this network allows us to see the transformation towards the nobility of the Early Middle Ages. Its study must, therefore, be tackled from a broad range of disciplines and points of view, although given the lack of space we shall do so in a more synthetic way2.

Fig. 1 – Bishoprics and monasteries mentioned in the text (map: Marta Sancho Planas and Maria Soler Sala).

Fig. 1 – Bishoprics and monasteries mentioned in the text (map: Marta Sancho Planas and Maria Soler Sala).
  • 3 We have recently rehearsed a study of such features, also related to the possible presence of anci (...)
  • 4 «Si es aceptable el grado de subjetividad de mi posible hipercrítica, se puede afirmar que o es im (...)

4The methodology used in this study has a multidisciplinary character and has relied on a range of sources – mostly archaeological and archival –, which for the greater part comes from older data and excavations. Hence, a revision and analysis of older excavations in light of more recent findings is essential3. A useful illustration is El Bovalar (Seròs) settlement, traditionally considered a chapel with an adjoining hamlet from the 6th-7th centuries and which more recent interpretations actually consider as a fully-fledged monastery. This raises the particular case of influence or presence of Eastern monks in this Western region of the late Roman Empire – with the corresponding impact of this "foreign" presence at a local and regional level. In fact, it is worth emphasizing that an important part of this study lies in identifying or reconsidering as Late Antique monasteries some of the archaeological sites, which we shall mention. Throughout Hispania, identifying monasteries, which pre-date the Muslim arrival is a key current issue in archaeology4. Indeed, evidence about monasteries in this region only becomes clear in the 9th century – that is, after the Muslim period and at the time of the resolution to the Adoptionist crisis.

  • 5 Of particular interest regarding these issues are the recent studies in different areas of the Cat (...)

5Of equally relevant use for our study will be more recent data gathered from archaeological excavations that are currently underway at Santa Cecília dels Altimiris. This is an elevated site in the Serra del Montsec and has recently been interpreted as a settlement born out of the presence of a monastic community. Furthermore, we shall employ all data arising from the latest investigations on the transformation of the Pyrenean landscape, which offer a valuable insight into the worlds of animal husbandry and its ups and downs over the centuries5.

6As for the archives, we have proceeded towards digging out monastic rules and church councils of Late Antique Spain. In addition, other key works from the monastic environment in Western Europe, such as the Dialogues of Pope Gregory I – Gregorius Magnus – become fundamental in understanding the monastic phenomenon in mountainous regions and its close relationship with livestock activity. We shall also refer to the works of Saint Vincent – especially the Donatio in which summer monasteries and pastures are mentioned. Although scarce and indirect, the information provided by these sources is crucial to our study.

  • 6 Sales Carbonell – Salazar Ortiz 2013, p. 40-41.

7The geographical area under consideration allows us to visualize the interactions between lower prairies and higher mountain ranges. We see this in the valleys of the Segre river, as well as the rivers of Noguera Pallaresa and Noguera Ribagorçana, the three being waterways of the broader Ebro river basin (in addition, the latter two feed into the Segre river). We shall occasionally incorporate data from neighbouring Huesca due to the exceptionally valuable documents of the Asán monastery. Within this territorial scope, we must stress the existence of herd trails, which crisscross the ragged edges separating these three rivers and link the winter plains with the summer pastures of the mountains. These high-altitude paths were flanked by grounds, which were put to good use during the journey, and which therefore warranted the establishment of shelters for shepherds and their herds. All along these river basins we find the monastic establishments under consideration in this study. In fact, in previous works centred around the pre-Pyrenees of Lleida, we already noted that all the archaeological sites that showed signs of monastic pre-Medieval Christianisation were located along historically nomadic routes6.

  • 7 The Ilerda-Vrgellum/plain-mountain link has been extensively explained in Sales Carbonell – Salaza (...)

8At an episcopal level, this territory is articulated within the dioceses of Lleida and Urgell, which in themselves constitute a strong link between pastures and mountains7. As mentioned beforehand, as we move westward we find a close relationship between the bishopric of Huesca and the centre of Saint Victorian of Asán – first hermit, then monastic – which was founded by said saint of trans-Pyrenean origins. In time, he would become the bishop of Huesca: Vincent, whose donation to the monastery is preserved along with his will, are both documents from the 6th century (fig. 2).

Fig. 2 – La seu d’Urgell (Vrgellum). Late Antique episcopal see which, together with Ilerda and Osca, exercised control over monasteries and herds in the Pyrenees and pre-Pyrenees (photo: Queralt Boix).

Fig. 2 – La seu d’Urgell (Vrgellum). Late Antique episcopal see which, together with Ilerda and Osca, exercised control over monasteries and herds in the Pyrenees and pre-Pyrenees (photo: Queralt Boix).

Dismantling of the Roman model and the importance of livestock activity for new monasteries

  • 8 According to Orosius, the allocation was raffled: Historiarum aduersum paganos, VII, 40, 9.
  • 9 Ydatius, Cont. Chron. Hieron., a. 410. Against the optimism of contemporary authors such as Orosi (...)
  • 10 Orosius, Historiarum aduersum paganos, VII, 41, 7. A very similar situation is reported in neighbo (...)

9During the 5th century instability and chaos became widespread across Hispania following the invasions of the Suebi, Vandals, Alans and the Visigoths8. Only Tarraconensis remained provisionally under Roman rule. Nevertheless, the inhabitants of this province had to contend not only with paying an ever increasing tribute to the Roman state, but also had to deal with the devastating ransacking of the surrounding countryside, leading to famine and disease. A worthwhile account of the times is provided by Hydatius, who explains how in Hispania the city resources were «devoured» by tax-collectors and armies9. Even more revealing are Orosius’ words, who when referring to Hispania stated that some Romans would rather live poorly yet in freedom among the barbarians than struggle under the weight of Roman tax10. In this regard, the desire of small and large landowners to look for ways of avoiding tax payments seems all the more logical when we consider that the Roman state was not even capable of defending the territory from ever more frequent barbarian attacks.

  • 11 It is in this context that we should examine the constant news of the 5th and 6th centuries referr (...)
  • 12 Research into Visigothic law shows the existence of laws against slaves running away. Thompson, in (...)

10On the one hand, a number of large landowners found ways of surviving by dealing with the different powers and by making inroads into the ecclesiastical hierarchy, which was exempt from paying tribute11. On the other hand, the greater mass of humiliores – urban dwellers and rural folk – had to search for their own alternatives in order to circumvent the tax burden, which in many cases led to «physical escape» from Roman authorities and the barbarians. To these «free runaways» we must add the slaves, who increasingly escaped in the fifth and sixth centuries12.

  • 13 Indeed, a wide range of monasteries is documented during the entire Late Antiquity. When Augustine (...)
  • 14 Regula Communis, 1.

11According to sources, then, this fifth century context of escape from imperial authority becomes the perfect environment for the establishment of new communities, including monasteries in remote locations – preferably in high mountains, far from ravaged cities. They organize themselves according to a new political and social reality, eventually breaking free from tax authorities and barbarian attacks alike. It is here that we find a wide range of so-called monasteries: family-run, double, male, female13. Most are probably founded by these humiliores, not unfrequently guided by some older reputable landowner, or even members of the old Hispano-Roman elites who adapted to the new circumstances, as Fructuosus of Braga makes patently clear in the 7th century: in the introduction to the Regula Communis he laments how «some, fearing Hell, turn their homes into monasteries, and together with their wives, children, servants and neighbours, gather for a joint life under one vote. They consecrate churches to their villas under the patronage of some martyr, and they apply to it the false name of monastery»14.

12It is important to emphasize how higher locations such as mountaintops and other areas of difficult access were ideal to these «runaways», since the Roman administration and the barbarians relied on the Roman road network for their movements, which took them across lower ranges and more accessible areas. Hence, ransacking usually took place in cities and around areas with easy communication.

  • 15 Orosius, Historiarum aduersum paganos, V, 4, 4.
  • 16 Ibid., V, 4, 1.

13As far as the Roman authorities were concerned, the mountain was traditionally understood to be a dangerous and subversive geographical element, and in Hispania’s ancient history, there are a number of eloquent testimonies to this. Take the case of Viriatus, the indigenous chieftain – terror romanorum – who during the Roman conquest of Hispania used the mountains as a refuge and even displayed his trophies there – insignia romana in montibus suis tropaea praefixit15. Roman historiography shows Viriatus as a shepherd and a bandit – homo pastoralis et latro16 –, thereby introducing the idea of the shepherd/thief as opposed to the land-bound farmer who is unable to break free from the control of the authorities. Therefore, it is highly likely that the early episcopal elites, who were little more than heirs of the older members of the curiae, had to face this inhospitable mountain world and its related activities such as stockbreeding, with roots so deep that when the Western Roman Empire collapsed they would flourish with increasing strength. This happens in the Pyrenees: although written sources do not describe it explicitly, they do mention the chaos prior to the 5th century, while archaeology reveals the situation later in the 6th and 7th centuries, as we shall see.

  • 17 Martínez Díez – Rodríguez 1984, p. 300-301.

14To sum up, some of the humiliores ran away to the mountains, where they reorganized following a certain autarchy, whereas the honestiores wielded power in the cities, often in agreement with the barbarians and preferably under ecclesiastical umbrella. Little wonder, then, that the cities which do survive and gain some importance do so under the auspices of an episcopal seat and that they are to be led by new patroni, that is, the bishops. In this context, the local/episcopal elites strike forward and seek overall control of the territory, which includes the «forgotten» mountain regions, provoking reactions, including the self-proclamation of many areas as «monastic communities» in order to avoid the tax burden of the main episcopal seat, as is reflected in conciliar canons. Indeed, in the year 546, in a clear attempt at territorial and fiscal control by the Church, in the Council of Ilerda the freestanding monasteries and the monks who are not ordained are explicitly anathematized. Moreover, the sudden appearance of these so-called «irregular» monasteries in the conciliar canons can be interpreted as the ecclesiastical elites reacting to the situation described in the 5th and early 6th centuries. Hence, in canon 3 of the council the existence of a number of monasteries and basilicas that escape Church authority is made known: «as for the monks, let the findings of the synod of Agde and Orleans be fulfilled. And we add: that with the blessing of the abbot shall the clergy be ordained for use of the Church those who are approved by the bishop for this profession. The goods rendered to the monastery, are not to be submitted in void to the administration of the diocese. And should any layman wish to consecrate a basilica built for himself (under pretence that it be a monastery, where there should not live a religious community or they should do so without an approve ruling by the bishop), let him not dare set it apart from the laws of the diocese»17.

  • 18 The issue is handled, for example, by canons 27 and 58 of Agde and by canon 22 of Orléans in 511: (...)

15Several issues arise from this canon: that monasteries were spreading in Tarraconensis and the area under our study; that some of these monasteries were not under episcopal control, rendering them «false monasteries»; that for the first time in Tarraconensis the issue of this proliferation is tackled and the issue is referred to «the findings of the synods» of Agde (year 546) and Orléans (years 511, 533, 538). What these synods had prescribed, in broad but repeated terms, was an episcopal control to be exercised over all built monasteries and those to be built in the future, whether large or small (cellulas nouas aut congregatiunculas monachorum)18.

16On the other hand, it is highly significant that Ilerda, where the Council pinpointing the monasteries out of official reach took place, was along Vrgellum and Osca the closest ecclesiastical seat in the area of our study (see map). Equally significant is the fact that the first known news on the bishopric of Vrgellum also corresponds to this chronological moment. That is to say, the regulation of new monastic communities and the apparition of new bishoprics take place within a regional network in which animal husbandry is one of its main economic activities.

  • 19 Beside more general situations, there could always remain a few scattered corners outside official (...)

17The mountain communities referred to as «monasteries» were excluded from these productive paradigms and the new control mechanisms that the Church was bent on imposing. Hence, it is fair to assume that after this «regularization» imposed by the Council of Ilerda our monastic network would begin to organize itself, without losing sight of the fact that some of these «monasteries» would remain outside official reach19. This reorganization spearheaded by local ecclesiastical hierarchies is firmly established by the 7th century, although it will be short-lived due to the 8th century Muslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula.


  • 20 Sancho Planas 2010.
  • 21 Bolós Masclans 2004.

18In this context, livestock activity acquires an importance it had never had during the Roman centuries. In the Pyrenean zones, the availability of pastures at the bottom of valleys and high up in mountain peaks lead to a fairly productive stockbreeding20, and within this territory herds migrate– what could be labelled as shortrange nomadism. This gave economic sense to the ancient circumscriptions otherwise known as «valleys»21. These valleys are to be considered from an administrative and political angle too, though most crucial are the communal relationships that take place within them, and which revolve around making the most of the available resources.

  • 22 For more on livestock products in Rome, see Orengo 2010, p. 265.
  • 23 Palet Martínez et al. 2007 ; Palet Martínez 2011.

19Pollen analysis undertaken in the area in the past few years clearly shows the development of this activity since the Roman age. Some of the products which were obtained entered the Roman distribution system and reached as far as Rome itself22. After the collapse of the Roman world, animal husbandry not only failed to disappear, it did not even decrease. Towards the end of the 5th and early 6th centuries the sector is able to maintain and even improve its standing. At the same time, other mountain-related activities, such as glue production and forest usage indicators are kept at a constant23. This reality can no longer be understood simply in terms of external market demand, and can only be explained by a surge in inner demand born out of a rise in overall population in the mountain ranges.

  • 24 The mobility of members of monastic communities who are sheltered by other communities is well kno (...)

20If we connect this livestock activity – well documented thanks to paleo-environmental research – with the written sources that stress the importance of stockbreeding in the monastic economies (vid. infra), we can assume that monastic centres participated in the organization of this economic system, which points towards the increasing scope of nomadic movements reliant on the network of monasteries that maintained relationships and affinities between themselves, including in broader economic terms.24 We therefore encounter a process of long-distance or lengthwise nomadic structuring linked to the progressive growth of a network of monasteries that established themselves in key points along these routes. In particular, in the geographical area we have defined, clear signs of a nomadic herding system can be discerned, a system that relied on monasteries that, at the same time, also practiced their own individual «short-range» herding. In times of peril, change and overall uncertainty, animal husbandry was an ideal economic activity because of the ease with which assets can be moved under changing circumstances, such as those underscoring the transition from Late Antiquity to Early Middle Ages.

  • 25 Isidorus, Etymologiarum 10, 209.

21Livestock activity has often been seen as inherently unable to provide for significant wealth accumulation, which would explain why it is impossible to build a complex society and allow for some elites to gain the economic and productive upperhand. Nothing could be further from the truth during the collapse of the Roman Empire: herds can swiftly feed a population devoid of fertile land and, in fact, in the emerging monastic environments of Western Europe these herds were not only necessary but absolutely indispensable, as we can clearly gather from the Hispanic monastic rules of the 6th and 7th centuries: the Regula communis (attributed to Fructuosus of Braga) spends whole chapters describing how monks should take proper care of their herds, and more explicitly «sheep are the backbone of the entire economic infrastructure of the monasteries» (Reg. comm. 9). An even more striking record states that «without sheep convents would barely last three months» (Reg. comm. 9). «Sheep sustain the economic infrastructure of monasteries and thanks to them children and the elderly can be taken care of, as well as guests and travellers, and even captives can be freed» (Reg. comm. 9). A highly significant association between the terms pecuniosus and pecora is made by Isidorus of Seville25. During the 5th, but especially the 6th century, in the area under study mountain communities were being set up under a Christian premise or influence as a new basis for social relationships. Stockbreeding served as the economic axis of this development, and its importance is indisputable. It is our belief that we must consider the possible monastic character of at least some of these mountain communities, despite the difficulty of establishing precisely what this meant.

  • 26 d’Abadal 1926-1952, doc. IV: ... de decimis Andorrensis pagi ferri et picis.
  • 27 Fàbrega 2006 ; Benavente 2013.
  • 28 Sancho Planas – Alegría 2013.

22Nonetheless, in spite of the importance of animal husbandry in the area at this time, it would be wrong to consider it as the only productive activity in these mountain communities. Other activities were underway, such as forestry and mining. Glue and iron were particularly noteworthy, both documented in paleo-environmental studies and quoted in the aforementioned sources.26 More circumstantial evidence exists for such mountain productions like essential oils and resins, both used in the production of incense which was consumed in censers during liturgical ceremonies27. The discovery in El Bovalar of one such censer confirms this practice, as does the precision scales found during the excavation of Els Altimiris: clearly some product needed to be measured in very precise amounts because of its value, and these could be essential oils, perfumed resins or even incense. A further discovery reinforcing this point was that of a magnificent stone mortar which, given its typology, could be associated with incense production28.

23In conclusion, both animal husbandry and other documented economic activities indirectly show the contacts that could have been established through exchanges and overall trade in products that became each monastery’s specialty.

Monasteries: a sign towards the establishment of a network

  • 29 The label «pre-Medieval» is applied to all such monastic evidence prior to the Muslim invasion of (...)
  • 30 d’Abadal 1969, p. 366-368 ; Bolòs Masclans – Hurtado 2006, p. 52-53.

24Although the written and archaeological sources on pre-Medieval monasticism are few and far between in the area under study29, through indirect data arising mostly from the chronologies of later monasteries we can perceive a monastic network which predated the arrival and establishment of the Muslim dominion in the area, and which would further on be made plainly visible through the emergence of a dense simultaneous process of parishes after Christian princes took power from the Muslims (9th and 10th centuries). Historians have shown that this network must have grown out of an important underlayer, which preceded it30.

  • 31 d’Abadal 1955, p. 204-205.
  • 32 Ibid., p. 242-249.
  • 33 Ibid., p. 232-233, 244-245.

25The written sources of the early 9th century show the existence of certain monasteries that pre-date Frankish immigration to these territories under the initiative of the diocese after the precept of Louis the Pious by which he conceded to Possedonius, Bishop of Urgell, the power to establish monasteries in the barren lands which he bestowed on him. According to Abadal31, most foundational initiatives were, in reality, restorations of «monasteries of Visigothic tradition», although we only have written evidence of such cases for Santa María de Alaón (known before as San Pedro) and Santa Maria de Senterada (known before as Santa Grata).32 For Santa Maria de Gerri and Santa Maria de Lavaix, documents seem to indicate that both were recently established monasteries33, although the possibility of an earlier foundation is possible for others. From the rest of the more than twenty monasteries in the area under study, we know little, since only later written references and archaeological sources have been found, when the monasteries were fully operational during the Middle Ages. In other cases, such as Santa Maria de Tremp, because we lack any documents.

26We have also mentioned the existence in this area of some archaeological sites of the Late Middle Ages, without any written correspondence, which we interpret as monasteries because of a series of particularities, which we shall now present. In this regard our contribution is significant, since, as we mentioned, there has been little previous use of archaeological evidence regarding the monasteries of Late Antiquity Hispania.

27Therefore, adding the data of the written and archaeological sources, we come up with a minimum of 13 monasteries of Late Antiquity origins, which form our network (see Map):

* Santa Coloma d’Àger
* Santa Cecília de Torreblanca
* Els Morulls (dedication unknown)
* San Pedro de Alaón (after Santa Maria)
* Santa Grata de Senterada (after Santa Maria)
* El Bovalar (dedication unknown)
* Santa Cecília dels Altimiris
* Sant Martí de les Tombetes
* Santa Maria de Susterris (after Sant Antoni)
* San Pedro de Obarra (after Santa Maria)
* San Pedro de Tabernas (after Santa Maria)
* Sant Serni de Tavèrnoles
* San Martín de Asán

Fig. 3 – Santa María de Obarra. Monastery of «Visigothic tradition» which survived until the Medieval Ages (photo: www.romanicoaragones.com).

Fig. 3 – Santa María de Obarra. Monastery of «Visigothic tradition» which survived until the Medieval Ages (photo: www.romanicoaragones.com).
  • 34 Venantius Fortunatus, Epitaph. Vict. abbatis de monast. Asanae, in Vives Gatell 1969, n. 283: Augm (...)
  • 35 See the interesting studies of Ariño Gil – Díaz 2003.
  • 36 Sales Carbonell 2012, p. 370.
  • 37 Vincentius Osc., Donatio, f. 1, col. 1, 31, 34.
  • 38 Sales Carbonell – Salazar Ortiz 2013, p. 41.

28If we focus on some of these monasteries (we cannot do so for all because of space constraints), we must begin by mentioning what written sources describe as the first monastic community in the Iberian Peninsula, which happens to be within our area of study. The monastery in question was San Martín (later San Victorián) de Asán, founded by Saint Victorian, a hermit of trans-Pyrenean origins. It would initially appear to be a hermit community established in the Peña Montañesa, near Lainsa (Huesca), which subsequently became a coenobitic community. The evangelist task undertaken from these monasteries had a huge impact on the pre-Pyrenean territories of Huesca and Lleida, and under its guidance it is likely that other such communities were to be established in this area, as is indicated by Venantius Fortunatus and a funerary epigraph34. Some monks from Asán were active agents in the process of consolidation and structuring of the Church, as is the case of Vincentius, a monk who in 551 bestowed on the bishopric of Huesca a series of scattered properties, which he then ratified in a will. In these documents, especially in the donation, a list of locations are quoted, all according to their parishes, which allow us to draw a minimum territorial order for the pre-Pyrenees and Pyrenees35, while at the same time making it clear that Vincentius was a great landowner who in all likelihood belonged to a wealthy family of Hispano-Roman origin. Vincentius bestowed properties scattered around various administrative units or parishes, and in between highlights the imprecise mention of a *monasterium Lobe, which has yet to be identified archaeologically36. Of Vincentius’ properties were are particularly interested in his summer pastures37 because they would indicate the existence of winter pastures too, and would hence confirm not only that nomadism was practiced around the mountain ranges, but that this nomadism would be for the most part supervised by the Church38. On the other hand, it is especially noteworthy that this written evidence comes immediately after the Council of Ilerda, and it foresees the close relationship between these monastic communities and the bishoprics, since many of the bishops from these dioceses came from monasteries in these areas (the monk Vincentius of Asán would become bishop of Osca): they were known was bishop-monks, a firmly entrenched model in other Western regions like Provence (Lérins, Marseille).

  • 39 The archaeological site, currently under excavation, was first investigated in 2004 under the scie (...)

29On the other hand, archaeology provides some data, mostly new or very recent, concerning the possibility of monasteries of Late Antique origin which are not mentioned in any known written source. For instance, in the Serra del Montsec’s northern slopes, at a considerable altitude, we find two settlements, which have been recently interpreted as Visigothic age monasteries (5th to 8th centuries). They are Els Altamiris, which has Santa Cecília as dedication, and Sant Martí de les Tombetes. Both settlements share common features: structures which have been dug into rock such as cisterns, conduits, pikes and barn foundations as well as similar ceramic materials (whose production mostly corresponds to the 6th-8th century Late Roman tradition), and both churches presided over both emplacements. Els Altimiris39 occupies around 9,345 sqm., with a broadly triangular floor demarcated by two girths which approach each other until they join at the triangle’s vertex. This is where we find the Pas de Santa Cecília: a narrow corridor of about 15 metres in length demarcated by 10-metre stonewall at its highest point. The narrow Pas de Santa Cecília (notice the dedication, which has been extensively documented in Early Middle Age monasteries in the Catalan area) is the sole access to the site from the southern side, where the paths coming from the impressive Obaga Gran forest meet the pastures located at the peak of Montsec d’Ares, over 1,600 metres high. The base of the triangle where the site is located is enclosed by a protection all which can be faintly seen among the bushes and which stretches from girth to girth, with a total length of 80 metres. The distance between this wall and the most elevated point, which we find atop the Pas de Santa Cecília, is 150 metres and has a gradient of 60 metres. This data presents an inclination of around 30-40% (fig. 4).

Fig. 4 – Pas de Sta. Cecília. Narrow corridor located at Els Altimiris, sole access to the site from the southern side (foto: Marta Sancho Planas).

Fig. 4 – Pas de Sta. Cecília. Narrow corridor located at Els Altimiris, sole access to the site from the southern side (foto: Marta Sancho Planas).
  • 40 See note n. 39.

30The ten excavation tasks undertaken until now (2014) have allowed access to the interior and surroundings of the church, and the following has been completed: the excavation of a quadrangular structure which we identify as a residential building, three barn bases and one cistern. As far as the issues discussed in this paper are concerned, of particular interest are the residential structure and the church and their surroundings. As for the other elements, we shall refer to the updated published bibliography40.

31On the higher grounds of the site, we have excavated a partially visible structure, which we initially identified as a tower. It is a vaguely rectangular building of 7 × 5,80 metres, with no internal division, of which two sections of the eastern and western walls were visible. They were built using slab formwork of the opus caementicium type. The northern wall reveals the base built with huge blocks of stone, with the clear intention of reinforcing this wall since is it found in the area with the steepest slope. On the other hand, the southern wall, which is in poor condition, was built using opus caementicium from the very bottom of the base. Despite the strong bioturbation of most strata, we were able to identify a fragment of pavement of opus signinum, with its preparation, a layer of fragmented tegulae and, beneath it, a levelling of stones of the rudus type. The initial identification which suggested a tower presents serious problems given that, in considering the potency of the excavated levels – especially the few crumbling and rare traces of formwork walls scattered around the area – it does not appear to have been a building any taller than one ground floor covered with perishable materials. It has not been possible to locate the entrance, which could be on any of its sides, along any of the wall points, which are more flattened. The opus signinum pavement seems to indicate a space of relative comfort, suitable for living or as a communal gathering space. We must highlight the presence of water channels along the exterior, which drove the water into a cistern located a few metres further north.

32The church dates from 5th century and is located in the centre of the site. It is a stone construction with scarcely squared medium-sized ashlars and tied with some sturdy mortar of lime and sand. It measures 14 × 6 metres on the outside and 12 × 4 on the inside, divided in three sectors of 4 × 4 metres: from the extreme of the apse to the chancel, from here to the access door and from there to the feet of the wall. The door is located on the north wall, which has its own adjoining stool of about 80-100 cm in width. This reinforces the building in its steepest part and looks like a podium on top of which stands the church. The circulation level of the unit was the same rock, occasionally retouched and with tiles covering the more visible cracks and holes. When reaching the chancel, a small central door leads to the presbytery, probably also tiled, which is found at a higher level and is surfaced with lime mortar. In the middle of the apse, we find the base of the altar and the tabletop slab was found on the ground, reused later for paving purposes.

33At one point, the church was damaged by fire, after which only the presbytery and the apse were redone, leaving the rest of the structure with clear signs of erubescence on the rock. In all likelihood, after the abandoning of the man structure in the first half of the 9th century, occasional worshipping still took place, since we have found a burial site dated by C14 to the 11th century. Around the church, from both northern and southern sides, we have identified various walls that enclose spaces related in one way or another to the temple. These structures define a complex set of buildings, some almost as long as the church itself, which will need excavating and analysing in future campaigns. In any case, their most immediate parallels are the Eastern monastic churches like the White Monastery of Egypt (fig. 5).

Fig. 5 – Monastic (?) church of Els Altimiris, 6th-7th centuries (photo: Marta Sancho Planas).

Fig. 5 – Monastic (?) church of Els Altimiris, 6th-7th centuries (photo: Marta Sancho Planas).

34The main structure and buildings have been described. The rest of the site’s surface is taken up with various dwellings scattered around the space, partially cut into the rock, measuring barely 6, 9 and 12 sqm. This reveals an individual usage for these lodgings (fig. 6). Indeed, the special orographic features of the place, its chronology, the dimensions of the church and its adjoining parts, the other structures and having identified a great enclosure wall makes us believe that it was the seat of a monastic community which reached its height during the 6th and 7th centuries.

Fig. 6 – Els Altimiris. Little lodgings partially cut into the rock (monastic dwellings) (photo: Marta Sancho Planas).

Fig. 6 – Els Altimiris. Little lodgings partially cut into the rock (monastic dwellings) (photo: Marta Sancho Planas).

35One of the most interesting archaeological artefacts to have been unearthed from Els Altimiris is the precision scale, which has generated an intense debate over its purpose in such an environment (fig. 7a and 7b). Given the type of plants that we find in this mountain range and the oral tradition that has been preserved there, we know that until recently these lands were the source of a few highly sought-after products: essential oils such as common juniper and also aromatic resins which were perfectly suitable for producing incense. After all, incense is nothing more than a combination of aromatic resins mixed with essential oils, so the fact that the surrounding forests of Els Altimiris were a source of such ingredients is highly significant when it comes to linking these monasteries with a site located some kilometres further south: El Bovalar, a 6th-7th and early 8th century monastery where an incense burner has been discovered. We shall return to this artefact later.

Fig. 7a - 7b – Santa Cecília dels Altimiris (Sant Esteve de la Sarga, Lleida). Fragments of precision scale which shows the manufacturing of valuable products (incense?) (photos: Marta Sancho Planas).

Fig. 7a - 7b – Santa Cecília dels Altimiris (Sant Esteve de la Sarga, Lleida). Fragments of precision scale which shows the manufacturing of valuable products (incense?) (photos: Marta Sancho Planas).
  • 41 Excavated between 1997 and 2002 by N. Nolasco and O. García, and since 2013 by M. Sancho i Planas, (...)
  • 42 Gregorius Magnus, Dialogorum libri IV, I, 2. Gregory founded various monasteries – twelve – in a s (...)

36As for Sant Martí de les Tombetes41, it presents certain similarities with Els Altimiris. Despite its small dimensions and the late building features of the church, we believe it follows the same pattern as Els Altimiris: the excavated structures in the rock, its location in the shaded part of the Montsec d’Ares in an elevated area and the ceramic materials which were used. In spite of this, archaeological research is still emerging, so we shall have to wait for the results of future campaigns. Nevertheless, we cannot ignore a significant coincidence which we believe helps to interweave our monasteries within the movement of new establishments which were taking place in the West after the fall of the Roman Empire: a 12 km straight line separates Santa Cecília dels Altimiris and Sant Martí de les Tombetes, a distance which fully coincides with that separating Suppentoma and Soracte monasteries in Laci, north of Rome. The latter are also located on an elevation and are separated by only 12 km in a straight line, «without any attempt at having a vegetable patch» according to news from the second half of the 6th century provided by Pope Gregory I42. The mountain ranges of Laci and the pre-Pyrenees were not that different when it came to choosing an ideal location for a monastery in Late Antiquity.

  • 43 Sales Carbonell 2015 ; ead. 2013. In both articles, where the interpretation of El Bovalar as a mo (...)
  • 44 Sales Carbonell 2013, p. 495-496.
  • 45 Sales Carbonell 2015, p. 284-285.

37A third monastery to have been identified through archaeology and with no written sources is the site of El Bovalar (Seròs, Lleida), located some 15 km away from the seat of Ilerda. In reality, the ruins found in the El Bovalar site have been defined by traditional historiography as a rural hamlet with a basilica dating to the Visigothic age (6th to 8th centuries), but a more careful look into the data favours the interpretation of a monastery, as we have recently argued in extenso43. Indeed, the basilica seems monumental when we consider the small agricultural hamlet it was in, and this so-called hamlet would in fact be a system of cells which close unto the basilica by means of two courtyards serving as a cloister. Moreover, the tools found in the church are too rich and liturgically complex for such a small hamlet. For instance the Syrian or Coptic censer is an outstanding element in Hispania which points at an invasion of Eastern liturgy: censers were frowned upon in the Hispanic liturgy of the times, since they were associated with Jewish and pagan rituals44. Hence, this censer either bears witness to contacts with the exotic monkhood of the East or we could even speculate that the monks of El Bovalar themselves were of Eastern origin. The architectural plan of two courtyards is indeed a unicum of the Iberian Peninsula, but is actually not at all strange in rural Syrian monasteries after the 5th century45. We should also remember the production of aromatic resins and essential oils detected in Santa Cecília dels Altimiris, which would in all probability we burnt on the artifact found in El Bovalar (fig. 8a and 8b).

Fig. 8a - 8b – El Bovalar (Seròs, Lleida). Archaeological site plan and censer from Orient, 6th-7th centuries (according to Pere de Palol).

Fig. 8a - 8b – El Bovalar (Seròs, Lleida). Archaeological site plan and censer from Orient, 6th-7th centuries (according to Pere de Palol).

38Also of interest in El Bovalar is the discovery of about thirty iron peelers used for making parchment (membrana). More precisely, at 30 cm the size of these tools indicate that vellum was being produced (membranula). These peelers were found together, as was prescribed by the monastic rules of those centuries, which repeatedly indicated that worktools had to be kept together at the end of the day and under custody of a chosen monk. Parchment production is entirely reliant on animal husbandry and during the Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages it was essentially product made by monasteries to be used by monasteries – after all, they housed the main scriptoria. Concerning parchments, a worthy account is the letter of Braulius, bishop of Caesaraugusta, current Zaragoza, asking his brother Fruminianus to send him some parchment. Fruminianus was abbot of an unknown monastery which historiographic tradition names, rather unconvincingly, as San Millán de Suso, in current Rioja. In light of the mentioned facts, we should not disregard the possibility that Fruminianus was the abbot of El Bovalar, since it was here were important amounts of parchment were produced and it is much closer to Caesaraugusta than San Millán de Suso.

39These are firm data available corresponding to the period prior to the arrival of the Muslims. The rest of the monasteries of the area under study are only known of after the 8th-10th centuries, but we would like to underline our belief that, for many of them, with time and future research their pre-Muslim origin will be proven.

Conclusions

40In the analysed territory we have proposed the following evolution with regards to the establishment of a monastic network: during the 5th century there was considerable upheaval, as part of the population regrouped high up in mountain ranges. We have talked about the southern slopes of the Pyrenees and pre-Pyrenees, in the current Catalan and Aragonese regions. This population organizes itself into communities, some of which become monasteries. Some of these monasteries fall under episcopal control, others do not. From the mid-6th century a noticeable desire by the episcopal authorities at controlling these monasteries is detected, as can be seen from canon 3 of the Council of Ilerda, in the donatio of Vincentius of Asán and in the emergence of the bishopric of Vrgellum. Archaeologically speaking, this moment and the following 7th century coincide with the blossoming of such sites as Els Altimiris, El Bovalar and Sant Martí de les Tombetes, to which we have attributed a monastic character. While evidence is scarce for the 8th century, in the wake of Muslim conquest, after the 9th century (coinciding with the Christian «Reconquista»), we find the first written accounts of many monasteries that had probably been established beforehand. These are the monasteries of so-called Visigothic tradition: Alaón, Senterada, Tabernas and Tavèrnoles, for instance; but in any case later developments are outside the scope of this article.

41As for mobility and contacts, we have detected that animal husbandry forced these communities to establish and control trade routes, which also become cultural and social links – they move herds, to be sure, but also goods, ideas and people of all walks of life. This said, we must stress the effective control the monasteries had over these routes. We can therefore highlight three relationship levels between the monasteries:

42– Local and bilateral relationships are detected between some of these monasteries, be they long or short distance in nature. This is evident for Els Altimiris and El Bovalar, where the former produces aromatic resins that could be consumed by the latter – as can be assumed from archaeological traces we have described. However, the connection between Els Altimiris and El Bovalar goes beyond providing resins the other burns in their services: both are also deeply connected to the nomadic trails propelling herds, ideas and people across the region. In all likelihood, this included monks who ended up with rather promising careers in the diocese capitals, as we have seen for Vincentius of Osca;.

43– At a regional level, we have detected multilateral or networking relationships, which involve the participation of the nearby bishoprics who actually exerted certain control over this long-distance trail. Of significance is the donatio of Vincentius of Asán, where the fragmented nature of a scattered holding of properties is clearly evident. This makes is clear that managing these properties, now under Church authority, required a certain administrative organization which involved high levels of mobility. Monasteries played a key role in this mobility. This pivotal role in land administration, which materialized in the establishment of monasteries, would be all too clear in Els Altimiris, were the arrival of monks after the 6th century in such an inhospitable and hostile place had to obey some sort of desire at controlling the summer pastures attached to the livestock trail of the Montsec d’Ares. This turned these grounds into strategic assets for nomadic herding;

44– Our regional network has a relationship with the Eastern monastic movement: this becomes clear after reinterpreting the archaeological site of El Bovalar, where an incense burner has been found. For the time being, we have more questions than answers as to how and why it reached the edge of the Western world, but its presence here points to the complexity of these local and regional networks, traditionally shunned from a historiographic point of view, at least concerning ancient Hispania.

45At all this level, animal husbandry becomes a key element. This stockbreeding would end up under Church control, who knew how to transform the practice not only to make it a source of great wealth, but also an inexhaustible source of mobility and contacts which are only now starting to fathomed. As more data becomes available, time will allow us to define the nature of this event with greater accuracy.

Bibliografia

Alegria Tejedor – Sancho Planas 2010 = W. Alegria Tejedor, M. Sancho Planas, Els Altimiris, enllaços i confluències entre la Tardoantiguitat i l'Alta Edat Mitjana, in Tribuna d’Arqueologia, 2008-2009 (2010), p. 221-236.

Ariño Gil – Díaz 2003 = E. Ariño Gil, P. C. Díaz, Poblamiento y organización del espacio: la Tarraconense pirenaica en el siglo VI, in Antiquité Tardive, 11, 2003, p. 223-237.

Barcellona – Spinelli 2010 = R. Barcellona, M. Spinelli (ed.), I canoni dei concili della chiesa antica. II, I Concili latini. 2: I concili gallici, vol. 1, Rome, 2010.

Benavente 2013 = J. A. Benavente, Los petroglifos de Alloza (Teruel) y los hornos de aceite de enebro: un enigma resuelto, in Historias del Bajo Aragón, on line: http://historiasdelbajoaragon.wordpress.com/2013/04/12 [accessed: 18/08/2018].

BHL = Bibliotheca hagiographica Latina.

Bolòs Masclans – Hurtado 2006 = J. Bolòs Masclans, V. Hurtado, Atles del Comtat d’Urgell (v788-993), Barcelona, 2006.

Bolòs Masclans 2004 = J. Bolòs Masclans, Els orígens medievals del paisatge català. L'arqueologia del paisatge com a font per a conèixer la història de Catalunya, Barcelona, 2004.

Caballero Zoreda 2006 = L. Caballero Zoreda, El conjunto monástico de Santa María de Melque (Toledo). Siglos VII-IX (criterios seguidos para identificar monasterios hispánicos tardoantiguos), in Monjes y monasterios hispanos en la Alta Edad Media, Aguilar de Campoo, 2006, p. 99-144.

d’Abadal 1926-1952 = R. d’Abadal, Catalunya Carolíngia. 2, Els diplomes carolingis a Catalunya, Barcelona, 1926-1952.

d’Abadal 1955 = R. d’Abadal, Catalunya Carolíngia. III, Els comtats de Pallars i Ribagorça, Barcelona, 1955.

d’Abadal 1969, = R. d’Abadal, Dels visigots als Catalans. 1, La Hispània visigòtica i la Catalunya carolíngia, Barcelona, 1969.

Díaz y Díaz 1974 = M. C. Díaz y Díaz, La Vida de San Fructuoso de Braga: estudio y edición crítica, Braga, 1974.

Fàbrega 2006 = A. Fàbrega, La pega vegetal. Producció i pluriactivitat pagesa, in Estudis d’Història Agrària, 19, 2006, p. 89-94.

King 1930 = J. E. King, Bede. Historical works, vol. 2, London, 1930.

Madrid 1995 = T. C. Madrid, Obras completas de San Agustín XL. Escritos varios (2º), Madrid, 1995.

Martínez Díez – Rodríguez 1984 = G. Martínez Díez, F. Rodríguez, La Colección Canónica Hispana, IV, Madrid, 1984.

Orengo 2010 = H. Orengo, Arqueología de un paisaje cultural pirenaico de alta montaña. Dinámicas de ocupación del valle del Madriu-Perafita-Claror (Andorra), Tarragona, 2010.

Palet Martínez 2011 = J. M. Palet Martínez, Formas de paisaje de montaña y ocupación del territorio en los Pirineos Orientales en época romana: Estudios pluridisciplinares en el valle del Madriu-Perafita-Claror (Andorra) y en la Sierra del Cadí (Cataluña), in Bollettino di Archeologia On-line. Proceedings of the XVII International Congress of Classical Archaeology, 2011.

Palet Martínez et al. 2007 = J.M. Palet Martínez et al., Formes d'ocupació d'alta muntanya a la vall de la Vansa (Serra del Cadí-alt Urgell) i a la valldel Madriu-Perafita-Claror(Andorra): estudi diacrònic de paisatges cuturals pirinencs, in Tribuna d’Arqueologia 2006 (2007), p. 229-253.

Pellegrini 2011 = P. Pellegrini (ed.), I canoni dei concili della chiesa antica. III Concili latini, 2: I Concili gallici, vol. 2, Rome, 2011.

Sales Carbonell – Salazar Ortiz 2013 = J. Sales Carbonell, N. Salazar Ortiz, The pre-Pyrenees of Lleida in Late Antiquity: Christianisation processes of a landscape in the Tarraconensis, in Revista d’Arqueologia de Ponent, 23, 2013, p. 27-44.

Sales Carbonell 2012 = J. Sales Carbonell, Las construcciones cristianas de la Tarraconensis durante la Antigüedad Tardía: topografía, arqueología e historia, Barcelona, 2012.

Sales Carbonell 2013 = J. Sales Carbonell, Fabricando pergamino durante la Antigüedad Tardía. Unas notas arqueológicas para los monasterios de Hispania, in Augustinianum, 53/2, 2013, p. 469-499.

Sales Carbonell 2015 = J. Sales Carbonell, El Bovalar (Seròs, Lleida) ¿Un monasterio productor de pergamino en la Hispania visigoda?, in Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana, 89, 2013 (2015), p. 271-311.

Sancho Planas – Alegría 2013 = M. Sancho Planas and W. Alegría, Els Altimiris, informe arqueològic de la campanya de 2013 (report not published).

Sancho Planas 2010 = M. Sancho Planas, Els Altimiris, in Ph. Sénac (ed.), Histoire et Archéologie des Sociétés de la Vallée de l’Èbre (VIIe-XIe siècles), Toulouse, 2010, p. 67-90.

Sancho Planas 2011a = M. Sancho Planas, Santa Cecilia de Els Altimiris (Sant Esteve de la Sarga – Pallars Jussà). Una iglesia rural entre la Antigüedad y la Edad Media, in Esglésies rurals a Catalunya entre l’Antiguitat i l’Edat Mitjana (segles V-X), Bologna, 2011.

Sancho Planas 2011b = M. Sancho Planas, Quins cristians per a els Altimiris: Propostes de contextualització d'un jaciment tardoantic i altmedieval del prepirineu lleidetà, in Urgellia, 17, 2011, p. 801-816.

Sancho Planas, in press = M. Sancho Planas, Dinàmiques de poblament en el pas de l’Antiguitat Tardana a l’Alta Edat Mitjana al sud del Pirineu català (segles V-VIII): l’atomització dels models, in press. 

Thompson 1979 = E.A. Thompson, Los Godos en España, Madrid, 1979.

Vives Gatell 1969 = J. Vives Gatell, Inscripciones cristianas de la España romana y visigoda, Barcelona, 1969.

Note

1 This text belongs to the research project of the Servei d’Arqueologia de la Generalitat de Catalunya: Comunitats de muntanya entre l’Antiguitat Tardana i l’Alta Edat Mitjana. Pirineu i Prepirineu català (segle V-IX), (2014-2017), overseen by Marta Sancho Planas.

2 For a general historical framework on the subject, see Sancho Planas, in press.

3 We have recently rehearsed a study of such features, also related to the possible presence of ancient monasteries in contact with nomadic herding in the pre-Pyrenean area of Lleida, in Sales Carbonell – Salazar Ortiz 2013.

4 «Si es aceptable el grado de subjetividad de mi posible hipercrítica, se puede afirmar que o es imposible o parece imposible encontrar restos de las formas más antiguas de monasterios hispanos»: Caballero Zoreda 2006, p. 121.

5 Of particular interest regarding these issues are the recent studies in different areas of the Catalan Pyrenees, which provide us with relevant data on the rise of productive activities in the 6th to 8th centuries, and which will lead up to the growth of the Late Middle Ages: Palet Martínez et al. 2007; Palet Martínez 2011.

6 Sales Carbonell – Salazar Ortiz 2013, p. 40-41.

7 The Ilerda-Vrgellum/plain-mountain link has been extensively explained in Sales Carbonell – Salazar Ortiz 2013.

8 According to Orosius, the allocation was raffled: Historiarum aduersum paganos, VII, 40, 9.

9 Ydatius, Cont. Chron. Hieron., a. 410. Against the optimism of contemporary authors such as Orosius, modern historiography has branded Hydatius as excessively pessimist when telling his chronicles. Leaving aside his opinionated judgements, his deliberate exaggerations and eschatology, this does not necessarily mean that in broader terms his witness account should be dismissed.

10 Orosius, Historiarum aduersum paganos, VII, 41, 7. A very similar situation is reported in neighbouring Tolosa, where according to Sidonus Apollinaris – Ep. 2,3 –, towards the end of the Western Roman Empire the vicar of the diocese oversaw a wholly random and rather extreme form of tax collection.

11 It is in this context that we should examine the constant news of the 5th and 6th centuries referring to «indiscriminate ordinations» (e. g. Ydatius, Cont. Chron. Hieron., pref., 7).

12 Research into Visigothic law shows the existence of laws against slaves running away. Thompson, in his classic work on the Visigoths, shows us this reality: Thompson 1979, p. 362.

13 Indeed, a wide range of monasteries is documented during the entire Late Antiquity. When Augustine wrote his Regula he had three editions of it: one for the monasteries of clergymen, another for monasteries of monks and yet another for monasteries of laymen (Praeceptum) ; Madrid 1995, p. 533. Hence, in Augustine’s time there already were laymen as well as family-run monasteries.

14 Regula Communis, 1.

15 Orosius, Historiarum aduersum paganos, V, 4, 4.

16 Ibid., V, 4, 1.

17 Martínez Díez – Rodríguez 1984, p. 300-301.

18 The issue is handled, for example, by canons 27 and 58 of Agde and by canon 22 of Orléans in 511: Barcellona – Spinelli 2010, p. 230-231, 240-241; Pellegrini 2011, p. 42-43. These documents show how in the West the episcopal authority was progressively outpowering the «monastic independence».

19 Beside more general situations, there could always remain a few scattered corners outside official «spiritual» control, although not necessarily liable to tribute. In the Anglo-Saxon world, this is made clear by Beda in the first half of the 8th century: «For we have heard, and it is common report, that there are many hamlets and steadings of our nation, lying amongst inaccessible mountains and bosky valleys, where in the passing of many years no bishop hath been seen, which should perform some ministerial act or bestow some heavenly grace; and yet that not one of them may be exempted from paying tribute to the bishops»: Beda, Ep. Ad Ecgberctum, 7, ed. King 1930.

20 Sancho Planas 2010.

21 Bolós Masclans 2004.

22 For more on livestock products in Rome, see Orengo 2010, p. 265.

23 Palet Martínez et al. 2007 ; Palet Martínez 2011.

24 The mobility of members of monastic communities who are sheltered by other communities is well known, as is the case when their intention was to establish a new community. These relationships allowed monasteries to keep in touch with each other in such a way they can be conceived as a network. There is no Late Antiquity literature for this event in the area under study, but for other regions in Hispania the establishment of monasteries by Fructuosus of Braga (Gallaecia) in the 7th century is a worthy example: Díaz y Díaz 1974 (BHL 3194).

25 Isidorus, Etymologiarum 10, 209.

26 d’Abadal 1926-1952, doc. IV: ... de decimis Andorrensis pagi ferri et picis.

27 Fàbrega 2006 ; Benavente 2013.

28 Sancho Planas – Alegría 2013.

29 The label «pre-Medieval» is applied to all such monastic evidence prior to the Muslim invasion of the Iberian Peninsula, an invasion which was effective as of the mid 8th century in the Pyrenees (see Sancho Planas, in press).

30 d’Abadal 1969, p. 366-368 ; Bolòs Masclans – Hurtado 2006, p. 52-53.

31 d’Abadal 1955, p. 204-205.

32 Ibid., p. 242-249.

33 Ibid., p. 232-233, 244-245.

34 Venantius Fortunatus, Epitaph. Vict. abbatis de monast. Asanae, in Vives Gatell 1969, n. 283: Augmine multo monacorum Iberiam Galiasue replebit – ICERV 284.

35 See the interesting studies of Ariño Gil – Díaz 2003.

36 Sales Carbonell 2012, p. 370.

37 Vincentius Osc., Donatio, f. 1, col. 1, 31, 34.

38 Sales Carbonell – Salazar Ortiz 2013, p. 41.

39 The archaeological site, currently under excavation, was first investigated in 2004 under the scientific and archaeological supervision of M. Sancho Planas and W. Alegría Tejedor. See Alegria Tejedor – Sancho Planas 2010 ; Sancho Planas 2010 ; ead. 2011a ; ead. 2011b.

40 See note n. 39.

41 Excavated between 1997 and 2002 by N. Nolasco and O. García, and since 2013 by M. Sancho i Planas, W. Alegría Tejedor and I. Hidalgo Suárez.

42 Gregorius Magnus, Dialogorum libri IV, I, 2. Gregory founded various monasteries – twelve – in a single area (II, 1-3), three of which in rocky elevations with difficult access (II, 5).

43 Sales Carbonell 2015 ; ead. 2013. In both articles, where the interpretation of El Bovalar as a monastery is made, one may find all the previous bibliography on the site.

44 Sales Carbonell 2013, p. 495-496.

45 Sales Carbonell 2015, p. 284-285.

Indice delle illustrazioni

Titolo Fig. 1 – Bishoprics and monasteries mentioned in the text (map: Marta Sancho Planas and Maria Soler Sala).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/4473/img-1.jpg
File image/jpeg, 480k
Titolo Fig. 2 – La seu d’Urgell (Vrgellum). Late Antique episcopal see which, together with Ilerda and Osca, exercised control over monasteries and herds in the Pyrenees and pre-Pyrenees (photo: Queralt Boix).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/4473/img-2.jpg
File image/jpeg, 946k
Titolo Fig. 3 – Santa María de Obarra. Monastery of «Visigothic tradition» which survived until the Medieval Ages (photo: www.romanicoaragones.com).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/4473/img-3.jpg
File image/jpeg, 176k
Titolo Fig. 4 – Pas de Sta. Cecília. Narrow corridor located at Els Altimiris, sole access to the site from the southern side (foto: Marta Sancho Planas).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/4473/img-4.jpg
File image/jpeg, 2,1M
Titolo Fig. 5 – Monastic (?) church of Els Altimiris, 6th-7th centuries (photo: Marta Sancho Planas).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/4473/img-5.JPG
File image/jpeg, 1,1M
Titolo Fig. 6 – Els Altimiris. Little lodgings partially cut into the rock (monastic dwellings) (photo: Marta Sancho Planas).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/4473/img-6.JPG
File image/jpeg, 1,1M
Titolo Fig. 7a - 7b – Santa Cecília dels Altimiris (Sant Esteve de la Sarga, Lleida). Fragments of precision scale which shows the manufacturing of valuable products (incense?) (photos: Marta Sancho Planas).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/4473/img-7.jpg
File image/jpeg, 114k
URL http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/4473/img-8.jpg
File image/jpeg, 212k
Titolo Fig. 8a - 8b – El Bovalar (Seròs, Lleida). Archaeological site plan and censer from Orient, 6th-7th centuries (according to Pere de Palol).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/4473/img-9.jpg
File image/jpeg, 375k
URL http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/4473/img-10.JPG
File image/jpeg, 112k

Autori

IRCVM, Institut de Recerca en Cultures Medievals, Universitat de Barcelona, jordinasales@ub.edu

Il testo e gli altri elementi (illustrazioni, file importati) possono essere utilizzati con OpenEdition Books License, se non diversamente specificato.

Cerca su OpenEdition Search

Sarai reindirizzato su OpenEdition Search