Women’s journeys in the Middle Byzantine Era: an impulse to monasticism, an urge to meet holy men
p. 353-370
Texte intégral
1For the contents of the present contribution to be defined and delineated, two accepted facts need to be mentioned beforehand.
2It was highly unusual for women in Byzantium to be out and about; that is, there was a widespread perception, to say the least, that women should not be allowed to leave the house, much less travel freely and on their own, especially during the Middle Byzantine period1.
3Researchers of the history of pilgrimage are now in agreement over the fact that a dramatic change in the habits of Christian pilgrims is noticeable after the seventh century. In fact, this transformation has been viewed as one of the discontinuities in the transition from Late Antiquity to medieval Byzantium2. Neither the abundance of testimonies regarding the period from the fourth century to the Arab conquests and the «traditional», so to speak, destinations for travelers (Holy Land, Rome, Asia Minor – Ephesus3) nor the variety of those testimonies are a match for the source material that contains a wealth of information on Middle Byzantine pilgrimages and monastic journeys to new destinations closer to home, such as Constantinople or Thessaloniki4.
4It is therefore within this framework that we will now present the powerful stimuli5 that, the way they are portrayed in hagiographical texts, motivated middle-Byzantine women to overcome societal imperatives and stereotypical norms, and travel through a rugged medieval world that was so full of difficulties for their gender. The period in question was selected mainly with a view to examining yet another type of female traveling, one that is very common during this period but, though directly linked to asceticism and monasticism, does not automatically fall under the category of monastic journeys6; a further aim is to investigate whether the small number of testimonies specifically referring to pilgrimage is due to the widely-held view that there was an increase in the isolation of women during this period, and also if this small number actually corresponds to social reality.
5One group of women’s journeys involves peregrinations stemming from the need of women to join a monastic community, often going against the wishes of their fathers or both parents, and consequently leading them to sever all family ties. Detailed references will be made to those journeys that are marked by particular connotations, contain interesting information on realia and lend themselves to close observation. On the other hand they do not necessarily conform to the stated view that Middle Byzantine hagiography mostly portrays the faithful travelling to the saint, rather than any pious journeys the saints themselves might have made7.
6Irene of Chrysobalanton (9th-10th c.), a possibly fictional personage according to the editor of her Life8, set off from Cappadocia in the ninth century, traveling to Constantinople9, the New Jerusalem10, in order to get married. Her parents had responded to the imperial invitation issued in search of an appropriate bride for Michael III, thus sending their daughter down the first stretch of a road leading to holiness.
In the course of the journey the girls (Irene was accompanied by her anonymous sister) and their escort had to pass through Mysia near the spurs of Mount Olympos. The reverend virgin […] had heard what was told about the great Ioannikios. […] Giving a digression priority to the main track, she left nothing unspoken nor undone to persuade her escort to let climb up to him […]. Finally they were persuaded and led her up to the holy man11.
7The biographer’s turn of phrase, μεῖζον τοῦ ἔργου τὸ πάρεργον, intimates that marriage had not been her innermost aim.
8Irene was late arriving at Constantinople, but this event probably liberated her from her earthly ties. The author of her Life did not feel the need to justify why his heroine flatly refused other offers of marriage, and «with all her heart and soul she desired to become the bride of Christ and always to satisfy Him alone»12. Visiting the saint Ioannikios along the way had apparently acted like a catalyst for Irene, and showed her a path to salvation.
9The prospect of a bride show and of an imperial wedding had given Irene the opportunity to reach Constantinople, a Middle Byzantine pilgrimage destination par excellence13, where she spent the rest of her life in a monastery and was ultimately canonized14.
10A deviation similar to that of Irene had also taken place in another instance, once again leading to sainthood. Theodora, the future empress († 867), on her way from Ebissa in Paphlagonia15 to Constantinople with the intention of taking part in the bride show held there to help Theophilos find a wife, visited the retreat of «a certain holy man who was enclosed in the tower of Nicomedia»16. The monk supplied her with the apple that contributed to her being chosen as an imperial spouse. In the case of Theodora, the journey, the marriage, and the kingship all led to sanctity.
11The journeys of Empress Theodora and Irene of Chrysobalanton include secondary pilgrimages17 as a sort of addendum to the main pilgrimage. Both future saints are heading for Constantinople, but en route they worship at the feet of Saint Ioannikios and the hermit Isaiah18, who played a defining role in the two women’s journey into sainthood. Pilgrimage is a milestone in their course towards consummation19.
12A further observation may be made with regard to the journeys of these women, particularly in conjunction with the long talk in modern historiography concerning the historicity of bride shows and the literary motifs lurking behind the telling of the story20. In a study examining women’s pilgrimages to the Holy Land, Michel Kaplan mentions Mary of Egypt. He notes that the «repentant harlot» motif was relatively widespread in hagiography, yet what sets Mary apart from other cases is the fact that her voyage to Jerusalem preceded her conversion – indeed it was the journey that caused the latter21. This rather mythical figure boarded a ship full of pilgrims out of Alexandria, having shameful purposes in mind, earning her passage by prostitution22. Shortly after her arrival at the Holy City, she was miraculously driven to abandon her profession, which, however, was actually what had led her there, and follow the path of solitary devotion to God23.
13Theodora and Irene traveled to the New Jerusalem in order to attain their biological and gender fulfillment through marriage. Although marriage cannot be equated with Mary’s profession, it should be noted that both were related to the female entity and, ultimately, to the flesh. The three women in question were led to sainthood after a journey which, in the case of the prostitute, has been termed «anti-pèlerinage» by Kaplan24. While the initial goal was to seek satisfaction/fulfillment for their earthly, perishable side through this journey, they were ultimately driven away from it and led down the path to atonement and salvation.
14Women did not always travel at the behest, or with the blessings, of their families. Let us take a look at an adventurous journey, one, however, that had a happy ending, similar to the one already mentioned.
15Euphrosyne the Younger († 921-923) was born in the Peloponnese, to wealthy and illustrious parents, and raised in Calabria25. At the age of three she was sent to a monastery as an oblate; there she received an education, exhibiting an extreme love of God at a very young age. Seeing this, her parents decided to send her to Constantinople, where she could retire to one of the great nunneries in and around the capital26. This was the starting point of Euphrosyne’s long journey into monasticism and eventual sainthood. Having prepared her, and after providing her with a sufficient amount of money in gold and silver coins, they sent her to the family of her paternal uncle, Agelastos. The saint’s Encomium, written by Constantine Akropolites, mentions a different reason for her sojourn to Constantinople. Her father, about to take part in a military operation, decided that it would be safer for his daughter to be sent to his brother’s house in Constantinople. At the same time, of course, it is stressed that the venerable lady had already demonstrated her proclivity to monastic life27. For whatever reason, she arrived at Constantinople and remained by her uncle’s side until, seeing that she had reached maturity, he decided to arrange a marriage for her.
16Agelastos made preparations for the wedding and for the appropriate celebrations that were to follow the ceremony. As soon as it was dark, however, Euphrosyne changed her clothes (τὴν στολὴν βραχὺ μεταλλαξαμένη), took a little dry bread and an insignificant amount of water, barely enough for six days28, left the house unnoticed and went into hiding at a nearby abandoned shack that belonged to a miller29.
17There she remained undiscovered for three whole months, after which time her presence in the house was revealed to the owner of the hideout in a dream30. Taking into account the fact that she would no longer be able to follow her path to solitude incognito, and fearing that she would falter, Euphrosyne abandoned the miller’s shack – once again in the dead of night. She went to the harbor and boarded a ship that was making sail for Anaplous, towards the mouth of the Black Sea31. The journey was uneventful, the ship approached the cove and was about to drop anchor; it was only then that the young woman «discarded her female dress and changed into a man’s clothes, and started calling herself John instead of Euphrosyne»32. Disguised as a man, she now began to tour the local monasteries, collecting the best of whatever she came across, like an industrious bee (Τὰ ἐκεῖσε δὲ πάντα φροντιστήρια διελθοῦσα καὶ οἷά τις φιλεργὸς μέλισσα ἐξ ἁπάντων ἐρανισαμένη τὰ κράτιστα)33. Leaving no hermitage unvisited, she reached the Pontus shore, which was dotted with numerous monasteries. Atop the peak of a steep mountain she met a group of zealots and remained with them, submitting herself to unusually intensive tests of her resolve34. After a great degree of wandering about, her biographer notes that it is imperative for those who wish to entrust their lives to the Lord to stay still. So it was that Euphrosyne realized that she had to put an end to her roaming; she bowed her head to the yoke of Jesus and chose to live as a cloistered nun – or rather monk35.
18After a lapse of fifteen years, and while her fellow hermits had elected her their abbot, she decided to leave again. Under cover of night, and having found the gates of the convent open, she snuck away and went even further than where she had lived36. There followed a new peregrination among monasteries and caves, until finally she settled in the wilderness near an old hermit for the next ten years37. Determined to return to her native land, she left him and, still disguised as a man, retraced the steps that had brought her there: the Black Sea to the mouth of the Pontus38. After a brief sojourn there, she discarded her male attire and, a woman once again, returned to Constantinople in secret39. She toured the churches of the city and initially settled herself in an underground hovel near Zoodochos Pege40; she went on to seek refuge in another underground cave in the vicinity of Hagia Trias41, until her travels came to end at the monastery of Hagia Skepe42, where she died.
19It was a long and arduous journey, and the aristocratic young woman was forced to disguise herself as a man not only to avoid being recognized by the people sent by her family to look for her43, but also as protection against lurking dangers.
20A century earlier, but in the context of a different version of female monasticism, another woman had chosen to disguise herself so that she could enter a convent. After the death of her children, Anna/Euphemianos (750-825), a resident of Constantinople, loitered around the churches of the city (περιῄει τὰς ἐκκλησίας προσευχομένη καὶ φωταγωγοῦσα καὶ τὸν συντακτήριον ἀσπαζομένη) until she came across a monk from the Bithynian Olympus. She received the tonsure from him and, wearing men’s clothes underneath a woman’s dress, she secretly reached the region of Mount Olympus. There she discarded her female garments and was admitted into a male monastery as a eunuch44. She later moved to a lavra and then to a new monastery, founded by Patriarch Tarasios45. From there, accompanied by two monks, she fled to a site on the Bosphorus, where she spent several years. She had come full circle to Constantinople, the starting point of her peregrination, προσκληθεῖσα […] παρά τινων μοναχῶν ἐπὶ τὰ μέρη τοῦ Σίγματος, where eventually she died46.
21Yet another saint, Theodora of Thessaloniki (812-892), had to travel far from her birthplace to the place where she would become a nun and ultimately a saint. Agape47, as she was known before her tonsure, along with her husband were forced by Arab raids on her home island of Aegina48 to abandon it and relocate to Thessaloniki49. There, after her personal life went through many tribulations, she was widowed and became a nun in the monastery of St Stephen50, where her never-ending ascetic practices and various trials eventually led her to sainthood.
22It was an adventurous journey that also guided another nun to sanctity. Even if the story appears to be different, the spirit is more or less the same. Theoktiste of Lesbos (9th c.), a nun at a convent in Methymna, went to a neighboring town to visit her sister and brother-in-law during Easter. The saint’s journey, however, happened to coincide with an Arab raid on the island. She was captured along with other inhabitants and, in order to save herself, she escaped and hid in the forest.
23Walking through broken wood and on rocks, she injured her feet and stained the earth with her blood, until she collapsed half-dead51. There she lay all night and in the morning she was overjoyed to see the enemy leave the island. Theoktiste’s solitary journey was the beginning of the passion52 that drove her to sanctity. It is also worth noting the following: while the sight of women roaming mountains, cliffs and desolate places was usually considered to be the result of demonic possession53, this prejudice vanishes when the woman is driven to these acts in order to be led to sainthood.
24The edifying stories by Paul, bishop of Monemvasia, written in the second half of the tenth century, include a brief narration titled Περὶ τῶν τριῶν γυναικῶν τῶν φανερωθέντων (sic) ἐπὶ Kωνσταντίνου τοῦ βασιλέως54. It relates the adventures of the wife of a protospatharios from Constantinople and her two slave girls, set during the reign of Constantine Porphyrogenitus. This woman, a childless young widow, attracted the lust of a rich and powerful man, who sent his servants to bring her to him by force. The woman refused to follow them; she put up a fight and finally pretended to suffer from fetid sores. She promised that when they healed (after forty days) she would willingly go to their master on her own. When the men left, the woman disposed of all her material possessions, except for two of her slave girls. At night she and her escorts boarded a ship, καὶ ὑπὸ Θεοῦ ὁδηγούμεναι they sought refuge in the Anatolikon theme; they retreated to a patch of wilderness, where they remained for eleven years, living as hermits and seeing no other human being. It was there that they were discovered by the abbot of a neighboring monastery and the local thematic general. The woman related her story to them and asked the abbot to summon a priest so that she and her slaves could receive Holy Communion. After her wish was granted, she died; within the next few days she was followed by her two slaves.
25This is an instructing tale, and not just for the time it was written and the purpose it was meant to serve, in other words to support the notion of female chastity, persistence to widowhood at any cost, and avoidance of sexual desire. It is also very informative on the subject under consideration. Even though the tenth-century Constantinopolitan aristocratic woman had forsaken social position, landed property, and movable goods, yet she kept with her two slave girls. Without them her journeys would have been neither easy nor consistent with the accepted code of behavior; furthermore, her solitary stay at strange place would have been problematic. As it turned out, the slave girls proved to be unnecessary, since the women were living in a desolate place and God saw to it that they were clothed and fed. All three came to the end of their lives having followed a road of submission to moral rules, and they were rewarded for this with the reception of Holy Communion before they died.
26Of all the journeys we have already mentioned, it is the sea voyages that raise questions regarding the ability of women to shoulder the heavy financial burden involved; nevertheless, it is precisely those voyages that correspond to the need of Middle Byzantine hagiography to portray maritime travel as a collective venture55. Women’s sea voyages, however, are solitary, as opposed to those of male pilgrims, who travel in large numbers56.
27Apart from the aforementioned journeys that ended, by design or through Divine Providence, either in a hermit’s retreat or in tonsure and eventual sainthood, Middle Byzantine hagiography does not fail to include the travelling adventures of women who had already donned the monastic habit.
28For instance, during the Iconoclastic era, the eighth-century saint Theodora of Kaisaris (an otherwise unattested place name) was forcibly removed from the convent of St Anna «called Rhigidion» (also unknown) 57, where she had been placed as an oblate by her mother. The emperor «having taken her away from the monastery58 by force and brute power, obliged her to travel to Constantinople»59, so that he could marry her to his son, the caesar Christopher. On the day of the wedding, and before the ceremony could be concluded, the crown prince went off to war, where he was killed. Upon hearing the news, Saint Theodora decided to return to the monastery. Without informing a single soul, she took gold, silver, pearls and precious clothing, and thus supplied she boarded a ship and went back to her convent60. Apparently she donated these riches to the monastery and, as we are informed by the Synaxarion of Constantinople, she spent her life dressed in rags, submitting her body to torments.
29Constantinople was the destination of another nun/saint in the ninth century. Saint Athanasia was removed from her convent on the island of Aegina, where she served as superior, and went, for reasons that are not mentioned in her Life, to Constantinople. There she remained for almost seven years61, in a monastery that is also not named. The vague phrase πρὸς τὴν βασιλίδα τῶν πόλεων, χρείας γενομένης, ἀπάρασα, ἐν μοναστηρίῳ ἐπὶ ἓξ ἢ ἑπτὰ χρόνους ἐκάθισεν, which has been rendered in the English translation of the Life, somewhat inaccurately, as «on account of some business she departed to the Queen of Cities and resided in a monastery there six or seven years»62, does not clearly state that the journey was undertaken in order to satisfy some practical need. It could very well be assumed that this move to Constantinople was for the nun a pilgrimage, the duration of which was extended for reasons that are unknown to us63.
30The next case also tells of a pilgrimage, to Jerusalem no less. In the eighth century, the mother of Bakchos the Younger, who lived with her six children in the town of Maioumas near Gaza, decided to travel alone to Jerusalem for the celebration of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. Her wish to meet with one of her sons who was in the city, and who, without her knowledge, had decided to become a monk, is stated as an additional reason behind the journey64.
31However, since the voyage was undertaken on the occasion of a great feast (ἡ τούτου μήτηρ εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα ἀφίκετο τῆς ὑψώσεως ἕνεκεν τοῦ Τιμίου Σταυροῦ), one may recognize here a pilgrimage to the Holy City65, albeit one that was made over a short distance. Thus, the lady pilgrim in the Life of St Lazaros of Mount Galesion, whom modern literature mentions66 as the only woman of the period to travel to the Holy Land67, now has a companion in the history of Middle Byzantine female pilgrimage.
32Α second group of female travelers will now form the subject of a brief mention. These were the weak members of families who were transformed into energetic, active beings, motivated by their need and obligation to measure up to their role as mothers and wives. In this way, being a mother or wife proved to be beyond the reach of a limiting normative frame of behaviour. In other cases, travelling women and the various aims these travels served are conducive to the showcasing of a third person’s sanctity.
33Some women, usually alone, led their children in a pilgrimage to a living saint or a shrine so that they could be cured. Others travelled, often far from home, in search of a cure or a solution to their husbands’ afflictions, or even to rid themselves of painful, often incurable diseases. These numerous instances found in hagiographical texts have been studied and brought forward, highlighting on the one hand the key contribution of women in preserving family peace, happiness and balance, and on the other their almost solitary struggle to recoup their afflicted health68. We will, however, present two examples that bear witness to the preservation of family ties, and in these cases the bond between mother and child, after the latter had been tonsured.
34The separation of a mother from her children often drove women to despair and sometimes led them to travelling adventures. Konstanto, mother of saints David, Symeon and George of Mytilene, was motivated by maternal love and a wish to see her elder son one more time. After the death of her husband, at a rather advanced age (73 years old), she travelled from the island of Lesbos to Mount Ida in the vicinity of Troy, where David was ordained a presbyter, founded a church and monastery dedicated to Saints Kerykos and Ioulitta, and became renowned for his devotion to God. Along with little eight-year-old Symeon69, ἀποθεμένη τὴν γυναικείαν ἀσθένειαν καὶ τοῦ γήρως ὡς περιεπιλαθομένη70, she made the sea voyage with no other company and, when she landed, she began to inquire the locals in order to locate her son, until she was met and assisted by a man sent by David who brought her to him. Konstanto stayed at the monastery for a while, left young Symeon there and apparently returned to her island alone71.
35Nikephoros, bishop of Miletus (tenth century), hailed from Basileion, a sizeable Galatian town in the Boukellarion theme72; he was eight years old when he was sent from his birthplace to Constantinople. Before sending him away, his parents had him castrated, apparently with high hopes for a good career in the imperial court or the ecclesiastical administration73. However, shortly afterwards his mother Mary followed him to Constantinople74. The motive behind her journey was a mother’s love and the need to protect her child. Anxious of her son’s conduct in school, since at one point he gave away his overcoat, Mary decided on a more hands-on approach, escorting him and daily monitoring his behaviour75. The saint’s biographer is quick to sing her praises and view the way she chose to raise her son as exemplary76. The saint’s mother appears once again in the Life, now called Marina after her tonsure; she is shown following her son into the Maeander valley, while she was also present at his death in Mycale, at the monastery of Ξηρόν Χωράφιον77, a fact that attests to the probability that mother and son had remained in contact with each other78.
36A few concise observations may be stated with regard to the aforementioned two categories of female travelers, starting with the second, which was presented here in brief due to it being more familiar.
37Regardless of their social position, women would go beyond what their gender allowed and they would seek recognition in their role as mothers. They would travel in order to nurse their children back to health or ensure their future security. Most of them do not appear to have been widows since, when they actually were, the biographers did not fail to point that out. They would break the rules that regulated domestic life; they would take charge and, supplanting the father, manage to do the impossible. Disregarding social conventions, they left the house on their own, and they would often journey away from it, even from their town or village. They traveled, often unescorted, in defiance of whatever dangers might lurk, to a destination that more often than not was a holy man’s retreat or his tomb. They also journeyed when they wanted to satisfy a mother’s need to be with their child and assuage the pain that separation had caused.
38Even though children were exclusively subject to paternal authority, it was mainly the mothers that, having their offspring’s best interest at heart, took care of the child’s health, social integration, and future security. It was nature, serving in this case as a role model for society, which dictated this attitude and led women to bypass, with a great show of dynamism, the complete subjection to their husbands that the law demanded of them. As far as contemporaries were concerned, these actions did not cast women in a negative light; on the contrary, such activities were either praised or, at worst, simply mentioned with no further comment.
39When studying the first group of female travelers, one might observe that the journey leading to physical and spiritual asceticism, to monasticism or sanctity, regardless of its original goal and planning, attests to the fact that this pilgrimage was a privileged moment for women in the Middle Byzantine period, undertaken so that the female pilgrim could don the monastic habit. Indeed, on certain occasions this proved to be the last of their trials on earth, as death came for them almost on the heels of the conclusion of the journey.
40According to widely-held perceptions, Byzantine women always made sure to have an escort whenever they moved or appeared in public. Women, particularly those belonging to upper-class families, never went out alone, even when travelling over short distances, much less when they journeyed to distant places far away from home. However, in most of the aforementioned cases, breaking the rules was considered self-evident or the hagiographical texts simply glossed over it.
41Women of the Middle Byzantine period travelled. They certainly did not travel as much as their sisters in Late Antiquity, partly due to adverse geopolitical conditions in the aftermath of Arab expansion, and partly because the facts of life pertaining to women in Byzantine society had evolved/changed. Their journeys either were undertaken in order to satisfy their need to live up to their roles primarily as mothers and secondly as wives, or resulted in bringing to the fore the sanctity of an individual that was the subject of a biography.
42If evidence shedding light on the life and activities of women is difficult to find in other genres of Byzantine literature, hagiographical texts are the most fertile ground for gathering information and reaching conclusions with regard, among other things, to women’s journeys. We observe that pilgrimage is an innate part of the contemporary ideal of female sanctity, even though it is found in a more limited scale, with regard to both range and frequency, than corresponding male pilgrimages. It should be taken into account that the percentage of women who achieved sainthood was definitely much lower than that of their male contemporaries; consequently, women’s Lives form only a small part of the corpus of hagiographical texts. Therefore, the limited number of women’s monastic journeys found in the sources should not necessarily be taken as an indication of adherence to the teachings of the Church Fathers, who during Late Antiquity had frowned upon long pilgrimages, especially when women were concerned79.
Bibliographie
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AASS = Acta Sanctorum
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Life of Theodora the Empress = A. Markopoulos, Βίος τῆς αὐτοκράτειρας Θεοδώρας (BHG 1731), in Σύμμεικτα, 5, 1983, p. 249-285.
Life of Theoktiste = Th. Ioannou, Mνημεία ἀγιολογικά, Venice 1884 (repr. Leipzig 1973), p. 1-17. Engl. tr. by A. C. Hero, Life of St. Theoktiste of Lesbos, in Talbot 1996, p. 95-116.
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Maraval 1985 = P. Maraval, Lieux saints et pèlerinage d’Orient. Histoire et géographie des origines à la conquête arabe, Paris, 1985.
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10.2307/1291855 :Maraval 2008 = P. Maraval, The development of holy cities in the Byzantine Orient between the 4th and the 7th century, in Kazakou – Skoulas 2008, p. 27-36.
Miracles of Peter of Atroa = V. Laurent, La Vita retractata et les Miracles posthumes de Saint Pierre d’Atroa, Brussels, 1958 (Subsidia Hagiographica, 31), p. 134-171.
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10.2307/1291862 :Rydén 1985 = L. Rydén, The Bride-shows at the Byzantine Court – History or Fiction?, in Eranos, 83, 1985, p. 175-191.
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Sherry 1996 = L. F. Sherry, Life of St. Athanasia of Aegina, in A.-M. Talbot (ed.), Holy women of Byzantium: Ten saint’s wives in English translation, Washington D.C., 1996, p. 137-158.
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Notes de bas de page
1 The views on the topic of the seclusion of women have been discussed in numerous studies dealing with the role and/or place of women in Byzantium in general or individual issues regarding Byzantine women in particular. Those interested in the subject may peruse through the literature listed in the website www.doaks.org, s.v. Gender (last accessed May 7, 2107).
2 Talbot 2002, p. 80-81.
3 The literature on early pilgrimage is extremely rich. Among others, the studies of P. Maraval (Maraval 1985) and É. Malamut (Malamut 1993) still form the basis for any discussion of the voyages to the East. For more recent treatments cf. Kaplan 2006 and Maraval 2008. On the region of Asia Minor in particular, see also Foss 2002.
4 Talbot 2008, p. 42 (on Thessaloniki as a destination for pilgrims).
5 As M. Kaplan has observed (Kaplan 2002, p. 109-110), the reasons that motivated Middle Byzantine holy individuals to depart on a pilgrimage are not always clearly stated in hagiographical texts, as was the case for saints’ Lives from earlier centuries. The typical goals of pilgrimage are still in evidence, but they do not hold a dominant position.
6 The majority of scholars who study the phenomenon have pinpointed and discussed the difficulty of accurately defining the context of the term «pilgrimage» in a Byzantine context. Some of the participants to the symposium titled Pilgrimage in the Byzantine Empire: 7th-15th Centuries, organized in Dumbarton Oaks in 2000, also took an interest in this particular issue; selected papers presented in this symposium were published in Dumbarton Oaks Papers 56, 2000. See, e.g., Talbot 2002a, p. 60-61; Maraval 2002, p. 63; Rosenqvist 2002, p. 193, 201-202; Greenfield 2002, p. 213-214; Kaplan 2002, p. 109; cf. also Talbot 2002, p. 73; Kaplan 2006, p. 249 and Frank 2000, p. 7-8. It is quite possible for this reason that instances or incidents that have already been examined and are mentioned in the present paper have not been included in earlier studies on female pilgrimage.
7 Kaplan 2002, p.109.
8 Rosenqvist 1986, p. xxvi-xxvii.
9 Life of Irene of Chrysobalanton, p. 8, ch. 3: ἐκ τῆς Καππαδοκῶν, ὅθεν ὥρμητο […] πρὸς τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν ἀποστέλλουσι.
10 On Constantinople as the «New Jerusalem» or «Second Jerusalem», see for instance Talbot 2008, p. 40 and n. 19, 20.
11 Life of Irene of Chrysobalanton, p. 8-10, ch. 3.
12 Ibid., p. 12, ch. 3.
13 Constantinople was one of three major destinations for pilgrims in the Middle Byzantine period; see Kaplan 2002, p. 119, 120. See also Malamut 1993, p. 148-165, who refers in particular to saints’ journeys to the Byzantine capital.
14 Rosenqvist 1986, p. xxvi.
15 Life of Theodora the Empress, p. 272; cf. Theophanes Continuatus, p. 130, ch. 5.
16 Ibid., p. 259-260, ch. 3: μαθοῦσα περί τινος ἁγίου ἀνδρὸς ἐγκεκλεισμένου ἐν τῷ τῆς Νικομηδείας πύργῳ – πανταχοῦ γὰρ ἐφημίζετο ἡ μεγάλη καὶ ἐνάρετος αὐτοῦ πολιτεία – ὅτε ἐπλησίασα τῷ τόπῳ, ἀνῆλθον πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀστέρος ἐπιλάμψαντός μοι, ὥσπερ ποτὲ τοὺς μάγους ἐν Βηθλεέμ, ἐν ᾧ καὶ προσκυνῆσαι αὐτὸν κατηξίωσε. Cf. the English translation by Vinson 1998, p. 365.
17 Kaplan 2002, p. 121, has characterized these detours from the main pilgrimage as «pèlerinages secondaires, soit par leur importance ou leur caractère local, soit parce qu’ils sont l’annexe du pèlerinage principa». Frank 2000, p. 8-9 and n. 21, has proposed a classification of Christian pilgrimages into linear, including voyages to holy places, and circular or goalless ones, the latter category referring mostly to visits to holy people.
18 On the identity of the hermit of Nicomedia see Vinson 1998, p. 365 n. 33.
19 Kaplan 2002, p. 113.
20 See e.g. Petrinski 2015, Treadgold 2004, Afinogenov 1997 and Rydén 1985.
21 Kaplan 2006, p. 253, with the relevant literature.
22 Life of Mary of Egypt, col. 3712, ch. 19: Εἶπον [Μary] δὲ πρὸς αὐτόν· Ὄντως, ἀδελφέ, ναῦλον [καὶ] δαπάνην οὐ κέκτημαι· ἀπέρχομαι δὲ κἀγώ, καὶ ἀνἐρχομαι εἰς ἓν τῶν πλοιαρίων ὧν ἐμισθώσαντο, καὶ θρέψαι με ἔχουσι κἂν μὴ θέλουσι· σῶμα γὰρ ἔχω, ἀντὶ ναύλου λαμβάνουσι; see Talbot 2002, p. 74.
23 Ibid., col. 3712-3716, ch. 22-24.
24 Kaplan 2006, p. 254.
25 Life of Euphrosyne the Younger, p. 862, ch. 3: Πέλοπος ἡ νῆσος τῇ μακαρίᾳ ταύτῃ πατρίς […] Καλαβρία ἡ θρεψαμένη καὶ εἰς φῶς τὴν ἀγαθὴν ταύτην βλάστην προαγαγοῦσα.
26 Ibid., p. 863, ch. 5: οἱ πατέρες […] ἔγνωσαν δὴ τῇ Κωνσταντίνου ἐπιφοιτῆσαι καὶ σεμνείῳ τινὶ τῶν ἄγαν ἠκριβωμένων ταύτην ἐγκαταστῆσαι.
27 Encomium of Euphrosyne the Younger, p. 58, ch. 3.
28 An insignificant amount of food that lasts for days, months or even years is a well-known topos in Byzantine hagiography.
29 Life of Euphrosyne the Younger, p. 863, ch. 5.
30 Ibid., p. 863-864, ch. 7.
31 Ibid., p. 864, ch. 7: πρὸς τὸν Ἀνάπλουν ἔμελλε διαπλεῖν καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸ τὸ στόμα τοῦ Eὐξείνου γίνεσθαι Πόντου. On Anaplous on the European side of the Bosphorus, see Failler 2009, p. 172-176; Janin 1964, p. 468.
32 Ibid., p. 864, ch. 8: τὴν γυναικείαν πρὸς ἀνδρῴαν μεταμφιασαμένη στολὴν καὶ ἀντὶ Eὐφροσύνης τὴν Ἰωάννου κλῆσιν μετακληθεῖσα.
33 Ibid., p. 864, ch. 7-8. It is impressive that a beautiful and aristocratic woman like Euphrosyne decided to travel without disguising herself beforehand. This touring of hermits’ retreats constitutes an initiation into monastic life; on the other hand, however, the phrase ἐξ ἁπάντων ἐρανισαμένη τὰ κράτιστα refers to a pilgrimage, just like in the case of Melania the Younger, as Frank 2000, p. 7-8, has observed, referring to the issue of the pilgrim’s vocabulary.
34 One may recognize in the story of Euphrosyne trace elements of the narratio about an, obviously fictional, anonymous woman of senatorial rank in the 6th (?) c.; Flusin – Paramelle 1982. The participation of her father in her life, his interest in his daughter’s future, the heroine’s refusal to go through with the marriage her family had wished on her, the secret escape, the large amount of money and human resources expended in the course of the heroine’s adventures, her departure and life as a hermit, they are all elements common in both texts. What is glaringly different is the goal of the pilgrimage described, since different eras were involved. The Judean Desert of the early period has been replaced by the vicinity of Constantinople and the shores of the Bosphorus all the way to the Pontic region.
35 Life of Euphrosyne the Younger, p. 864, ch. 8.
36 Ibid., p. 865, ch. 10.
37 Ibid., p. 865-866, ch. 11.
38 Ibid., p. 867, ch. 15.
39 Ibid., p. 867, ch. 16.
40 Ibid., p. 867, ch. 16.
41 Ibid., p. 871, ch. 28.
42 Ibid., p. 874, ch. 34.
43 Ibid., p. 866, ch. 12.
44 Life of Anna/Euphymianos, col. 173-174.
45 Ibid., col. 175-176.
46 Ibid., col. 175-178.
47 Life of Theodora of Thessalonike, p. 76.
48 Ibid., p. 70.
49 Ibid., p. 76-78. The raids must have taken place between 825-830; see Paschalidis 1991, p. 244-245; cf. Kazhdan – Talbot 1998, p. 96-97.
50 Life of Theodora of Thessalonike, p. 102-108. Numerous wives had entered the monastic life after their husbands’ death (see Nikolaou 2005, p. 175-176); however, for many of them it had not been necessary to move. The cases that involved the need to travel in order to fulfil their goals include that of the nun Anna in the Life of Stephen the Younger († 767). After her husband’s death this Constantinopolitan lady found out about Stephen the Younger. Ἐκλαθομένη τὰ γυναικῶν ὀκνηρότατα, she travelled and managed to reach the saint’s retreat atop Mount Auxentius to meet and discuss with him her future. As she was childless, the way was clear for her to pursue her wish of becoming a nun. Stephen encouraged her; she went back to her home and distributed the best part of her estate to the poor. When she returned to him she brought the saint a part of her fortune and, following his advice, with the help of the monastery’s steward she donated it to the people of the nearby villages. She went on to don the habit of a nun, receive the name Anna and settle in the monastery of Trichinarea: Life of Stephen the Younger, p. 115-116, ch. 21.
51 Life of Theoktiste, p. 11, ch. 17.
52 Ibid., p. 12, ch. 18.
53 Miracles of Peter of Atroa, p. 153, ch. 102.
54 Wortley 1987, no. 1/I, p. 28-35.
55 Cf. the view of Kaplan 2002, p. 114, regarding the frequency of sea voyages in Middle Byzantine hagiography.
56 Male pilgrims rarely travel alone during this period, according to Kaplan 2002, p. 114.
57 Life of Theodora Kaisaris, col. 354. On the absence of further references to either Kaisaris or Rhigidion, see Kazhdan – Talbot, 1998, p. 96.
58 Even though marriage to a nun constituted adultery, since the nun was a bride of Christ, political expediencies might lead to marital alliances of that sort. One characteristic example is the marriage of Michael II to Euphrosyne, the daughter of Constantine VI by his first wife, Maria, see Theophanes Continuatus, p. 116, ch. 24; Skylitzes, p. 44; Genesius, p. 35.
59 Life of Theodora Kaisaris, col. 355.
60 Ibid., col. 355.
61 Life of Athanasia of Aegina, p. 218, ch. 20.
62 Sherry 1996, p. 150, ch. 11.
63 A. Kazhdan and A.-M. Talbot (Kazhdan – Talbot, 1998, p. 25) speak of unknown reasons behind the journey. The editor of the Life mentions a possible link between Athanasia and the Stoudios monastery in Constantinople, since her Life is preserved in a single manuscript, a menologion of the monastery (Life of Athanasia of Aegina, p. 199-200). This reinforces my view.
64 Life of Bakchos the Younger, p. 347, ch. 4.
65 According to the Life of Symeon the Fool, to this feast σχεδὸν ἐκ πάσης τῆς οἰκουμένης συντρέχουσιν τῶν λαῶν τὰ φιλόσταυρα καὶ χρισοφόρα πλήθη: Life of Symeon Salos, p. 58; cf. Kaplan 2006, p. 251 and n. 16.
66 Κaplan 2002, p. 114, n. 41; Talbot 2002, p. 81; Talbot 2008, p. 38.
67 Life of Lazaros of Mt. Galesion, p. 538, ch. 95; Engl. tr. by Greenfield 2000, ch. 95.
68 See the detailed analysis of instances involving a mother’s care for her children in Nikolaou 2005, p. 136-140 and 149-150, and wives caring for their husbands, ibid., p. 163-165. An entire chapter in the book (ibid., p. 241-260) is dedicated to «Women’s illnesses and treatment». Cf. Talbot 2002, p. 77-80 and Talbot 2002b.
69 Judging by Symeon’s age, Konstanto must have given birth to her last child at a very advanced age. According to Ševčenko 1977, p. 117-118, this proves that there are chronological gaps in the Life, which, in conjunction with other evidence, place the composition of the Life at a later date.
70 Life of David, Symeon and George, p. 217, ch. 8. Cf. the Engl tr. p. 160: «setting aside her feminine weakness and as if unmindful of her advanced years».
71 Life of David, Symeon and George, p. 218, ch. 8.
72 Ibid., p. 158, ch. 2.
73 Papaioannou 2015, p. 262 and n. 5, citing literature relevant to this common practice.
74 Life of Nikephoros of Miletos, p. 159, ch. 5: τῇ φιλοστοργίᾳ συνωθουμένη καὶ ἑλκομένη, οὐκ ἐπὶ μακρὸν τὴν διάστασιν καρτερήσασα; cf. Nikolaou 2005, p. 143.
75 Life of Nikephoros of Miletos, p. 159, ch. 5. According to Papaioannou 2015, p. 263, the phrase «lest he might acquire some stain or reproachable blemish by associating and consorting with his peers and so that he might be preserved fully pure and unblemished» (μή πού τινα κηλῖδα ἢ μῶμον προστρίψηται ταῖς τῶν ὁμηλίκων συναναστροφαῖς τε καὶ συνουσίαις, ἀλλ’ ὅλος ἁγνὸς συντηρηθείη καὶ ἄμωμος) is the anonymous author’s way of indicating the likely dangers and fears a young boy, especially a castrated one, could face.
76 Life of Nikephoros of Miletos, p. 160, ch. 5. See also Nikolaou 2005, p. 133.
77 Life of Nikephoros of Miletos, p.167, ch. 21. See Papaioannou 2015, p. 264-265 and n. 15.
78 Morris 1995, p. 80.
79 Talbot 2002, p. 75-77, for a brief exposition of the relevant views of the Church Fathers.
Auteur
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, anikolaou@arch.uoa.gr
Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence Licence OpenEdition Books. Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.
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