Abbots as guests of other abbots. A comparative analysis of the Benedictine world and religious orders between the 11th and 13th centuries
p. 43-58
Texte intégral
Christi enim agere vices
1In the monastic rules of late Antiquity and of the early Middle Ages the persona of the abbot was put in relation to various figures. For the monks under his supervision he was father, shepherd, scholar, master, judge, superior1. The most radical image of his role is described in two passages of the Regula Benedicti. The first, at the beginning of chapter 2, lays the foundations for the behavior of the abbot. In this passage, directly quoted from the Regula Magistri, the abbot is defined as Christ’s representative in the monastery.
An abbot worthy of being the head of the monastery must always remember the title granted him and act accordingly. Indeed is known that he symbolizes Christ in the monastery since he’s called by His name, according to the words of the Apostle: "You received the spirit of adoption of the sons, by virtue of which we call to you: abba, father"2.
2Benedict’s words, following a line often documented by the Master, create a direct parallelism between the paternity of Christ-Abba and that of the abbot-superior towards his monks3. As well as establishing the obedience of monks to their superior, this parallelism emphasizes the unique responsibility of the abbot towards his subjects, before Christ. The abbot as representative of Christ was also defined in chapter 63, 13.
Furthermore may the abbot, since it is known that he is the Christ’s representative, be named dominus and "abbot", not because he expects it, but in honour and love of Christ4.
3As Gert Melville asserts, "the abbot, therefore, being legitimised, since he refers to a superior level, although his power is limited and bodily visible, preserves the invisible and unlimited power of God"5.
Modo regem vocabant
4The direct comparison of the abbot to Christ makes this role unique and superior to the other figures that with different names headed the regular communities, such as priors, prepositi, ministers, masters, etc. In the same way an abbey possessed rights of independence unimaginable for priories, prepositures, ecclesie and dependent cells.
5Moreover, if the abbot for his monks was the vicar of Christ, with nobody above him, his relations with the bishop, the metropolita, the diocesan synod, the political authorities of the territory and – which we are interested in – with other abbots, particularly those of the monastic network to which the abbey was tied, became a serious problem. This last level of relations, a veritable "tension field" ("Spannungsfeld"), was particularly stressed during visits of an abbot to another abbey or, even more so, of a public meeting of two abbots before the monastic community.
6Until the 11th century the sources document this kind of visit in occasion of the reformations of communities involved in economic and disciplinary decline.
7The Life of Odo, abbot of Cluny, composed in the fourties of the 10th century by John of Salerno6, narrates with an abundance of information the reformation of the abbey of Fleury, carried out by the same Odo7.
8John tells us that the Burgundian abbot went to Fleury at the request of Count Elisiardus, who had received the abbey by the French King Robert Ist, so that it could be reformed. Oddo was accompanied by the same Elisiardus, two bishops, two counts and a large following 8. On their arrival, the monks refused to let him enter and, armed, climbed up to the roofs preparing to throw stones and tiles at them, while others defended the front door with drawn swords, ready to die rather than surrender to the invaders9.
9In an attempt to end what promised to become a veritable siege, negotiations began during which the monks were resolute, defending their position on the basis of the royal privileges granted to the cenoby, that guaranteed Fleury the right to refuse any external supremacy10. It is extremely significant that the monks, threatening Odo with death, addressed him with the disparaging epithet of "king" (modo regem vocabant), that is, a tyrant wielding power without the right11.
10After three days the situation, come to a dangerous stalemate, was solved by Odo himself, who in secret mounted a donkey and, like Jesus on Palm Sunday, quickly rode alone towards the door of the abbey. Counts and bishops begged him in vain to stop, before he was killed. The monks of Fleury recognized him and were impressed by his gesture, so much so that they immediately changed their attitude and, abandoning their weapons, they came out, embraced and admitted him within the walls of the abbey, while all the others went home12.
11This episode is extremely significant. On one hand it shows the abbey’s refusal to allow an external abbot to visit a monastery out of his jurisdiction, perceived as an usurper. On the other hand, the narration points out that the situation was solved not by the use of force or through dialogue, but only by an unpredictable and symbolic action of strong communicative impact: the abbot no longer arrives in grand style surrounded by bishops and counts, but riding a donkey, alone and defenseless, in a gesture clearly imitating Christ. The relationship between Christ and the role of the abbot in the rule13 was then directly made explicit, as to be immediately recognized by the monks.
12Meetings and visits of abbots appear frequently in the documents from the 11th century onwards, when organised networks of religious communities began to take form, for example, not only at Cluny14, but also at Marmoutier, Hirsau or la Chaise-Dieu15.
13In these monasteries, thanks to patrimonial ties and to the charisma of the office, a central abbey usually had a conspicuous number of subordinate priories, cells and ecclesie, often even very distant from the mother house16. Among the subordinate community abbeys, even ones of considerable size and great traditions, were not lacking but, if compared to the overall number of dependent entities, these constituted an exiguous minority. It was almost always a question of monasteries needing reform, since they were economically or disciplinarily decadent. In such cases the relationship between the abbey and the mother-house seemed often unstable and was in any event individually negotiated. This could range from the simple payment of an annual census, to the assumption of the rules extending as far as the nomination of one or more consecutive abbots or even to the substitution of the entire community.
14In the case of the subordination of one abbey to another, at the end of the 11th century it could happen that the head of a monastic network considered himself, or was considered, a sort of arch abbot, that is, an abbot to whom other abbots, often chosen or confirmed by him, were bound in various capacities to obedience and by compulsory corrections, often arousing strong opposition17.
15The story of the abbey of Saint-Bertin of Sithiu in Flanders is emblematic18. The abbey was donated to Cluny in 1099 by the countess Clementia, sister of Guido archbishop of Vienne, while her husband Robert was in the crusades. Relations between the two cenobies were always very difficult, and became open hostilities in the spring of 111219, when Pontius, abbot of Cluny, recently succeeding to Hugh of Semur, informed the monks of Saint-Bertin and their abbot Lambert that he would celebrate Easter among them20. Immediately the news upset the local monks, since well-informed individuals among them had revealed the real intention of Pontius: Hunc dixisse se curiam suam velle celebrare in ecclesia Sancti Bertini quasi in propria21, where the ambiguity of the expression celebrare curiam could refer either to a monastic chapter or to the assembly of a royal court, with judiciary functions.
16The shadow of the tyrant-king of Cluny, already seen with Odo22, was ever present. The monks coming from Cluny and established in Flanders to reform Saint Bertin were more pleased. Simon, author of the Gesta abbatum of that monastery23, narrates how they covertly laughed about it, asserting that the abbot Lambert would be deprived of his power and respect in the presence of Pontius. Furthermore the abbot of Cluny would depose and replace anyone at his pleasure and would take the place of the abbot of Saint-Bertin (in cardinali abbatis sede staret) as an abbot of the abbots (abbas abbatum)24. Therefore, a juridical and economic supremacy, manifested by strong symbolic and ritual actions, was feared.
17The intervention of the countess of Flanders and of her son, Baldovin, forced the abbot Pontius to give up the visit. Moreover, his request that the vertex of the cenoby at least repeat the monastic declaration hands in his hands, as a sign of obedience according to the customs of Cluny, to remove any ambiguity about the relationship between the two abbeys, fell on deaf ears. The Burgundian reformers had no choice but to leave Saint-Bertin25.
18It was not an isolated incident. Since the thirties of the twelfth century, and with increasing frequency in the thirteenth century, one find norms that attempted to regulate the visit of the abbot of Cluny to subjected abbeys26. Suffice it to recall the privilege of Innocent II to Cluny of 8 March 1132 which regulated the relations between Cluny itself and Saint-Gilles27 or even that of Innocent III, where he confirmed the agreement between Cluny and Saint-Benedict at Polirone, near Mantua, of 12 July 120928. Similarly in the compositio between Cluny and Baume of 16 May 1239 was clearly established the ceremonial of reception of the abbot of Cluny29. The same happened at the end of the thirteenth century with the abbey of Figeac30. These documents were the result of a painstaking compromise between the parties to try to regulate inter-abbeys relations, and then grope to put a stop to the ongoing disputes. In these texts the ritual of treatment of the Burgundian abbot in the subordinate abbeys had a prominent place.
Secundum tempus abbatiarum
19The visit of an abbot to another abbot, if represented an almost insurmountable obstacle for the monastic networks born in the eleventh century, it became instead a resource for the new religious forms of the 12th century.
20In the first half of 12th century these meetings and visits increased as the religious orders gradually took form. These communities, both monastic – like the Cistercians – and canonical – like Prémontré and Arrouaise – were based primarily on institutional connections31. Unlike Cluny, these new monastic networks were not formed by priories, cells or ecclesie, but they were made up of abbeys32.
21Taking the example of the Cistercians, the earliest experience that was the model for the others, we can easily say that abbot’s visits were one of the cornerstones of the internal communication of the order.
22Father abbots were required to visit their daughter-abbeys annually33. Father abbots and brother-abbots took part in the election of the abbot of a sister-community and, eventually, were also involved in his deposition34. Abbots went yearly to the general chapter, visiting various abbeys along the way, and were supposed to transmit the decisions of the assembly to the absentee abbots on the way back35.
23With a custom very similar to that of the papal delegate justice, abbots – appointed by the general chapter – intervened locally to resolve recurring controversies among the monasteries of the order36. The abbots also appear in private documents as witnesses to important transactions of the daughter-abbeys37. The abbots finally visited other monasteries of the order in severe material difficulties. I’m thinking of the case of the abbey of Morimondo, in the district of Milan, who in 1237 was destroyed by the troops from nearby Pavia. Immediately the cistercian abbots in the vicinity, visited the brothers in difficulty bringing spiritual but also material help38. Therefore, it was quite usual that two or more abbots meet at the same time in the same abbey.
24Thus it is not surprising that in the first version of the fundamental normative document of the Cistercians, the Carta Caritatis prior, four of eleven chapters (the 4th, 5th, 6th and 10th) regard the procedures for these potentially dangerous meetings39. It should also be mentioned that this text was composed in the second decade of 12th century40, near (both chronologically and geographically) the troubles of Saint-Bertin.
25The Carta Caritatis evaluates three possibilities: 1) a father abbot who visits a daughter-abbey; 2) a son-abbot who visits his mother-abbey; 3) an abbot who visits another abbot without any connection to his abbey. In the first and the third cases the resident abbot was supposed to give his seat to the guest abbot: Ipse abbas adveniens locum illius loci abbatis, quamdiu ibi manserit, teneat41. These expressions are very similar to those used in the chronicle of Saint-Bertin42 and that they had met with the strong opposition of the community. This was both to recognize the authority of the visitor and to honour the guest.
26However, there were three circumstances in which this precedence was not given. First the visitor could not interfere in the material management of the abbey visited43. The other two circumstances had ritual implications. In spite of the presence of a superior visitor, the abbot maintained the right to bless the novices of his cloister after the first year44. This practice was the exact opposite of what was done in Cluny45: on the one hand it permitted the local abbot to tie his monks only to himself, with the claim of obedience; on the other hand it emphasised the independence of his monastery. The last circumstance concerned the case in which the host abbot continued to eat in hospicio, preserving his seat in accordance with the rule, while the guest abbot, despite his rank, sat in the refectory together with the other monks46.
27All other matters, such as for liturgical functions, were regulated by the seniority of the cenoby the abbot came from:
Si duo aut eo amplius convenerint, qui prior erit de advenientibus locum superiorem tenebit. Omnes tamen preter abbatem praesentis loci in refectorio comedent, ut supra diximus. Alias autem ubicumque convenerint, secundum tempus abbatiarum ordinem suum tenebunt, ut cuius ecclesia fuerit antiquior, ille sit prior47.
28Indications of this type are also found in the constitutions of Prémontré, Arrouaise and Oigny, directly or indirectly derived from the Summa Carte Caritatis48.
29But how do you determine precisely the chronological priorities when many abbots, often unknown or coming from far away, were housed in the same abbey ?
30With regard to the Cistercians, from the end of the twelfth century in many monasteries were copied long lists of abbeys, the tabule abbatiarum, written in chronological order. It was not a simple list; in fact, very often next to the name of the abbey was placed also the year, and sometimes the month and day of foundation or incorporation. These lists were periodically corrected and updated centrally by the General Chapter49. See for example the manuscript from the abbey of Villers in the diocese of Liège, dating from the late twelfth century (fig. 1-2). On the left, just before the name of each monastery, the word "Abbatia" was repeated every time. This repetition emphasizes the strong character of identity of this term for each of the Cistercian monastic institutions.
Conclusion
31The relationship between the abbots of the same monastic network represented a turning point for these institutional structures. This problem was evident during visits of abbots to other abbots, tied together in some way by legal relationships, and it manifested itself primarily with elements of ritual nature50, aimed at regulating the chances of potential conflicts. The observation and comparative analysis of these elements, allows us to understand the change that took place in the religious life in the first half of the twelfth century, with the rise of the religious orders.
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Wiech 1999 = M. Wiech, Das Amt des Abtes im Konflikt. Studien zu den Auseinandersetzungen um Äbte früh- und hochmittelalterlicher Klöster unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Bodenseegebiets, Siegburg, 1999 (Bonner Historische Forschungen, 59).
Wollasch 1959 = J. Wollasch, Königtum, Adel und Klöster im Berry während des 10. Jahrhunderts, in G. Tellenbach (ed.), Neue Forschungen über Cluny und die Cluniacenser, Freiburg, 1959, p. 17-165.
Wollasch 1973a = J. Wollasch, Mönchtum des Mittelalters zwischen Kirche und Welt, Munich, 1973 (Müntersche Mittelalter-Schriften, 7).
Wollasch 1973b = J. Wollasch, Reform und Adel in Burgund, in J. Fleckenstein (ed.), Investiturstreit und Reichsverfassung, Sigmaringen, 1973 (Vorträge und Forschungen, 17), p. 277-293.
Wollasch 1996 = J. Wollasch, Cluny – "Licht der Welt". Aufstieg und Niedergang der klösterlichen Gemeinschaft, Zürich-Düsseldorf, 1996.
Notes de bas de page
1 Dammertz 1993, col. 96-99; Hegglin 1961, p. 30-51; Wiech 1999, p. 18-25; Vogüé 1961, p. 120-140, and p. 174-176; Felten 1988, p. 180-182.
2 Abbas qui praeesse dignus est monasterio semper meminere debet quod dicitur, et nomen maioris factis implere. Christi enim agere vices in monasterio creditur, quando ipsius vocatur pronomine dicente apostolo: "Accepistis spiritum adoptionis filiorum, in quo clamamus: abba, pater": La Règle de saint Benoît, I, p. 440-443. See also Vogüé 1961, 4, p. 65 ("Le vicaire du Christ dans le monastère"). Hegglin 1961, p. 31-35; Wollasch 1973a, p. 49-50; Jaspert 1974; Melville 2012, p. 36.
3 Jacobs 1987, p. 13-18: p. 16: "In der frühchristlichen Literatur kommt häufig die Bezeichnung Christi als Fater vor. Benedikt von Nursia und vor ihm namentlich der Magister haben diesen Gedanken aufgegriffen: der monastische Abbas ist Abt in der Stellvertretung des Abbas Christus"); p. 17: "Somit wird in der Benediktsregel die christologische Sicht des Abtes mit einer organisatorisch-juristischen verbunden"; Vogüé 1961, p. 129: "L’abbé tient la place du Christ dans le monastère". On the abbot father-Christ see ibid., p. 138-140: "C’est du Christ que l’abbé tient sa mission, c’est lui qu’il représente. Le nom d’abbé évoque moins pour nos deux règles la paternité du supérieur à l’égard de ses disciples, que sa qualité de représentant de l’unique abba, qui est le Christ en personne. (…). Le nom même d’abbé signifie avant tout ce rôle “vicaire”". See also Felten 1988, p. 249-250.
4 Abbas autem, quia vices Christi creditur agere, dominus et abbas vocetur, non sua adsumptione sed honore et amore Christi. La Règle de saint Benoît, II, p. 646.
5 Melville 2005, p. 19-43, in particular p. 23-28 and p. 37. For a complete bibliography on this subject see Sonntag 2008, p. 168-171.
6 Arnaldi 1959; Iogna-Prat 1992, p. 81-87 and p. 103-104; Rosé 2008, p. 27-31.
7 Wollasch 1959, p. 107-110; Wollasch 1996, p. 44-47; Rosé 2008, p. 304-324, intertwining together the information from other sources, revised both the date of the reform and the names of its protagonists.
8 Per illud tempus vir Elisiardus, qui tunc erat comes illustris, nunc vero in monastico degit habitu, audiens infamiam horum monachorum, praedictam abbatiam a Rodulfo rege Francorum petiit et accepit, acceptamque patri nostro tradidit. Deinde sumptis secum duobus comitibus, itidemque praesulibus, simul cum patre nostro Odone profecti sunt. Vita Sancti Odonis, col. 81A.
9 Quorum adventu fratres cognito, sumptis gladiis alii ascenderunt aedificiorum tecta, quasi hostes suos lapidibus et missilibus coelorum jaculaturi. Alii muniti clypeis, accinctis ensibus monasterii observabant aditum, prius se mori fatentes quam eos introire sinerent, aut abbatem alterius ordinis susciperent. IIbid., col. 81A.
10 Erat autem apud eos frater Vulfaldus nomine, juvenis, sed bonae indolis. Hic enim dum inter eos discurreret, miserunt ei quaedam praecepta regalia, in quibus continebatur, ut nulli ex alia congregatione ullo unquam tempore liceret ejusdem loci prioratum subire. Ibid., col. 81B.
11 Cui pater noster inquit: Pacifice veni, adeo ut neminem laedam, nulli noceam, sed ut incorrectos regulariter corrigam. His et similibus verbis, licet per internuntios, eorum assidue mulcebat mentes. At illi cum viderent suam nullo modo praevalere industriam, vertebant se ad alia argumenta, modo regem vocabant, modo occidere eum minabantur. Hoc enim fiebat per triduum. Ibid., col. 81B.
12 At postmodum pater Odo cunctis ignorantibus ascendit asellum, et coepit ire concite ad praedictum monasterium. Episcopi vero et qui cum ipsis erant comites simul cum suis currebant post eum clamantes: Quo is, pater ? An fortassis quaeris mortem ? Anne vides quia parati sunt te interficere ? Qua videlicet hora accesseris ad eos morte morieris. Velisne eis de tuo interitu facere gaudium, et nobis exitialem luctum ? Has et hujuscemodi voces post eum mittentes. Sed, sicut Scriptura ait: Justus ut leo confidens absque terrore erit (Prov. 28, 1); accepto itinere eum nullomodo potuerunt declinare. Mira dicturus sum. Appropinquante autem illo et agnitus ab his qui eum prius noverant, hi qui tunc resistebant protinus commoti sunt et immutati, ita ut proculdubio dicere possim: Haec est mutatio dexterae Excelsi (Sal. 76, 11). Revera extemplo projectis armis exierunt obviam ei, ejusque sunt amplexati vestigia. Non parva siquidem laetitia eo die omnibus est facta. Patrem igitur Odonem coenobii receperunt claustra; reliqui omnes redierunt in sua.
13 See n. 2.
14 Schreiber 1910, p. 306-320; Poeck 1998, p. 76-84.
15 Cariboni 2013; Jakobs 1961; Schreiner 1999; Gaussin 1962.
16 Melville 1994, p. 249-253.
17 Cariboni 2013, p. 171-177.
18 For other examples see ibid., p. 203-207.
19 Sdralek 1891, p. 72-79; Sabbe 1930, p. 137-138; Sproemberg 1931, p. 106-112; Bredero 1985; Poeck 1998, p. 91-104; Cantarella 1993, p. 236-238; Vanderputten 2012a.
20 Post paucos annos ordinationis suae peragratis superioribus monasteriis Hispaniae, Burgundiae, Franciae, Abbatis – villam tandem devenit, cum iam ante adventum Domini Lamberto abbati mandaverit, se in Sithiu celebraturum pascha Domini: Simonis Gesta abbatum Sancti Bertini Sithiensium, p. 653, r. 6-8.
21 Ibid., p. 653, r. 9-10.
22 See n. 11.
23 Vanderputten 2012b; Vanderputten 2013, p.16-30. For the dating of the source see ibid., p. 17, n. 14.
24 Cluniacenses nobiscum tunc conversantes caeterisque principantes, levitate animi , eius adventu exhilarati, referebaritur inter se dixisse. quod abbas Lambertus in presentia Cluniacensis debita reverentia et potestate privaretur, Cluniacensis deponeret quos vellet substitueretque et in cardinali abbatis sede staret ut abbas abbatum. Quod nostrates cum patre L[amberto] audientes, concidit vultus eorum. Simonis Gesta abbatum Sancti Bertini, p. 653, r. 10-14.
25 Quid tandem ? Turbatur tota Flandria, et ad libertatem defendendam Sithiensem anicula et trementi capite animatur. Audiens autem Cluniacensis terram conturbari, dirigit priorem Abbatis-villae cum aliis prudentibus ad abbatem Sithiu Lambertum, ut ei conductum querat a comitissa veniendi ad aecclesiam Sancti Bertini. Abbas vero volens satisfacere Cluniacensibus, cum responsalibus eorum ad comitissam proficiscitur. Nuncii cum abbate rogant dominam, ut conductum det Cluniacensi Pontio ad aecclesiam Sancti Bertini veniendi, quasi ad propriam. Puer Balduinus cum matre et proceribus ‘quasi ad propriam’ egre tulerunt et eis se accipiendas inducias super hoc respondendi communi consilio censuerunt. Reversi sunt nuncii absque effectu. Quorum famuli Sithiu a nostris valde deturpati et iniuriati sunt. Postera vero die de omnibus se volens excusare abbas Lambertus, cum episcopo Iohanne et cum Gelduino, tunc apud nos incluso, dudum abbate Aquicinens, ad Cluniacensem pervenit, satisfaciens ei de omnibus. Sed Cluniacensis omne ei pondus imponens, dixit se excusationem non accepturum, nisi priores Sithiensis coenobii postera die ad se Rumiliacum adduceret, eique ad removendam de caetero suspitionem professionem facerent. Quod si nollet facere, Cluniacenses, qui eatenus in Sithiu morabantur, sibi Rumilia cum adducere. Abbas Lambertus cum episcopo reversus ad nos, fratres quam plurimos in hoc ei assentientes induxit. Audivit itaque hoc castellanus Audomaricola et statim ad adiutoriu nostrum advenit, magna comminatione contradicens, ne quis nostrum tale praesumeret. Undique frustratus abbas suo conamine, vocat Cluniacenses, qui tunc nobiscum erant, indicatque eis Cluniacensis praeceptum. Preparansque eis quae necessaria erant, ascensis equis, eos Rumiliacum perduxit. Ibid., p. 653, r. 32-52; p. 654, r. 1-2.
26 Berger 1997; Berger 1999, p. 398-400.
27 Si quando vero te vel successores tuos ad idem monasterium ire contigerit, reverenter suscipiamini, et quandiu ibi fueritis, cum vestris omnibus honeste procuremini. Residendi quoque in sede ejusdem abbatis, et capitulum regendi, praedicto abbate vel successoribus suis praesentibus, et quae ibidem corrigenda fuerint, corrigendi habeatis liberam facultatem. 8 Marzo 1132, Que ad pacem (JL 7550), Innocentii II Epistolae et Privilegia, col. 128D -129A. Schreiber 1910, p. 314-315; Valous 1970, p. 58-59; Poeck 1998, p. 104-107. See also Bernard-Bruel 1903, p. 347-350, no. 4848 (18 July 1245).
28 Cum autem Cluniacensis abbas ad monasterium vestrum accesserit, abbas eiusdem ei tamquam patri abbati cedat in choro, capitulo et in mensa. 13 July 1209, Venientibus ad apostolicam (Potth 3779), Die Register Innocenz’ III., p. 139, no. 82. See also the Consuetudines of this abbey, Piva 1980, p. 108-109, and p. 119.
29 Item cum dominus abbas Cluniacensis ad Balmensem ecclesiam venerit, tamquam patrem abbatem honorifice cum processione eum in capite et in menbris recipient, et collocato sibi in claustro sedili, ipso ibi residente, omnes ad ipsum venient, et manus suas inter manus domini abbatis ponentes, recipientur singuli ab eo in osculo pacis, nichil amplius proferentes. Bernard-Bruel 1903, p. 264, no. 4751. Poeck 1998, p. 125-126.
30 Bernard-Bruel 1903, p. 786-789, no. 5384.
31 Wollasch 1973b; Wollasch 1973a, p. 178-181; Melville 1991; Melville 1995; Melville 1997; Melville – Cygler – Oberste 1997, p. 205-219.
32 Hegglin 1961, p. 63-67; Melville 2012, p. 123-141.
33 Oberste 1996. See also Oberste 1999; Burton-Kerr 2011, p. 91-95.
34 On this point see Waddell 1999, p. 184-185 (Summa Cartae caritatis); p. 279-280 (Carta caritatis prior), p. 383-384 (Carta caritatis posterior). On the procedures of deposition of an abbot, with a particular reference to the Abbey of Cîteaux, see also the codification of 1202 in Lucet 1964, p. 88-89, dist. VII, no. 5.
35 Cygler 2001.
36 Sayers 1964; Cygler 2001, p. 94-96, and p. 100-106; Füser 2000, p. 39-90.
37 Cariboni 1996, p. 383-384.
38 Italia Sacra IV, 17192, col. 183-189; Occhipinti 1985.
39 Waddell 1999, p. 276-277 (De generali statuto inter abbatias); p. 277 (Ut semel per annum mater visitet filiam); p. 277-278 (Qualis reverentia exhibeatur filie cum ad matrem ecclesiam venerit); p. 281 (Que lex sit inter abbatias que se alterutras non genuerunt).
40 Ibid., p. 261-273.
41 Ibid., p. 276, no. 4, r. 4-5. And also: Omnis abbas in omnibus locis sui monasterii coabbati suo cedat advenienti, ut adimpleatur: honore invicem praevenientes. Ibid., p. 450, no. 10, r. 3-4.
42 See n. 24.
43 Abbas quoque novi monasterii caveat ne quicquam presumat tractare aut ordinare aut contingere de rebus illius loci ad quem venerit, contra abbatis vel fratrum voluntatem. Waddell 1999, p. 277, no. 4, r. 11-13.
44 Et hoc excipitur, quod abbas loci illius etiam in praesentia maioris abbatis novicios suos post regularem probationem benedicet. Ibid., p. 277, no. 4, r. 9-11.
45 Breitenstein 2008, p. 141-148.
46 Excepto quod non in hospicio sed in refectorio cum fratribus comedet, propter disciplinam servandam, nisi abbas loci defuerit. Waddell 1999, p. 277, no. 4, r. 6-7.
47 Ibid., p. 281, no. 10, r. 4-8.
48 Milis 1970, p. 194, no. 202 (De generali statuto inter abbatias); p. 199, no. 207 (De abbatibus quae se alterutrum non genuerunt); Primaria instituta canonicorum Praemonstratensium, col. 922, no. 6 (Quae lex sit inter abbatias quae se genuerunt); col. 923, no. 9 (Quae lex sit inter abbatias, quae se non genuerunt); Lefèvre-Thomas 1976, p. 62-63, no. 21 (Que lex sit inter abbatias que se genuerunt); p. 63 (Que lex sit inter abbatias nostri ordinis). Van Damme 1972; Milis 1984.
49 Grillnberger 1904; Goez 2003, p. 139; Tischler 2009.
50 Referring to the Ecclesia Cluniacensis, Oberste 1996, p. 299, writes: "Der Abt von Cluny war auch weiterhin im spirituellen und rechtlichen Sinn die Integrationsinstanz des Verbandes; sein Besuch war ein Akt der Repräsentation von subjectio und oboedientia eines Konventes, Abtes, Priors oder Mönchs und damit der Teilnahme an der spirituellen Gemeinschaft der Cluniacensis Ecclesia".
Auteur
Università del Sacro Cuore di Milano, guido.cariboni@unicatt.it
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