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L’héritage byzantin en Italie (VIIIe-XIIe siècle)

 | 
Jean-Marie Martin
, 
Annick Peters-Custot
, 
Vivien Prigent

Résumés des contributions

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Sauro Gelichi, Un mare ancora bizantino? L’Adriatico tra Ravenna e Venezia nell’alto Medioevo, p. 7-45

1Questo contributo intende analizzare, utilizzando essenzialmente le fonti archeologiche, i processi insediativi che hanno riguardato la fascia nord Adriatica dopo l’età antica. Punti di riferimento, anche topografici, sono Ravenna, capitale dell’Impero romano e poi dell’esarcato (da una parte), e Venezia, la nuova città che dominerà l’Adriatico dal secolo XI in avanti (dall’altra).
Questo processo verrà analizzato soprattutto dal punto di vista dei nuovi insediamenti; e le aree prese in considerazione sono nello specifico due, la laguna di Comacchio (a sud del Po) e quella di Venezia. Queste due lagune (ancora formalmente bizantine) sembrano interessate, tra Tarda Antichità ed Alto Medioevo, da processi evolutivi molto simili. Esse rappresentano, inoltre, le aree più dinamiche (sul piano sociale ed economico) tra VII e IX secolo di tutto il nord Italia.
Il primo aspetto di analogia è costituito dal fatto che ambedue questi territori sono privi di città nel mondo antico. Il secondo aspetto è che gli insediamenti nuovi che si sviluppano, lo fanno all’interno di un ambiente di carattere pienamente lagunare (Comacchio e Venezia delle origini sono abbastanza simili). Il terzo aspetto è che le comunità che danno vita a questi insediamenti sembrano muoversi in maniera abbastanza autonoma rispetto ai poteri centrali. L’ultimo aspetto di analogia è rappresentato dalla particolare vocazione mercantile che le aristocrazie di ambedue questi centri esprimono.
I tempi di sviluppo di questi centri sono invece leggermente differenti e rispondono a logiche politico-economiche diverse. Comacchio, funzionale ad un sistema economico imperniato sull’asse padano, si sviluppa principalmente tra l’ultimo quarto del secolo VII e la fine dell’VIII; mentre Venezia, invece, più legata agli interessi dei Franchi, a partire proprio dagli inizi del IX secolo.

2This paper wants to analyze, using essentially the archaeological sources, the settlement processes which have affected the northern Adriatic band after Antiquity. Reference points, even topographical, are Ravenna, the capital of the Roman Empire and later of the Exarchate (on one side), and Venice, the new city that will dominate the Adriatic from the eleventh century onwards (on the other).
This process will be analyzed especially from the point of view of the new settlements; and the areas under consideration are specifically two, the Comacchio lagoon (south of the Po) and Venice. These two lagoons (still formally Byzantine) seem interested between the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, by evolutionary processes very similar. They also represent the most dynamic areas (on the social and economic point of view) in the whole Northern Italy between the seventh and ninth centuries.
The first aspect of analogy is the fact that both these areas are devoid of cities in the ancient world. The second aspect is that the new settlements that develop, they do so in an environment of lagoon (the origins of Venice and Comacchio are quite similar). The third aspect is that communities that give life to these settlements seem to move in a fairly autonomous manner from the central powers. The last aspect of similarity is represented by the particular mercantile vocation of the aristocracies that express both these centers.
The timings of the development of these centers are slightly different and respond to different political and economic logic. Comacchio, functional to an economic system centered on the Po axis, mainly develops between the last quarter of the seventh century and the end of the eighth; while Venice, however, more closely linked to the interests of the Franks, starting from the beginning of the ninth century.

Alessandra Molinari, Insediamenti ed economia del Lazio nei secoli VIII-X: note e riflessioni sulle fonti archeologiche, p. 47-71

3Il dibattito sulla storia economica di Roma tra la fine del periodo bizantino e quello carolingio vede pareri molto contrastanti. Ad una visione dell’economia altomedievale dell’area romana come in crescita e notevolmente commercializzata se ne contrappone un’altra che sottolinea la scarsa monetarizzazione ed il peso prevalente della redistribuzione. Una rinnovata analisi di alcuni indicatori archeologici come la ceramica a vetrina pesante, le anfore globulari, le tecniche costruttive e le dinamiche insediative consente, a parere dell’autrice, di protendere maggiormente per la seconda opinione. Infine, si nota come l’inizio del processo di “incastellamento” nel X secolo non avverrebbe in una fase di crescita economica ma ne costituirebbe invece una premessa.

4Debate about the economic history of Rome between the end of the Byzantine period and the Carolingian includes many conflicting opinions. While some scholars hold the view that the economy in the area around Rome enjoyed a period of growth during the early Middle Ages others point to the low level of monetization and the prevalence of redistribution. In the author’s opinion, a renewed analysis of a number of archaeological indicators, such as forum ware, globular amphorae, building techniques and settlement dynamics, tends to support the latter thesis. Finally, it should be noted that the beginning of “incastellamento” in the tenth century would not have occurred during a phase of economic growth but would rather constitute a premise for growth.

Jean-Marie Martin, Peuplement, occupation du sol et rapports sociaux dans les duchés tyrrhéniens, p. 73-89

5On cherche à rassembler, dans ces différents domaines, à partir des données textuelles, des traits spécifiques des territoires de Naples, Amalfi et Gaète. Jusqu’au Xe siècle, le type des habitats (cités murées, habitats ruraux ouverts) reste inchangé depuis le haut Moyen Âge. Les castra qui apparaissent au XIe siècle ne réorganisent le territoire qu’à Gaète. L’archaïsme du vocabulaire désignant les unités foncières (massa, fundus, casale, campus) est en partie culturel; dans le duché de Naples, toutefois, le parcellaire et son organisation semblent avoir peu évolué depuis l’Antiquité. À Naples encore, le régime des terres militaires fait durer jusqu’au Xe siècle une sorte de servitude rurale; d’autre part les defisi doivent à des particuliers les charges normalement dues à l’État.
Dans les trois duchés, la grande propriété ducale (publicum) est au départ alimentée par la récupération des patrimoines de l’Église romaine. C’est au milieu du Xe siècle que le publicum commence à passer non seulement à des églises, mais aussi à des familles aristocratiques, dans le cadre de l’émergence de la seigneurie à Gaète, hors de celui-ci à Naples.

6In these different fields, we try to gather, after the written documents, some specific features of the territories of Naples, Amalfi and Gaeta. Up to the 10th century, the type of settlement (cities surrounded with walls, open rural settlements) remains that of the early Middle Ages. The castra, which appear in the 11th century, do not reorganize the territory, except in the duchy of Gaeta. The archaism of the vocabulary concerning rural units (massa, fundus, casale, campus) is partly cultural; in the duchy of Naples however, the organization of the fields have not changed since the Antiquity. In Naples, the status of the military lands prolongs as far as the 10th century a sort of rural servitude; besides the defisi owe to private persons the taxes and services normally owed to the State.
In the three duchies, the large ducal property (publicum) was first increased by the recovery of the patrimonies of the Roman Church. Since the middle of the 10th century it begins to pass not only to churches, but also to aristocratic families, in the framework of the emergence of the seigneury in Gaeta, out of it in Naples.

Giovanni Stranieri, Limites en pierre sèche et structure agraire dans la Pouille méridionale (VIe-XIIe siècle): les apports récents de l’archéologie des paysages agraires, p. 91-115

7La connaissance de l’organisation des espaces en Pouille méridionale pendant le haut Moyen Âge progresse depuis deux décennies grâce à des programmes de recherche spécifiques. Si dans une première phase ce sont surtout les villages désertés qui ont fait l’objet d’enquêtes extensives et de fouilles, plus récemment les médiévistes se tournent également vers la structure agraire, visant une compréhension globale des paysages historiques. Dans ce domaine, des résultats novateurs viennent de la caractérisation archéologique des formes parcellaires.
En particulier, le paysage agraire de la région étudiée est marqué par la présence massive de limites bâties en pierre sèche, qui ont été pendant longtemps sériées sur la base de leurs dimensions et caractères externes actuels. L’étude qui fait l’objet de cette contribution a été menée sur les limites en pierre sèche relevées à l’intérieur d’un transect de 87 km2 au sud de la cité d’Oria, entre Tarente et Brindisi, siège d’un évêché et des représentants successifs du pouvoir lombard, byzantin et normand. Ces limites ont été étudiées en carto- et photo-interprétation, puis prospectées systématiquement; deux sondages ont ensuite été menés sur le «paretone» de Sava (Tarente), l’une des plus grandes délimitations en pierre sèche qui charpentent le paysage apulien. Or, l’approche stratigraphique permet de lire une telle construction comme le résultat d’une série d’aménagements successifs. De la fin de l’Antiquité à nos jours, chacun d’entre eux révèle des informations inédites sur l’évolution du paysage, l’interaction homme-milieu et l’organisation des espaces.
Dès lors, il paraît possible d’instaurer un dialogue entre ces nouveaux marqueurs archéologiques et l’étude de l’habitat, ce qui ne peut que favoriser à terme – moyennant un dialogue serré avec d’autres séries de données – la compréhension des modalités de l’insertion de ces paysages et de ces sociétés dans des systèmes politiques, spatiaux et culturels plus vastes.

8Since two decades, specific research programs improve our knowledge about space organization in Southern Apulia during the early Middle Ages. Whereas, in one first phase, the deserted villages were the main object of field surveys and excavations, more recently archaeologists and historians are looking toward the agrarian structure, aiming at a global understanding of historical landscapes. In this field, some innovative results come from the archaeological characterization of the land divisions.
In particular, the agrarian landscape of this region is marked by the massive presence of dry stone land divisions, which for a long time were serially identified on the basis of their measurements and present external features. This research has been led on the dry stone boundaries recorded within a transect of 87 km2 south of the town of Oria, between Taranto and Brindisi, the seat of a bishopric and successive representatives of the Lombard, Byzantine and Norman power. First these boundaries have been studied by interpreting topographic maps and aerial photos and again they have been systematically surveyed. Finally, excavations have been carried out on the so-called « paretone di Sava », one of the biggest dry stone walls which frame the apulian landscape. Such a stratigraphic approach allows to read this construction as the result of a number of successive transformations. Since the late Antiquity until our days, these transformations reveal new information on changes in the landscape, human-environmental interactions and space organization.
As a consequence, it would be possible to set up a dialogue between these new archaeological markers and settlement studies. Such a dialogue will undoubtedly encourage – provided other data series have been obtained – the appreciation of the inclusion of these landscapes and societies in wider political, spatial and cultural systems.

Nicola Mancassola, La grande proprietà fondiaria nel territorio dell’antico Esarcato di Ravenna (secoli IX-X), p. 119-144

9Nel presente articolo si è affrontato il tema della grande proprietà fondiaria tra IX e X secolo nei territori dell’antico Esarcato di Ravenna.
In prima battuta ci si è soffermati sull’arcivescovo di Ravenna, il principale signore fondiario della zona, in seguito l’attenzione è stata volta ai signori laici, infine si sono trattati i possedimenti di alcuni monasteri. Il quadro che è emerso, ha permesso di delineare i tratti essenziali delle strategie adottate, ponendo in luce le diverse scelte e i diversi ambiti territoriali, dando conto di una realtà complessa e articolata, contraddistinta, tra IX e X secolo, dal superamento del sistema curtense e la nascita di nuove ed originali forme di gestione dei patrimoni fondiari.

10This paper analyses the transformation of large land property between 9th and 10th century in the territories of the old Exarchate of Ravenna.
First we focused on the archbishop of Ravenna, the principal landlord of the area. Then, the attention was turned to the secular landlords; finally, we handled the possessions of principal monasteries. The resulting picture allows to define the essential features of this process by highlighting different strategical choices and geographical areas. These features accounted for a complex and articulated reality, mainly characterized by the abandonment of the early medieval system and the emergence of new and original forms of land management taking place between 9th and 10th century.

Alessandro Soddu, L’aristocrazia fondiaria nella Sardegna dei secoli XI-XII: cum voluntate et consilio de sos majorales et fideles meos, p. 145-206

11Il saggio analizza l’aristocrazia fondiaria nella Sardegna dei secoli XI-XII, i cui componenti (i cosiddetti majorales) appaiono pienamente partecipi delle scelte dei detentori del potere, in quanto essi stessi legati da rapporti parentelari alle dinastie regnanti e in virtù del fatto che comune era la base economica del potere: la grande proprietà fondiaria. Il peso sociale, economico e politico di questa aristocrazia è indagato attraverso l’esempio della casata dei de Athen, una delle più eminenti del Giudicato di Torres e, soprattutto, tra le più contigue al potere dei giudici, mettendo a fuoco una serie di elementi fondamentali, quali strutture e strategie familiari, struttura della proprietà fondiaria, dinamiche politiche, forme di rappresentazione e autorappresentazione, tentando, quando possibile, di osservarne il destino sul lungo periodo, dopo il crollo, intorno alla metà del Duecento, di tre dei quattro Giudicati.

12The essay analyzes the landed aristocracy of Sardinia in the XI-XII centuries. Members of this kind of aristocracy (majorales) appear to be fully involved in the choices of the rulers: they were linked by parental relations with the ruling dynasties and they had a common economic basis of power: the large landed property. The weight of social, economic and political aristocracy is being investigated by the example of the family de Athen, one of the most eminent lineages of the Giudicato of Torres and the most contiguous to the power of judges (judges were the rulers of Sardinia). Focusing on family structures and strategies, structure of land ownership, political dynamics, forms of representation and self-representation it is also possible to observe the long-term social evolution, after the collapse of three of the four Giudicati (around the middle of the XIIIth century).

Vivien Prigent, Le grand domaine sicilien à l’aube du Moyen Âge, p. 207-236

13Toute étude de la grande propriété en Sicile au début du Moyen Âge doit être précédée d’une mise en garde. Ce qu’il est possible d’analyser, c’est le fonctionnement des patrimoines de l’Église de Rome. On peut toutefois postuler des liens étroits de forme et de modes d’exploitation entre les grands domaines ecclésiastiques, aristocratiques et publics et admettre que ce que l’on sait du patrimoine de Rome peut s’appliquer à la grande propriété sicilienne en général. La contribution aborde, en outre, deux points complémentaires: l’extension et la forme du grand domaine dans l’île et son mode d’exploitation, le tout en prêtant une attention particulière à l’insertion du grand domaine dans le système fiscal.

14Studies concerning large properties in Sicily at the beginning of the Middle Ages must be preceded by a caveat. Considering the functioning of the patrimonies of the Church of Rome, it is possible to postulate close links of forms and processes of exploitation between the great ecclesiastical, aristocratic and public domains. Furthermore, what we know about the patrimony of Rome can be generally applied to the great Sicilian property. This paper also focuses on two other complementary issues: the extension and typology of the large estate in the island and the way it has been exploited, paying a particular attention to the integration of the large estate into the tax system.

Lucia Arcifa, Dinamiche insediative e grande proprietà nella Sicilia bizantina: uno sguardo archeologico, p. 237-267

15Il saggio esamina l’articolazione insediativa dell’Isola tra VI e IX secolo, a partire dai dati delle ricognizioni archeologiche, mostrando le diverse dinamiche che si innescano nel corso dell’VIII secolo. Al «trend» negativo che caratterizza le aree più occidentali si contrappone la ripresa dei territori centro-meridionali e sud-orientali segnalata da un indicatore cronologico – le olle con decorazione a stuoia – la cui datazione si colloca tra fine VIII e inizi IX secolo. Si tratta di una occupazione o meglio di una rioccupazione di siti con caratteri poco evidenti dal punto di vista delle strutture e dei resti materiali, probabilmente di breve durata e connessa, in modo ricorrente, con aree nelle quali si ipotizza la presenza della grande proprietà imperiale e ecclesiastica. Tali caratteristiche inducono a ipotizzare che l’assetto insediativo di queste aree potrebbe essere il risultato di una politica dirigista dell’impero volta al ripopolamento dei luoghi e alla difesa dei territori prossimi a Siracusa.

16The essay examines the settlement in the island between the VIth and the IXth century, starting from the data of archaeological surveys and showing different developments during the VIII century. In contrast to the negative trend that characterizes the western areas, the recovery of the territories located in the southern and south-eastern areas is signaled by a timeline, the mat-decorated pots, whose date falls between late VIII and early IX century. It can be considered as a re-occupation of sites with no great features regarding records of structures and materials, probably of short duration and connected, in a recurrent way, with areas in which is assumed the presence of imperial and ecclesiastical large property. These characteristics lead us to hypothesize that the structure of settlement of these areas could be the result of a policy of the empire whose aim was to repopulate the areas and to defend the territories close to Syracuse.

Annliese Nef, Les diplomes du dīwān sicilien et le passé byzantin de la Sicile: retour sur les jarā’id et les dafātir al-ḥudūd des XIe-XIIe siècles, p. 271-292

17Cet article envisage la question de l’éventuel héritage byzantin au sein de la Sicile des XIe-XIIe siècle, non pas d’un point de vue génétique, tant les discontinuités et les réinterprétations constantes d’éléments qui pourraient sembler voisins abondent en Sicile entre le IXe et le XIe siècle, mais d’un point de vue «structurel» . Un point commun des époques byzantine, islamique et normande est le rôle de l’impôt et donc la conception de l’État, toutes choses étant égales par ailleurs. De ce point de vue, un certain nombre d’évolutions affectant notamment le monde rural sicilien peuvent être mieux comprises en observant non seulement ce que nous savons des pays du dār al-Islām, dont la Sicile sort avec la conquête normande, mais aussi ce que nous savons de Byzance. On relira à la lumière de ce comparatisme ce que nous disent les jarā’id-platee et les dafātir al-ḥudūd siciliens de l’organisation des campagnes insulaires.

18This article tackles the possibility of identifying a byzantine heritage in the XI-XIIth century Sicily, heritage understood not in a genetical sense, but rather in a « structural » one. In fact, discontinuities and reinterpretations of elements that could seem alike are so constant and abundant between the IXth and the XIth century in Sicily that this second approach seems more satisfactory. A point common to the Byzantine, Islamic and Norman periods in Sicily is the role played by tax and the conception of the State, all other things being equal. Thus, some evolutions which affect the Sicilian rural zones can be more easily understood if we take into account what we know not only about the countries of the dār al-Islām, out of which Sicily goes with the Norman conquest, but also about Byzantium. This comparatism will allow us to reinterpret what the Sicilian jarā’id-platee and dafātir al-ḥudūd tell us about the organization of the insular countryside.

Annick Peters-Custot, Plateae et anthropoi, peut-on trouver des origines byzantines à l’organisation normande de la paysannerie de la Calabre méridionale?, p. 293-318

19La question de l’héritage byzantin dans les structures rurales et les statuts paysans des régions de l’Italie méridionale qui demeurèrent le plus longtemps sous l’autorité de l’Empire de Constantinople, en particulier de la Calabre méridionale, constitue un problème fortement débattu, y compris récemment. Il se concentre sur les inventaires d’hommes des grandes propriétés de Sicile et de Calabre aux époques normande et souabe appelés plateae. Le but de cette contribution est de reprendre la question de la continuité ou non de ces documents avec des antécédents byzantins, non du point de vue formel, mais de celui des statuts paysans. Les difficultés sont nombreuses: la documentation byzantine d’Italie méridionale est presque inexistante; les statuts paysans ne sont que rarement exprimés de manière explicite et directe dans les plateae normandes; enfin, il a semblé nécessaire de distinguer nettement la situation calabraise de celle de la Sicile, malgré les importantes similitudes. Quoi qu’il en soit, on propose de voir, dans le statut des hommes recensés dans les plateae calabraises, un héritage fiscal éphémère utilisé par l’autorité publique normande, celui des parèques byzantins.

20Still discussed, nowadays, is the question of the Byzantine inheritance for the rural productive structures and the peasant statutes in the Southern-Italian regions which remained for the longest time under the authority of the Constantinopolitan Empire, particularly in Southern Calabria. The debates are based upon the inventories of men, called plateae, and established for the great landlords of Sicily and Calabria during the Norman and Swabian periods. This contribution aims at discussing again the question of continuity (or not) of this documentation with the Byzantine one, not from the formal point of view, but from that of the peasant statutes. The difficulties are numerous: the Byzantine documentation is lacking; the Norman plateae give only rarely a direct access to the peasant statutes; last, it seemed necessary to distinguish the Calabrian situation from the Sicilian one, in spite of the important similarities between them. However, the contribution finally suggests to see in the status of the men named in the Calabrian plateae, a tax inheritance temporary used by the Norman public authority, that of the Byzantine paroikoi.

Jean-Marie Martin, Les contrats agraires dans les duchés tyrrhéniens, p. 319-340

21On compare entre eux et avec ceux des régions lombardes voisines (notamment Salerne) les contrats agraires établis à Naples, Amalfi et Gaète (qui a conservé des contrats du IXe siècle).
À Naples, la plupart des parcelles sont cultivées en «coltura promiscua»; le propriétaire reçoit généralement la moitié du vin, et des redevances annexes. D’autres contrats portent sur des châtaigneraies, sur des champs sans arbres, moyennant un cens fixe en froment et, de plus en plus, en légumineuses, ou, à partir du milieu du XIe siècle, sur des jardins.
À Amalfi, les contrats concernent plus souvent les châtaigneraies; la vigne haute utilise des pieux plus souvent que des supports vifs. Les conditions sont très semblables à celles qui prévalent à Naples; toutefois, l’accent est mis sur la qualité du travail; on exige des prestations annexes. Au XIIe siècle, il arrive que le propriétaire participe à l’investissement, moyennant un revenu plus important; des clauses portent sur le bois des châtaigneraies.
Les contrats napolitains et amalfitains ressemblent beaucoup à ceux de la région de Salerne.

22We try to compare the agrarian contracts concluded in Naples, Amalfi and Gaeta between them and with those of the surrounding areas. In Gaeta some contracts of the 9th century are preserved.
In Naples, most of the fields are cultivated in « coltura promiscua »: the land-owner generally receives half of the wine and some subsidiary taxes. Other contracts concern chestnut groves, fields without trees, with an fixed rent in cereals and more and more in legumes, and also gardens up to the middle of the 11th century.
In Amalfi, the contracts more often concern chestnut groves; the vine is often linked to posts, not to trees. The conditions are very similar to those of Naples; however the stress is laid on the quality of the work; subsidiary provisions are requested. During the 12th century the land-owner sometimes takes part in investment, receiving a more important rent; some clauses regard the wood of the chestnuts.
The contracts of Naples and Amalfi are very similar to those of Salerno.

Salvatore Cosentino, Tipologie, uomini e oggetti della mercatura ravennate tra la tarda Antichità e gli Ottoni, p. 343-362

23La creazione del porto di Classe era stata concepita da Augusto non solo per il controllo militare dell’Adriatico, ma per mettere in contatto il Nord-Est dell’Italia con l’area balcanica. Ciò fece dell’Alto-Adriatico, nel corso del Principato, una zona ad alta permeabilità economica e caratterizzata da notevoli processi di mobilità etnica. Questa scelta geo-strategica, venne confermata dagli imperatori del V secolo nella loro decisione di spostare la corte a Ravenna. Tra il V e il VI secolo è possibile distinguere tre grandi ambiti che alimentavano la domanda commerciale della città: il publicum (apparato di corte, esercito e burocrazia), la chiesa e un ceto medio definito nelle fonti con la qualifica di viri honesti. Le produzioni di importazione fino alla metà del VI secolo provenivano in larga misura dall’Africa; dall’età giustinianea, esse cominciarono ad affluire in quantità notevoli anche dal Mediterraneo orientale. Ravenna, in questo periodo, era certo un centro di produzione e consumo; ma aveva soprattutto una spiccata vocazione alla distribuzione commerciale nell’area padana. Nell’VIII secolo il porto di Classe smise di funzionare, ma i rapporti tra Ravenna e i centri di produzione orientale continuarono, sebbene in forme quantitativamente più ridotte e qualitativamente differenti rispetto al passato. Nella morfologia della mercatura un deciso cambiamento si ebbe nella seconda metà del IX secolo. La documentazione d’archivio segnala un considerevole numero di negotiatores, anche se dice poco sulla loro attività. L’impressione che si ha è che tale ceto, lungi dal rappresentare un gruppo professionale impegnato in traffici interregionali e internazionali, operi invece in piccoli segmenti della regione emiliana, romagnola e marchigiana. Tra l’VIII e gli inizi del IX secolo, pertanto, Ravenna smarrì la propria funzione di centro di redistribuzione nell’area padana delle produzioni mediterranee. Questo non implicò un impoverimento della città, giacché il suo polmone economico, cioè il patrimonio fondiario dell’episcopato, aveva una vasta estensione interregionale nell’Italia centrale. Esso, con la sua gestione centralizzata della rendita fondiaria, contribuì a trasformare decisamente Ravenna nell’alto medioevo in centro di consumo, piuttosto che in un centro di distribuzione come la città era stata nella tarda antichità.

24The creation of the port of Classe was conceived by Augustus not only for military reasons, but in order to put in contact the North-East of Italy with the Balkans. This made the northern Adriatic rim, throughout the Principate, an area characterized by a high economic permeability and considerable processes of ethnic mobility. This geo-strategic role was confirmed by the emperors of the 5th century in their decision to move the court in Ravenna. Between the 5th and 6th century there were three main economic spheres that fed the commercial demand of the city: the publicum (i.e. the court apparatus, army and bureaucracy), the church and a middle class defined in the sources with the title of viri honesti. Import products until the middle of the 6th century came largely from Africa; since Justinian age they began to come in large quantities also from eastern Mediterranean. Ravenna, at this time, was certainly a centre of production and consumption; but above all, it had a strong vocation for commercial distribution of goods along the Po Valley. In the 8th century the port of Classe stopped operating, but relationships between Ravenna and the eastern production centres continued, though in forms quantitatively smaller and qualitatively different. In the morphology of trade major transformations occurred in the 9th century. The archive documentation witnesses a considerable number of negotiatores, even though it says little about their activities. The impression one gets is that this class, far from representing a professional group engaged in inter-regional and international trade, operates instead in small segments of the Emilia, Romagna and Marche. Between the 8th and the early 9th centuries, therefore, Ravenna lost its function of redistribution centre of Mediterranean imports along the Po Valley. This did not imply an economic collapse of the city, since its economic lung, that is, the estates of its episcopate, had a wide inter-regional distribution across central Italy. Such a patrimony, with its centralized management of rent, helped to transform definitely Ravenna in the early Middle Ages in a consumer centre, rather than in a distribution centre as the city was primarily in late antiquity.

Amedeo Feniello, Mercato della terra e commercio mediterraneo nel versante tirrenico tra X e XI secolo, p. 363-382

25A partire dai primi decenni del 900 nel commercio della terra scompaiono i tradizionali strumenti di pagamento, in argento o in solidi di Bisanzio, sostituiti dalla moneta d’oro di provenienza musulmana e siciliana, il tarì. Questa trasformazione è frutto del principale coefficiente dello sviluppo dell’economia rurale: il commercio; la fascia tirrenica si trova proiettata all’interno del flusso di scambi in «import» ed «export» che animano il Mediterraneo musulmano. Commercio alimentato lungo tutta la costa prevalentemente da operatori di origine amalfitana e che fornisce il più valido aiuto all’agricoltura locale. Insomma, la chiave della fortuna del mondo rurale tirrenico sta tutta nell’inserimento delle città meridionali in uno spazio economico mediterraneo prevalentemente musulmano.

26The land market is crucial for understanding the development of the rural economy in the Tyrrhenian coast of Southern Italy between the 10th and the 11th century. From the beginning of the 10th century the traditional silver coins or the Byzantine solidi were replaced by a gold coin of Muslim origin, the tari. This transformation is the result of the development of the rural economy, because, in this age, the Tyrrhenian coast is projected into the flow of trade in import and export that animates the Muslim Mediterranean.

© Publications de l’École française de Rome, 2017

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