Les documents du commerce et des marchands entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne (XIIe-XVIIe s.)
| ,II. De la manche à l’Oural (XIIe-XVIIe siècle)
The value of iron: examples of commercial documents from medieval Sweden
Résumé
This paper deals with the preserved documentary sources providing us with information about the iron trade in medieval Sweden. Some basic facts and definitions will be presented and explained in a first part. After this, the commercial aspects of Swedish medieval iron production will be exemplified, especially by the charter material, but in addition to this, customs registers and some other sources will be used. At the centre of the investigation we find a group of typical charters from the 1360s and 1370s. The charters concern various sections of the iron trade and have been divided into separate categories. The paper also shows the national and international influence of the most important monastic institution in Sweden in the late Middle Ages, the Birgittines of Vadstena Abbey, with large economic interests in the growing iron trade.
Cette contribution traite des sources documentaires informant sur le commerce du fer dans la Suède médiévale. La première partie présente des données factuelles et des définitions fondamentales. Puis les aspects commerciaux de la production médiévale de fer sont illustrés, en particulier à l’aide de chartes, auxquels on ajoute des registres de douane et d’autres types de sources. Au cœur de cette enquête, on trouve un corpus exemplaire de chartes datées des décennies 1360 et 1370. Elles concernent différentes étapes du commerce du fer et sont réparties en diverses catégories. L’article insiste par ailleurs sur le rôle national et international de la plus importante institution monastique de la Suède médiévale, les Brigittines de l’abbaye de Vadstena, qui possédaient d’importants intérêts économiques dans un commerce du fer alors en plein essor.
Texte intégral
1The iron trade in medieval Sweden – why choose this subject for a paper dealing with commercial documents? I am not an historian of technology, trade or mining, but, realising the importance of iron production and trade, I saw this congress paper as a possibility to look more closely at the documentary sources available in this field and see how they could relate to the study of diplomatics, and especially in the field of trade and commerce. My contribution will then deal with the commercial aspects of the medieval iron trade, as exemplified especially by charters.
- 1 Stockholm, Riksarkivet, SDHK 21842 (15 October 1432), cod. A 21, fol. 48v. SDHK is the online datab (...)
2Perhaps surprisingly, I will start by referring to a letter that was sent between two monasteries of the Birgittine order. In the year 1432, the leaders of the sisters and brothers of Syon Abbey in England wrote to their counterparts in the Swedish mother house Vadstena. The letter contains questions and discussion points about various, highly relevant topics for the order. We will leave the main contents out of the discussion here. But, right at the end of the letter, which is preserved in the form of a transcription in one of the copy books of Vadstena Abbey, the English monastery thanks the Swedish colleagues for sending them half a « last » of iron (corresponding to something like 1,250 kilos). In return, the English Birgittines promise to send to Vadstena some of their precious and rare relics of St. Thomas of Canterbury (fig. 1)1.
- 2 On the construction of the church (destroyed in the XVIth century), see R. Farrant, The Birgittine (...)
3This large load of iron, more than a metric tonne, would seem a strange thing to send to someone as a gift, not least between two monastic communities. But in view of the intense building activities at Syon Abbey at the time, the iron must have come at a suitable moment. The English monastery, situated just west of London, was at this time building its huge monastic church, and iron was used for several important features of the structure2.
Fig. 1a – Excerpt from SDHK, n. 21842. Stockholm, Riksarkivet, cod. A 21, fol. 48v. Photo: National Archives, Stockholm.

Fig. 1b – Detail from SDHK, n. 21842: pro dimidia lesta ferri gracias vobis referimus cordiales. Partem reliquiarum sancti Thome martiris quas apud nos paucas valde et parcas habemus vobis libenti animo destinamus.

4 I came across this piece of information while working with investigations of Birgittine material, and I was not looking for anything to do with commercial documents. But I decided to use this as an entrance into the matter, as it might tell us something about the iron trade and lead us to the sources for our knowledge of it. Thus, the starting point for this paper is the following question: what is the background of such a large shipment? Is this document typical of the sources on the iron trade? These questions will be discussed further on, but first it is necessary to say a few, general words on iron mining in medieval Sweden. The importance of the production and trade – even today – should not be underestimated.
Sweden and iron
- 3 It can be noted that silver and copper mines were also part of the medieval commercial production a (...)
5The borders of medieval Sweden were not the same as the borders of present-day Sweden, and even during the Middle Ages they were fluctuating. Archaeological findings are distributed all over the southern half of present-day Sweden, and this shows that iron mining was an important factor of life in medieval Sweden. From the XIIth century and onwards the most important iron district was that of Bergslagen3. The very northern parts of Sweden, where iron ore today is exploited in an industrial way, had no iron production in the Middle Ages.
- 4 For an introduction, see e.g. I. Pettersson Jensen, Norberg och järnet. Bergsmännen och den medelti (...)
6Scholars have argued about the dating of the start of iron mining in Sweden. We cannot go further into the problem in this brief paper, but it may be presumed that the practice is very old. The archaeological results are still to be analysed, but at least in the Vth or VIth century AD some early mining activities were going on. Later, through technical developments in the XIth and XIIth centuries, Sweden saw a more intensive mining, and a growing trade4.
7What was the point of producing all this iron? The possibility to use iron during the agricultural development in northern Europe was actually instrumental. In Scandinavia, after the conversion to Christendom, and especially after the arrival of the Cistercian monks, we know more and more about the commercial exchange that was taking place. The iron was used for farming tools, ploughs, and other practical inventions, but also for warfare. The crusades of the XIIth and XIIIth centuries demanded iron for making weapons. And the large cathedral projects all over Europe, from the XIIIth century onwards, had a need for quality iron. We saw the example of the abbey church at Syon above.
- 5 S. Lindroth, Koppargruvor [Copper mines], in Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid, 6, Malm (...)
- 6 I. Pettersson Jensen, Norberg… cit., p. 212 f.
8In Sweden, large initiatives started during this period. The Kopparberget ( « Copper Mountain ») mine is often regarded as one of the oldest « modern » companies (with individual miners working together) that we know in Europe. And it is in fact still active as a large Swedish and international company today. The individual miners (Sw. bergsmän) were – to use a modern term – some sort of « share holders » of the company, with a common interest in the prosperity of the trade. The oldest charter on this is from the year 13475. Even earlier than this, iron mining was organised in the area of Norberg in Bergslagen. Here, a similar system with bergsmän was being established6.
- 7 A. Wallander, Osmundar i svenskt arkeologiskt material [The Osmund in Swedish archaeological materi (...)
9As a commercial product, Swedish iron was almost always found in the form of osmundum. The osmund was a prepared piece of iron that had a specified, exact format and weight which made it suitable for trade and exchange7. The origin of the word osmund and, indeed, the exact use of the term, still seems unclear and is still debated by scholars.
10It is important to know the basic weight units that were used in the iron trade. Here is a much simplified table of the most common terms.
Table 1 – Weight units (iron).
Latin | English | Swedish | Weight in kilograms |
lastum, lestum | last | läst | c. 2,400-2,500 kg |
vas (talentum navale) |
barrel | Fat (skeppund) |
c. 140-170 kg |
talentum Livonicum | Livonie pound | lispund | c. 7 kg |
osmundum (ferrum) | osmund (iron /bar/) |
Osmund (järm) |
c. 0.280 kg |
- 8 P. Crew as quoted in B. Berglund, Marknad och ämnesjärn [The market and currency bars], in Järnet o (...)
11The exact definitions are notoriously difficult, as they change between countries and indeed also within countries. An English scholar has suggested that it is « perhaps better to keep the type definitions and names from each country » than to try using translations8. Prices can be calculated from various sources: we have no intention of dealing with that here. It may suffice to say that efforts were being made to standardise.
- 9 See on-line <http://www.su.se/svefler/forskning/forskningsprojekt/medievalnordic-laws-mnl-1.84172> [accessed 22.01.2016].
- 10 E.g. SDHK 4632 (7 November 1340), the royal statutes for the bergsmän in the province of Närke, and (...)
12Archaeology gives us the main sources of our knowledge of the spread and extent of iron mining in Sweden, all from the start. But laws and various historical documents can furnish some details. Swedish civil laws are known from the XIIth century. They are available in printed editions (at present only in the original Swedish, but an English translation project is under way, including all the Scandinavian medieval laws9). Unfortunately, these laws do not say much about mining. There are some statutes and regulations preserved which are more useful10. There are also some account books and rent rolls: a few are left, mostly from monasteries, e.g. from the most important late medieval monastic institution, Vadstena Abbey. We will return to Vadstena later.
- 11 B. Berglund, Marknad… cit., p. 88 f. Cf. F. Olsson, Järnhanteringens dynamik. Produktion, lokaliser (...)
13From the preserved customs registers we can gather quite interesting information on trade and export. The material is scarce. Only a few registers, for instance those reporting on Swedish iron export directed to Lübeck, the main Hanseatic trades partner, have survived, covering two brief periods, in the XIVth and XVth centuries respectively. But the registers show us the trade development, and one conclusion would be that they point to a remarkable boost in the export figures from the end of the XIIIth to the end of the XVth centuries. The explanation is found in the improved quality of the osmund iron11.
14As is seen in this simplified chart, Swedish iron around the year 1350 had a share of about 200 tonnes (fig. 2) yearly of the Lübeck import (the same amount came also from other, German, sources). By the turn of the century the Swedish share hade increased to about 500-1,000 tonnes yearly, and fifty years after that to 1,000- 1,200 tonnes yearly.
15If we include available information from other ports than Lübeck, the total export from Sweden by the year 1500 might have been approximately 1,700 tonnes osmund iron yearly. Thus, during the XVth century Swedish iron seems to have secured a large sector of the iron market, and in fact dominated the qualitative osmund trade. The reason for this is to seek in the new findings in Bergslagen (Norberg). Osmund iron was more expensive but, in turn, of a better quality.
- 12 B. Berglund, Marknad… cit., p. 86-87.
16Most of this export was intended for German ports. The Swedish iron never had the same breakthrough on the English market. During the late Middle Ages, the iron import was apparently controlled by Spanish merchants. Customs registers show some of the trade, and by analysing these, scholars have found that Swedish osmund export to England never amounted to more than approximately 200- 300 tonnes yearly12.
- 13 See e.g. J. Rosén, Svensk historia I. Tiden före 1718 [Swedish history I. The period before 1718], (...)
17As a consequence of the increasing economic profits from the iron trade the political implications grew. In the 1430s Sweden was plagued by uprisings and internal warfare. The miners of Bergslagen and Norberg were at the origin of this. Scholars discussing the causes of the most famous of these riots, the so called « Engelbrekt revolt », have concluded that the control of the iron resources were at the heart of the problem and was one of the reasons for the miscontent with the union king, Erik of Pomerania, whose politics had led to disastrous export restrictions13. Thus, it may be said that the iron production and trade is partly to blame for the king’s misfortunes. He miscalculated the reactions of the Bergslagen men who had become tired of the constantly raised taxes and export problems. King Erik was eventually deposed, and another king was chosen. But the dissatisfaction continued, and a decade later there were new controversies within the union, and as a result the Nordic countries were ruled separately, at least for some time.
Iron in the charters from the 1360s and 1370s
- 14 The SDHK (see note 1 above). About a third of the material is available in complete editions, in th (...)
18These sources are useful, but in order to get a fuller picture we will have to turn to the charter material. There is not an overwhelming wealth of material. Out of a total of c. 45,000 charters preserved from the whole medieval period, searchable through the Diplomatarium Suecanum database14, only a small number carries information about iron. It is not possible to give an exact number, as a large part of the material (especially from the XVth century) remains unedited and is not investigated in depth. For this paper, I have chosen to focus on documents from the 1360s and 1370s. The charters from this period have all been edited, and from this corpus of texts I have selected thirty-seven charters that can be said to give us some kind of information about the iron trade. They are only a small fraction of the total number of preserved charters from the relevant period, corresponding to a ratio of less than 1 %. Nevertheless, it is possible to extract some clues that might lead us to understand better the use and value of iron in medieval Sweden.
19Let us start with a typological investigation of the relevant group of charters that might be rewarding. What kinds of documents give us more information on the people involved and on the value of iron, the market and the trade? And how is the distribution among these categories?
Table 2 – Types of documents mentioning iron (1360-1379).
Evidence of export / foreign trade | 13 documents |
Sales or purchases (payment in iron) | 11 |
Debts (to be paid in iron) | 4 |
Royal privileges (for miners) | 3 |
Pledges (iron used as collateral) | 2 |
Testament (bequest of iron) | 1 |
Contract on wages (iron as payment for work done) | 1 |
Report on church inventory (iron in a parish church) | 1 |
Report on ransoms (paid in iron) | 1 |
Some charter examples
Foreign trade
- 15 SDHK, n. 42791 (9 June 1379). Orig. in the Archiv der Hansestadt Lübeck.
20We will then proceed to look more in detail at the contents of some examples in this material. The first instance is taken from the end of the 1370s, and it shows how complicated legal problems and trade situations had to be solved for the merchants. The letter, issued by the magistrate of Visby and dated 9 June 1379, exemplifies the trade between the Swedish island of Gotland (with the main town Visby) and Lübeck. In the text, we find that payment is due for a large ship load containing iron. The goods had been deposited for sale in Lübeck. Often, the sources and cases we stumble upon in this kind of documents are the result of complicated procedures that led to various discussions and quarrels. In this case, the Gotland owner of these five tonnes of iron had died and the men in the Visby magistrate had to involve themselves in the case to reach a solution. The text is preserved in the city archives of Lübeck15.
quasdam pecunias de duabus lastis ferri et duabus lagenis butiri deriuatas. Quod ferrum et butirum predictus Bertoldus, dum vixerat, dicto Thidemanno Geysmer suo depositario commiserat ad vendendum.
a certain amount of money originating from two lasts [i.e. c. 5 tonnes] of iron and two gallons of butter. In his lifetime, the aforementioned Bertold had handed over this iron and butter to the depositary Tideman Geismer for sale.
- 16 SDHK, n. 40676 (22 August 1376), Niederstadtbuch, Lübeck.
21The memorial books, or town books, of the Hanseatic towns can also give us important information. Annotations in these books would in many situations be given the same legal status as a valid original charter. From the Niederstadtbuch of Lübeck we get information on large ship loads of Swedish osmund. This happened for instance in August 1376, when a Lübeck merchant received a ship load of iron from Sweden. However, there is a problem with the ownership. This time the Lübeck magistrate has to deal with the situation. The merchant is said to have stored 10 lasts of osmund iron, the equivalent of something like 25 tonnes: in sua custodia habere x lastas ozemundes16.
- 17 SDHK, n. 40759 (28 April 1376). London-Kew, The National Archives, Orig. C 65/30, membr. 5, Rot. Pa (...)
22The same year, we find an example from the English trade. The House of Commons deals with the complaints about a customs officer. It seems that the merchants on a ship from Gotland had been ill treated as they were forced to pay illegal fees to the value of 17 gold nobles, but in addition to this, a last of osmunds to the value of 10 pounds and 16 shillings17.
The property market
- 18 SDHK, n. 9717 (3 June 1370). Orig. in the National Archives, Stockholm.
23Leaving now the world of foreign trade, we will turn to the internal Swedish property market. In quite a few of the preserved charters from our chosen period we see that houses, farms and lands were valued and priced in iron. Here is an example from the year 1370, where a man (Olof Kärling) acknowledges the receipt of no less than 2,700 iron bars as a final payment for his property, a farm called Frödinge. The text is preserved in original parchment form and written in Old Swedish: « Kennis jak medh thesso breffue haua upburit aff ærlikom riddara herra Bendict Philippusson thiughu hundrat jærn ok siu hundrat uppa mith goz j Ffrødhunga sokn » ( « With this letter I confirm that I received from the honourable knight Sir Bengt Filipsson two thousand and seven hundred iron bars for my property in Frödinge parish. » )18.
- 19 SDHK, n. 9217 (6 February 1368). Orig. in the National Archives, Stockholm.
24Our next example is taken from a charter involving a man of the church, in this case the bishop of Västerås, and we can here see that this kind of documents could still be written in Latin. In this case, the bishop bought a specified farmland for no less than 120 marks and 24 barrels of iron, the equivalent of around 3 tonnes of iron: pro centum uiginti marchis denariorum et uigintj quatuor vasis ferri19.
Iron as payment for work done
- 20 SDHK, n. 11693 (13 June /c. 1377/). Orig. in the National Archives, Stockholm.
25The next example also belongs to the ecclesiastical world, but this time it is in the form of a paper document; the original is preserved in the Swedish National Archives. Here, we meet a man from Uppsala, the prebendary (prebendatus) Nils Johansson Helsing (Nicolaus Johannis Helsing). The letter in question confirms that this man had been contracted to perform some work with a book. We are not informed what book it is, but it must have been an important one, presumably intended for the cathedral library. His job was first of all to correct the book. But in addition to this he was to furnish it with rubrics, and, finally, to see to the binding of the book. For all this work, he was to receive – according to the contract – a barrel of iron (170 kg) or something else of the same value. The letter includes a phrase that limits the reward to what can be expected on earth – in premio terreno. There is also a heavenly price to be won (fig. 3)20.
Fig. 3 – SDHK, n. 11693, original on paper (c. 1377): Pro quo vnum vas ferri vel eius valorem in premio terreno, de quo tutoribus ecclesie scripseram, reportabitis, in premio autem celesti gloriam sempiternam. Photo: National Archives, Stockholm.

26What can we deduce from this letter about the use of iron? It must be emphasised that the expression after the mention of the prescribed amount of iron – vel eius valorem, « or something of the same value » – indicates that the iron here is used as a kind of safe or fixed denominator of a value. No one wants to decide upon a price that will lose in value. Apparently, the demand for iron made the product suitable for fixing a price. The same thing can be seen in many of the charters dealing with the selling or pledging of property or with paying debts. It seems that the Swedish medieval society needed iron as an additional but practical instrument for a fixation of values and prices, something to which other price markers could be compared and measured.
27We have now reached the end of this quick look at the sources that can give us evidence of the iron trade in medieval Sweden. We have seen the importance of the trade and how it grew in the late Middle Ages. Institutions, private investors and merchants were deeply involved in the trade. The excerpts taken from some selected documents have displayed some types of problems that the merchants could encounter and they also pointed to the special function that the iron trade had acquired within Sweden. The possibility to use iron as a fixed value in property affairs and in debt situations seems to have been something that the society needed, and the practice appears to have been quite widespread.
- 21 A. Götlind, Technology and Religion in Medieval Sweden, Falun, 1993 (Avhandlingar från Historiska i (...)
28We started with a brief glimpse of monastic trading, within a specific order. Let us return to the monastery of Vadstena and see if we can now better understand the unusual gift of more than one tonne of iron. In the XVth century, the Swedish monastery had reached a strong position both politically and financially. The incomes from the farms spread all over the country were originally meant to cover only the necessary expenses for the daily living in the convent, but the economy grew in a steady pace. That also iron was an essential part of the monastic economy is not surprising, and it might be seen as a natural development. By the mid-fifteenth century no less than fifty-seven farms paid their rent to the monastery in iron. The total amount paid around 1450 was more than 4 tonnes per year21.
- 22 Stockholm, Riksarkivet, cod. D12, fol. 178v, edition in C. Silfverstolpe, Vadstena klosters jordebo (...)
29Let us look at an illustrating example from one of the preserved account books of Vadstena Abbey. The manuscript is today preserved in the Swedish National Archives, and it deals with the rent rolls of the year 1500. Here is an excerpt showing the yearly incomes emanating from three farms in Sköllersta parish, in the province of Närke22:
Jtem in Kalstha ii gardha: affradh ær ii faath jern.
Jtem i Dallin ii gardha: affradh ær j fath jern.
Jtem ii gardha i Wrana: affradh är iiij fath jern.
In Kalsta, 2 farms paying a rent of 2 barrels of iron.
In Dalen, 2 farms paying a rent of 1 barrel of iron.
Two farms in Vrana, paying a rent of 4 barrels of iron.
- 23 L. A. Norborg, Storföretaget Vadstena kloster. Studier i senmedeltida godspolitik och ekonomiförval (...)
30Farms in Närke seem to have provided Vadstena Abbey with a great deal of iron, and so did farms in other Swedish provinces. In some cases the iron rent was changed into a payment in money during the second half of the XVth century23. All in all, it seems clear that the monastery in fact may have been one of the major players on the Swedish iron market, at least at times. The surplus that was generated could perhaps be invested in some way (although this could be seen as contrary to the Rule of the Order) or used for various, practical purposes. The iron that was sent to England in 1432 amounted to about a fourth part of a year’s income. The ship load to Syon Abbey seems to be a concrete example of how the iron surplus could be used for internal matters and practical purposes, and if we see this as a reason, it might answer one of the initial questions. Even if it is not typical of other preserved iron documents, the letter shows that the growing iron trade had made it possible even for unlikely and heavy gifts to be sent overseas.
Notes
1 Stockholm, Riksarkivet, SDHK 21842 (15 October 1432), cod. A 21, fol. 48v. SDHK is the online database of the Swedish charter material: <https://sok.riksarkivet.se/SDHK>.
2 On the construction of the church (destroyed in the XVIth century), see R. Farrant, The Birgittine Abbey of Syon: The Archaeological Evidence, in C. Gejrot, S. Risberg and M. Åkestam (ed.), Saint Birgitta, Syon and Vadstena. Papers from a symposium in Stockholm (4-6 October 2007), Stockholm, 2007 (Konferenser. Kungliga Vitterhets historie och antikvitets akademien, 73), p. 27-36.
3 It can be noted that silver and copper mines were also part of the medieval commercial production and trade, but iron was by far the most important product from mining.
4 For an introduction, see e.g. I. Pettersson Jensen, Norberg och järnet. Bergsmännen och den medeltida industrialiseringen [Norberg and iron. Mining peasants and the medieval industrialization], Avesta, 2012 (Jernkontorets bergshistoriska skriftserie, 46), p. 19 f.
5 S. Lindroth, Koppargruvor [Copper mines], in Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid, 6, Malmö, 1964, col. 97 f.
6 I. Pettersson Jensen, Norberg… cit., p. 212 f.
7 A. Wallander, Osmundar i svenskt arkeologiskt material [The Osmund in Swedish archaeological material], in Järnet och Sveriges medeltida modernisering [Iron and Sweden’s medieval modernization], Halmstad, 2015 (Jernkontorets bergshistoriska skriftserie, 48), p. 115 f.
8 P. Crew as quoted in B. Berglund, Marknad och ämnesjärn [The market and currency bars], in Järnet och Sveriges… cit., p. 103.
9 See on-line <http://www.su.se/svefler/forskning/forskningsprojekt/medievalnordic-laws-mnl-1.84172> [accessed 22.01.2016].
10 E.g. SDHK 4632 (7 November 1340), the royal statutes for the bergsmän in the province of Närke, and SDHK 6705 (24 February 1354), the royal statutes for the bergsmän at the Norberg mine.
11 B. Berglund, Marknad… cit., p. 88 f. Cf. F. Olsson, Järnhanteringens dynamik. Produktion, lokalisering och agglomerationer i Bergslagen och Mellansverige (1368-1910) [The dynamics of the iron trade. Production, localisation and agglomerations in Bergslagen and the central parts of Sweden (1368-1910)], Umeå, 2007 (Umeå studies in economic history, 35), p. 61.
12 B. Berglund, Marknad… cit., p. 86-87.
13 See e.g. J. Rosén, Svensk historia I. Tiden före 1718 [Swedish history I. The period before 1718], Stockholm, 1964, p. 268 ff, for a survey of the uprising and the political implications.
14 The SDHK (see note 1 above). About a third of the material is available in complete editions, in the Diplomatarium books series and online, via the SDHK database.
15 SDHK, n. 42791 (9 June 1379). Orig. in the Archiv der Hansestadt Lübeck.
16 SDHK, n. 40676 (22 August 1376), Niederstadtbuch, Lübeck.
17 SDHK, n. 40759 (28 April 1376). London-Kew, The National Archives, Orig. C 65/30, membr. 5, Rot. Parl. Edwardi III.
18 SDHK, n. 9717 (3 June 1370). Orig. in the National Archives, Stockholm.
19 SDHK, n. 9217 (6 February 1368). Orig. in the National Archives, Stockholm.
20 SDHK, n. 11693 (13 June /c. 1377/). Orig. in the National Archives, Stockholm.
21 A. Götlind, Technology and Religion in Medieval Sweden, Falun, 1993 (Avhandlingar från Historiska institutionen i Göteborg, 4), p. 83.
22 Stockholm, Riksarkivet, cod. D12, fol. 178v, edition in C. Silfverstolpe, Vadstena klosters jordebok 1500 jemte tillägg ur klostrets äldre jordeböcker [The cadastre of Vadstena Abbey in 1500, with supplements from older abbey cadastres], Stockholm, 1897 (Historiska handlingar, 16/1), p. 226-227.
23 L. A. Norborg, Storföretaget Vadstena kloster. Studier i senmedeltida godspolitik och ekonomiförvaltning [Vadstena Abbey as a large-scale enterprise. Studies in late medieval land policies and financial administration], Lund, 1958 (Bibliotheca historica Lundensis, 7), p. 212 and 293 f.
Table des illustrations
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Titre | Fig. 1a – Excerpt from SDHK, n. 21842. Stockholm, Riksarkivet, cod. A 21, fol. 48v. Photo: National Archives, Stockholm. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/37860/img-1.jpg |
Fichier | image/jpeg, 85k |
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Titre | Fig. 1b – Detail from SDHK, n. 21842: pro dimidia lesta ferri gracias vobis referimus cordiales. Partem reliquiarum sancti Thome martiris quas apud nos paucas valde et parcas habemus vobis libenti animo destinamus. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/37860/img-2.jpg |
Fichier | image/jpeg, 66k |
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Titre | Fig. 2 – Estimated Swedish iron export, based on the preserved Lübeck customs registers. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/37860/img-3.jpg |
Fichier | image/jpeg, 16k |
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Titre | Fig. 3 – SDHK, n. 11693, original on paper (c. 1377): Pro quo vnum vas ferri vel eius valorem in premio terreno, de quo tutoribus ecclesie scripseram, reportabitis, in premio autem celesti gloriam sempiternam. Photo: National Archives, Stockholm. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/efr/docannexe/image/37860/img-4.jpg |
Fichier | image/jpeg, 51k |
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