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Héritages de Byzance en Europe du Sud-Est à l’époque moderne et contemporaine

 | 
Olivier Delouis
, 
Anne Couderc
, 
Petre Guran

Byzantine Monuments and Architectural “Cleansing” in Nineteenth-Century Athens

Effie F. Athanassopoulos

Résumé

This paper examines the architectural “cleansing” of Athens in the decades following the establishment of the Modern Greek state, when the ancient monuments of the city, and especially the Acropolis and its surroundings, became a source of inspiration and legitimation for the newly established state. The goal was to enhance the ancient monuments by freeing them from post-classical additions and alterations. In this process most of the post-classical history of the ancient structures was lost; within a few decades they were transformed from living monuments into museum pieces. The same principle guided the planning of the new capital. The classical emphasis led to a disregard for the Byzantine and Post-Byzantine architectural heritage and, in turn, to the destruction of a large number of churches in the course of the 19th century. This history can only be recovered through the study of early maps and plans, visitors’ accounts, textual sources, and the material remains recovered by excavations. The demolition of Athenian churches is a testimony to the ideas and aspirations of the time: the desire to purify the ancient monuments from later additions, and re-build Athens as the new capital of a re-born state which strove to embody classical ideals.

Note de l’éditeur

Abbreviations:

Bouras Charalambos 2003 = Bouras Charalambos, “Middle Byzantine Athens: Planning and Architecture”, in Athens: from the Classical Period to the Present Day (5th Century bc-ad 2000), Athens, p. 222-245.

Setton Kenneth 1944 = Setton Kenneth, “Athens in the later twelfth Century”, Speculum 19, p. 179-208.

Stuart James, Revett Nicholas 1762 = Stuart James, Revett Nicholas, The Antiquities of Athens, I, London.

Travlos Ioannes 1951 = Travlos Ioannes, “Ἀνασκαφαὶ ἐν τῇ βιβλιοθήκῃ τοῦ Ἀδριανοῦ”, Πρακτικὰ τῆς ἐν Ἀθήναις Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας τοῦ ἔτους 1950, Athens, p. 41-63.

Travlos Ioannes 19932 = Travlos Ioannes, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν προᾯστορικῶν χρόνων μέχρι τῶν ἀρχῶν τοῦ 19ου αἰῶνος, Athens.

Texte intégral

1This paper examines the architectural “cleansing” of Athens in the decades following the establishment of the Modern Greek state. The primary concern during this period was to connect Modern Greece with its glorious ancient past. Thus, the ancient monuments of the city, and especially the Acropolis and its surroundings became a source of inspiration and legitimation for the newly established state. The goal was to enhance the ancient monuments by freeing them from post-classical additions and alterations. In this process most of the post-classical history of the ancient structures was lost; within a few decades they were transformed from living monuments into museum pieces. The same principle guided the planning of the new capital. The classical emphasis led to a disregard for the Byzantine and Post-Byzantine architectural heritage and, in turn, to the destruction of a large number of churches in the course of the 19th century. This history can only be recovered through the study of early maps and plans, visitors’ accounts, textual sources, and the material remains recovered by excavations. Here, I will provide an overview of the development of Athens in the Byzantine and later periods. Most of the surviving churches date to the Middle-Byzantine period, a time when Athens grew as a provincial town. Athens experienced a second period of growth under Ottoman rule, in the 16th and 17th centuries, when many churches and chapels were built. In the last part of this paper, I will examine the architectural “cleansing” of the 19th century by documenting specific examples of demolished churches.

Byzantine and post-byzantine Athens

  • 1 Lambros Spyridon (ed.), Μιχαὴλ Ἀκομινάτου τοῦ Χωνιάτου τὰ σωζόμενα, Athens, 1879-1880, 2 vol.; Kolo (...)
  • 2 Setton Kenneth 1944, p. 187-189.
  • 3 Choniates studied in Constantinople under Eustathios who later became archbishop ofThessalonica; se (...)
  • 4 Ibid., p. 190.
  • 5 Ibid., p. 186.
  • 6 Ibid., p. 194.

2Byzantine Athens is known from the writing of its archbishop, Michael Choniates, who lived in the town from ad 1182 until 1204, when Athens came under the control of Frankish rulers. Choniates’ sermons, petitions and letters provide a vivid account of social and economic conditions in the years preceding the Frankish conquest.1 In his first sermon, delivered in the Parthenon, then the church of Panagia Athiniotissa, Choniates glorified the city as the mother of eloquence and wisdom and urged the Athenians to preserve the noble customs of their ancestors, the most honored of all the Greeks.2 His admiration for the city’s past shows the importance of classical antiquity in the education of Byzantine scholars and clerics.3 However, it is clear from Choniates’ writings that the city did not live up to its former glory. In another sermon he expressed his disappointment at its present condition: “O city of Athens, to what depths of ignorance thou hast sunk, though the mother of wisdom”.4 In many occasions he lamented the decline of the land and the people. Choniates paints a picture of poverty and desolation; Athens was plagued by piracy, rapacious tax collectors and corrupt governors. His numerous petitions and letters to provincial governors and imperial officials were appeals “seeking relief from present evils and redress for past injustices”.5 The archbishop also complained about the encroachment of the richer inhabitants of the city upon the peasants’ holdings.6

  • 7 Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 224.
  • 8 Megaw dates this church to the last quarter of the 11th century; see Megaw Arthur H. S., “The Chron (...)
  • 9 Kapnikarea was named after a collector of the kapnikon tax, probably the founder or a donor, see Pa (...)
  • 10 Known as Moni Petraki, dated to the 10th century, see Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 229.
  • 11 Known as the Russian church, dates to the first half of the 11th century, see Megaw Arthur H. S., “ (...)
  • 12 This was the classical fortification known as the Themistoklean wall which was repaired by Justinia (...)
  • 13 Agios Nikolaos belonged to the aristocratic family of Rangavas, see Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 229

3Choniates’ testimony has served as the primary source for reconstructing the economic and political conditions in Attica in the late 12th century. However, some scholars wonder whether the bleak picture he presents was a rhetorical device intended to emphasize the contrast with the city’s glorious past.7 Here, the architectural and material evidence of Middle Byzantine Athens provides additional information about conditions in the city. From the 10th to the 12th centuries, a number of extant churches were built in the area outside the Late Roman wall, including Agioi Apostoloi in the ancient Agora, Agioi Asomatoi at Kerameikos, Kapnikarea, Agioi Theodoroi,8 and Panagia Gorgoepikoos (fig. 1). These were small, ornate churches, most likely founded by members of the local aristocracy and/or imperial officials, although specific information is lacking in most cases.9 There were also churches associated with monasteries, such as the katholikon of the Asomatoi Monastery10 and the large church of Sotira Lykodemou.11 The location of these churches indicates that the town was expanding in the area between the Late Roman wall and the outermost fortifications.12 A few other existing churches also date to this period; these were built inside the area of the Late Roman wall and include Agios Ioannis Theologos, Agia Aikaterini, Metamorphosis, and Agios Nikolaos Rangavas.13 The building of a relatively large number of churches in the 11th and 12th centuries indicates relative prosperity and the presence of local aristocratic families with substantial resources.

Fig. 1. — Map of Athens, ad 565-1205. The star symbol marks churches mentioned in the text (Travlos Ioannes, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν προᾯστορικῶν χρόνων μέχρι τῶν ἀρχῶν τοῦ 19ου αἰῶνος, Athens, 19932, pl. VIII).

Fig. 1. — Map of Athens, ad 565-1205. The star symbol marks churches mentioned in the text (Travlos Ioannes, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν προᾯστορικῶν χρόνων μέχρι τῶν ἀρχῶν τοῦ 19ου αἰῶνος, Athens, 19932, pl. VIII).
  • 14 For possible dates of the conversion, see Frantz Alison, “From Paganism to Christianity in the Temp (...)
  • 15 For an overview of the architectural changes associated with the conversion of the Parthenon to a C (...)
  • 16 See Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 226.
  • 17 Setton Kenneth 1944, p. 201.
  • 18 Kaldellis Anthony (n. 15).
  • 19 See Soteriou Georgios (n. 15), p. 43-44; Setton Kenneth 1944, p. 201-202; Lesk Alexandra, A Diachro (...)
  • 20 Travlos identifies three successive churches at the Propylaia, see Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 138, n (...)
  • 21 See Soteriou Georgios (n. 15), p. 48-49; Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 142. For Christian burials at th (...)
  • 22 Also known as the temple of Demetra and Kore; it was depicted by Stuart James, Revett Nicholas 1762 (...)
  • 23 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 139, n. 2, plan on p. 141. See also, Camp John, The Archaeology of Athens(...)
  • 24 See Travlos Ioannes 19932, map VII.
  • 25 Ibid., p. 151.

4In addition to these Middle Byzantine churches, the ancient temples on the Acropolis and the lower town had been converted into Christian churches.14 The Parthenon, as mentioned previously, became the church of Panagia Athiniotissa, the town’s cathedral, where Michael Choniates delivered his sermons.15 During the time of Choniates, additions and modifications were made to the temple.16 Choniates mentions that he beautified it further, he provided new vessels and furniture, increased its property in land and in flocks and herds, and augmented the number of the clergy.17 Recent research has emphasized the importance of the Christian Parthenon as a site of pilgrimage and worship in the Byzantine period.18 The Erechtheion was also a church, most likely dedicated to the Theotokos.19 The third important structure, the Propylaia, served as the residence of the archbishop and its south wing housed a church dedicated to the Taxiarchai.20 In the lower town the Hephaisteion had become the church of Agios Georgios in the Kerameikos and in the 12th century was used as the katholikon of a monastery.21 Another ancient temple, the temple of Artemis Agrotera on the banks of the Ilissos was the church of Panagia stin Petra.22 In addition, there were several early Christian basilicas located throughout the town. On the south side of the Acropolis there was a basilica at the Theater of Dionysos, another at the Asklepieion, and a third one built over the Odeion of Herodes Atticos. Below the Areopagos there was an early Christian church dedicated to Dionysios, the patron saint of Athens. The quatrefoil building or “Tetraconch” within the Library of Hadrian, probably one of the earliest Christian churches of Athens, had been re-built as a three-aisled basilica.23 Another three basilicas were located near the Olympieion and the Ilissos River.24 Many of these early churches were repaired in the Middle-Byzantine period. Travlos estimates that by the mid-12th century there were at least 40 churches in the town of Athens.25

  • 26 See Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 154-156; moschonas Nikolaos, “Η τοπογραφία της Αθήνας κατά τη βυζαντι (...)
  • 27 Setton Kenneth (n. 12), p. 253-254.
  • 28 Ibid., p. 243-244.
  • 29 Ibid., p. 247.
  • 30 Ibid., p. 248.
  • 31 See Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 238.
  • 32 See Shear Leslie, “The Athenian Agora: Excavations of 1989-1993”, Hesperia 66 (1997), p. 495-548; f (...)

5Excavations in Athens have also revealed densely inhabited districts dating to the 9th and 12th centuries, in the area of the ancient Agora, the lower slopes of the Areopagos, the south side of the Acropolis and the area north of the Olympieion26 (fig. 1). The Agora excavations have established that the medieval settlement stretched from the north slopes of the Acropolis and the Areopagos across the Agora and in the region north of the Hill of Kolonos. The Hill of Kolonos, especially the area north of the Hephaisteion, was covered with houses dating from the 10th to the 13th centuries.27 The residential districts possibly extended further, to the area where the churches of Agioi Theodoroi, Kapnikarea and Gorgoepikoos are located.28 Most houses consisted of a few rooms arranged around a courtyard with storerooms containing large pithoi. Few larger structures have been identified. A very large byzantine structure with 30 rooms grouped around a central court dating to the period from the late 12th to 13th century was uncovered north of the hill of Kolonos. The function of the building is not certain. Setton suggested that it might have been the residence “of one of the powerful archontic families of whom the Metropolitan Michael Choniates complains”.29 Considering the proximity of this building to the Hephaisteion, it is likely that the structure might have been a monastic complex.30 Other suggestions are that it was a covered market or an inn.31 More recent excavations in the northern part of the Athenian Agora have revealed remains of a densely inhabited residential district ranging in date from the 9th to the 13th century. In addition to dwellings, the excavations revealed the remains of two chapels. One of the chapels was established in the late 11th or early 12th century; it was dedicated to Agios Nikolaos and was in use until the War of Independence, when it was destroyed.32 The presence of small churches in the midst of residential neighborhoods was common in Middle-Byzantine Athens and this pattern continued into later periods.

  • 33 For a brief summary, see Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 237. See also Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 154, 1 (...)
  • 34 See Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 240; Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 154, n. 4.
  • 35 See Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 237-238.

6Another Middle Byzantine residential district was located on the south side of the Acropolis.33 A residential area also grew near the Olympieion, where the houses were less closely packed together compared to those in the Agora.34 Overall, excavations in the ancient Agora and other areas of Athens have established that the Middle-Byzantine town was mostly confined within the Late Roman wall until the 10th century. Expansion began in the 11th and accelerated in the 12th century when neighborhoods were built in the area between the Late Roman and the Classical Themistoklean walls.35

  • 36 For the praktikon, see Granstrem Evgenia, Medvedev Igor, Papachryssanthou Denise, “Fragment d’un pr (...)

7Additional information about the town and its neighborhoods is provided by a fragmentary praktikon which records the land and dependent peasants belonging to an ecclesiastical foundation in Athens. The praktikon has been dated to the 11th or 12th century, although Jacoby has suggested a 13th century date.36 The document lists properties near the neighborhoods of Tzykanistirion and Kochlearion. The Tzykanistirion was located north of the town; it was named after the place where the tzykanion was played, a form of polo on horseback, and a popular sport among the Byzantine nobility. Kochlearion was the neighborhood of the purple dye makers located south of the Acropolis.

  • 37 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 172.

8Moreover, the excavations in Athens have documented multiple destruction levels, some associated with events well known from historical sources, such as the attack of the Norman King Roger II of Sicily in 1147 and of Leon Sgouros in 1203. In 1204, Michael Choniates had to surrender Athens to the advancing crusaders and leave the city. The new rulers, the French dukes de la Roche and de Brienne (1204-1311), were succeeded by the Catalans (1311-1387), and the Florentine family of the Acciajuoli (1387-1456). The Frankish lords settled on the Acropolis and strengthened its fortifications. For the next 250 years the Parthenon was a Latin cathedral and became known as “Santa Maria de Setines”. During the period of Frankish rule (1204-1456), it appears that habitation in the lower town was confined within the area of the Late Roman wall.37

  • 38 Ibid., p. 180.
  • 39 Ibid., p. 186.
  • 40 Bodnar Edward, Travlos John, Frantz Alison, “The Church of St. Dionysios the Areopagite and the Pal (...)
  • 41 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 178.
  • 42 Ibid.
  • 43 Shear Leslie, “The Campaign of 1938”, Hesperia 8 (1939), p. 201-246, here p. 220.
  • 44 Dated to the 1st half of the 17th Century, see Frantz Alison, “Turkish Pottery from the Agora”, Hes (...)
  • 45 See Frantz Alison, “Late Byzantine Paintings in the Agora”, Hesperia 4 (1935), p. 442-469; Agios Sp (...)
  • 46 These are basilicas with decorative pointed arches and double narrow windows on the facade; see Tra (...)

9In 1456 Athens came under Turkish control. Two years later Mohamed the conqueror visited the city and expressed admiration for its monuments, especially the Parthenon which had been converted to a mosque. He also granted privileges to the Christian population of the town. Athens began to grow under the Ottomans, a growth that continued until the late 17th century, when the Venetians attacked and briefly occupied the city. During this time new neighborhoods sprung up, outside the Late Roman wall, which by the 17th century fell out of use and almost disappeared. No new fortifications were built to replace it; rather the walls of the houses formed an exterior barrier. Travlos estimates that by the late 17th century the town had become six times larger compared to its extent in the Frankish period.38 Approximately 40 new churches were built during this time and the older ones were repaired. Although dating them is difficult, it seems that most of the new churches were built in the 16th and the first half of the 17th century.39 For example, excavations in the Areopagos established that the church of Agios Dionysios was built in the middle of the 16th century.40 Several other churches in the area of the Agora excavations were dated to the 17th century, e.g. Panagia Pyrgiotissa,41 Panagia Krystalliotissa,42 Ypapanti,43 Panagia Vlassarou,44 Profitis Elias, Agios Charalambos, and Agios Spyridon.45 A similar date has been suggested for other churches, such as Sotira tes Pazaroportas, located at the Roman Agora gate, and Agios Gregorios, in the vicinity of Gorgoepikoos, which were built in a distinct architectural style.46

  • 47 Some of the demolished structures had been documented by Stuart and Revett in the 1750s, such as th (...)

10The Venetian bombardment of the Acropolis and the destruction of the Parthenon in 1687 was a turning point for the town. After a brief Venetian occupation Athens was deserted for three years. When it was re-occupied, the city had deteriorated considerably. The ancient monuments of the Acropolis had been damaged and the Parthenon was in a ruinous state. Initially, new fortifications were built around the Acropolis. Because of frequent raids, in 1778 a new fortification wall was built around the lower town, known as the Haseki wall. It was partly built with material from ancient structures demolished for that purpose.47

  • 48 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 214.
  • 49 Ἐνορίες or Μαχαλάδες, see ibid. p. 220-222; Kambouroglou Demetrios, Αἱ Ἀθῆναι κατὰ τὰ ἔτη 1775-1795(...)
  • 50 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 210; see also Kambouroglou Demetrios, Αἱ Παλαιαὶ Ἀθῆναι, Athens, 1922, p. (...)
  • 51 See Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 211, fig. 140; reproduced here as fig. 2.

11Travlos estimates that there were 129 churches in Athens in the 18th and early 19th century, 117 churches were located within the Haseki wall, and 12 outside. Overall, the town had fewer churches compared to the 17th century.48 Sources of this period mention that the town had 35 parishes.49 Thus, many of the churches must have belonged to Athenian families and monasteries. During this period, the center of the city was in the area of the Library of Hadrian and the Roman Agora. The administrative buildings, a number of mosques, the main market, and several churches clustered in this part of the town (fig. 2). For example, the church of Agios Paneleimonas to katholikon, which served as the metropolis, was located a block north of Hadrian’s library.50 Megali Panagia was built within Hadrian’s library. The small church of Agios Asomatos, in the midst of the lower market (κάτω παζάρι), had been built against the west side of Hadrian’s library. The small church of Sotira tes Pazaroportas was leaning against the Roman agora gate which led to the grain-market (σταροπάζαρο). The churches of Taxiarchai and Profitis Elias were standing north of the Roman Agora; several other smaller churches were located near this area.51

Fig. 2. — Map of the center of Athens before the War of Independence. The arrows mark churches discussed in the text (Travlos Ioannes, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν προᾯστορικῶν χρόνων μέχρι τῶν ἀρχῶν τοῦ 19ου αἰῶνος, Athens, 19932, fig. 140).

Fig. 2. — Map of the center of Athens before the War of Independence. The arrows mark churches discussed in the text (Travlos Ioannes, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν προᾯστορικῶν χρόνων μέχρι τῶν ἀρχῶν τοῦ 19ου αἰῶνος, Athens, 19932, fig. 140).

Athens in the 1830s

  • 52 Ibid., p. 200, n. 2.
  • 53 See Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 199, fig. 133; see also Koumarianou Aikaterini, Αθήνα, η πόλη - οι άν (...)
  • 54 For the differences between the first and second versions, see Bastea Eleni, The Creation of Modern (...)

12The majority of Athenian churches have not survived. Still, their location and names are known from maps and plans of the early 19th century. One of the first accurate maps of Athens is attributed to Louis-François-Sébastien Fauvel, the French antiquary and Consul.52 The map dates to 1800 and shows the street layout in the lower town and the Acropolis.53 Detailed maps of Athens were drawn in the 1830s, in the years following Greek independence. The most important map was produced by the architects Kleanthis and Schaubert who began their work in 1831 and recorded all existing ancient structures, churches, and Ottoman buildings. In 1832 the two architects were commissioned by the government to produce a plan for Athens and a year later the city was chosen as the new capital of the Greek state. The Kleanthis & Shaubert plan exists in three different versions.54 All show old Athens and the new city extending onto the plateau to the north. Kleanthis and Shaubert had an intimate knowledge of the old town. Fortunately, they had the foresight to document its layout, churches, and other structures before the city was transformed.

  • 55 Mommsen August, Athenae Christianae, Leipzig, 1868. Kambouroglou discusses one of the maps used by (...)
  • 56 See Biris Kostas, Αἱ Ἐκκλησίαι τῶν παλαιῶν Ἀθηνῶν, Athens, 1940, p. 9-10; Xyngopoulos Andreas, Τὰ Β (...)
  • 57 This version belongs to the German Archaeological Institute of Athens; see Biris Kostas (supra), p. (...)
  • 58 See Biris Kostas (n. 56), p. 16-17. The Stauffert plan is reproduced in Biris Kostas, Αἱ Ἀθῆναι ἀπὸ (...)
  • 59 See Biris Kostas (n. 56), p. 17.
  • 60 Ibid., p. 21-44.
  • 61 Travlos Ioannes 19932, map XII, catalogue p. 259-260.

13Several scholars have relied on the information provided by Kleanthis and Shaubert in order to estimate the number of churches present in Athens in the 1830s. However, in each study the estimate differs. For example, Mommsen lists 132 churches.55 Xyngopoulos mentions 89, while Orlandos adds another 6 bringing the total to 95.56 Biris consulted additional sources, including the second version of the Kleanthis & Shaubert plan, which is rich in information and detail.57 Another source utilized by Biris is a map drawn by Friedrich Stauffert in 1836, a detailed topographical survey of Athenian properties. Its purpose was to assist in the expropriation of properties for the opening of new streets. The Stauffert map paid particular attention to churches; it marks their location and indicates whether they were intact or ruined. Apparently, the government plan was to sell the ruined churches as parcels of land in order to raise funds.58 A third source for Biris’ study is a map drawn in 1846 by a committee of officers and architects which also noted the location of existing churches.59 Biris combined information from several sources and, as a result, was able to identify a greater number of churches. He estimates that Athens had 140 churches, located within the town and in the immediate vicinity of the Haseki wall. His detailed map and catalogue lists 76 destroyed churches.60 In his catalogue Biris provides information about each church; its name, location, dimensions (if known), and whether the church is mentioned in all the sources he consulted. Finally, Travlos published his own map and catalogue and divided the known churches in 5 categories: those surviving in their original form (24), ruined (20), altered because of additions and repairs (11), new churches built in place of old ones (10), and churches that have disappeared (85). The number of churches in all these categories adds to 150.61 To some extent, Travlos used Biris’ information, since the numbering system in both maps appears to be the same. He also incorporated his own observations and first-hand knowledge of pre-modern Athens. Unlike Biris, Travlos does not discuss each church individually.

  • 62 Ibid., p. 240.
  • 63 Ross Ludwig, Erinnerungen und Mittheilungen aus Griechenland, Berlin, 1863, p. 148.
  • 64 Wordsworth Christopher, Athens and Attica: Journal of a Residence there, London, 18553, p. 43-45. S (...)

14Visitors’ accounts are another important source of information for conditions in Athens after Liberation; they also describe and depict churches and other structures that have disappeared. One of the early accounts provides a vivid picture of Athens in 1832. It was written by Ludwig Ross, who later became director of the newly established Archaeological Service. The War of Independence had left the town in a lamentable condition. Ross describes it as a mass of mixed ruins, ancient and modern, the modern more ruined than the ancient. The Haseki wall was still in place, it was pulled down towards the end of 1834.62 Within the wall desolation prevailed, a heap of ruins, a few miserable, hastily repaired houses, destroyed churches. Ross compared the condition of Athens in 1832 with that depicted by Thucydides after the departure of the Persians “a monotonous gray mass of rubble and dust”.63 Several other visitors’ accounts of the early 1830s present a similar picture; a ruined town, with deserted streets, roofless houses and churches reduced to bare walls.64

  • 65 Liberated Greece and the Morea Scientific Expedition: The Peytier Album in the Stephen Vagliano Col (...)

15Eugène Peytier, an engineer and member of the French Scientific Expedition, spent several months in Athens in 1833. During his stay, he produced accurate paintings of different parts of the town, which are invaluable; they record the conditions in Athens after it was liberated, before its monuments underwent considerable changes. Peytier seems to have been interested in the Byzantine churches and Turkish mosques. Most of his drawings depict these buildings as well as the devastation of the town in the aftermath of the War of Independence. His drawings give meaning to Ross’ comment that the modern buildings were in a ruinous condition. In one of Peytier’s drawing the Theseion stands intact, in splendid isolation, and provides a sharp contrast to the ruined town around it.65 Although the devastation of the town of Athens made a strong impression on most visitors, some saw this condition as a blessing, it presented new opportunities. For example, another visitor, Cole, wrote:

  • 66 Cole William, Select Views of the Remains of Ancient Monuments in Greece, as at Present Existing, f (...)

“By the devastation consequent upon the struggle of the Greeks for liberty, all the rude buildings which had for centuries deformed and obscured the noble relics of ancient art were removed, and thus an opportunity was afforded of examining their proportions and appreciating their beauties.”66

  • 67 For the hostility towards Byzantium prevalent among Greek intellectuals until the 1850s, see Athana (...)
  • 68 Miller William, The Early Years of Modern Athens, London, 1926, p. 14.
  • 69 papageorgiou-Venetas Alexander, Athens: The Ancient Heritage and the Historic Cityscape in a Modern (...)

16Such views were widely shared by the European as well as the Greek intellectuals of the time. The decision makers of the 1830s and 1840s were proponents of a purist classical perspective. The loss of the Byzantine and Post-Byzantine architectural history of Athens is a direct result of their ideology and actions.67 Under the leadership of Ludwig Ross the “cleaning” of the Acropolis began in 1834. In the same year Leo von Klenze came to Athens to assist the Bavarian government and King Otto in the planning of the new capital. Leo von Klenze was the main architect of the “purification plan”; his proposals included the conservation and restoration of the ancient monuments, especially the Parthenon, and the removal of most of the post-classical structures from the Acropolis and the lower town. There were few dissenting voices at this time. For example, a member of the Regency Council, General Von Heydeck, complained to Ludwig Ross about the large scale demolitions on the Acropolis. He thought that “the archaeologists would destroy all the picturesque additions of the Middle Ages in their zeal to lay bare and restore the ancient monuments”.68 In 1837 a Royal decree was issued that called for safeguarding the medieval antiquities during the implementation of the town plan for the new capital.69 Judging from the aftermath, it seems that the Royal decree was ineffective.

  • 70 Petrakos Vasileios, Ἡ ἐν Ἀθήναις Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἑταιρεία. Ἡ ἱστορία τῶν 150 χρόνων της, 1837-1987, At (...)
  • 71 Kambouroglou Demetrios (n. 55), p. 57.

17The successor of Ross in the Archaeological Service was Kyriakos Pittakis, a native Athenian and one of the founding members of the Archaeological Society of Athens, established in 1837. Pittakis dominated the archaeological scene in Athens through the late 1850s.70 His attitude towards the post-classical monuments was typical of his era. Churches and other later buildings that stood in the way would be demolished and ancient inscriptions or fragments of columns would be “rescued” from the ruins. However, because Pittakis was an Athenian, he seems to have felt some emotional attachment to the old churches and chapels and wanted in some odd way to preserve the memories of these places. In an interesting letter to the government, dated April 7, 1834, he outlined his proposal. Pittakis believed that every church occupied the place of an ancient Greek temple or heroon. In that sense, the churches were a form of evidence of ancient city boundaries and outlying communities. However, in his opinion, the churches that would be torn down should not disappear completely without leaving a trace. His suggestion was that after their demolition the holy altar should be preserved and enlarged, and an inscription should be added with the name of the saint and the church. Trees and shrubs should be planted around these altars to serve as focal points of the re-born Greek cities.71

  • 72 Mallouchou-Tufano Fani, “The History of Interventions on the Acropolis”, in Economakis Richard (ed. (...)
  • 73 papageorgiou-Venetas Alexander (n. 69), p. 230.

18In subsequent decades churches and other Byzantine and Post-Byzantine structures were removed. Demolition started first on the Athenian Acropolis. For example, the Frankish palace at the Propylaia of the Acropolis, constructed by the Acciajuoli, was removed in the 1830s.72 The remains of the mosque which had been built inside the Parthenon in the late 17th century were removed in 1842.73 The structure that survived the longest was the Frankish tower at the Propylaia, which was standing until 1875. In the lower town many Byzantine churches were destroyed especially those which had been built near ancient monuments. They were viewed as post-classical “debris” that distorted the classical structures. Their demolition was also expected to yield ancient inscriptions and other valued relics of antiquity. Mommsen attributed the destruction of the churches to governmental policy. He wrote:

  • 74 Mommsen August (n. 55), p. 6.

“After the Turks ravaged Athens in 1821, the churches which were then wrecked were not only not all repaired, but as the number of churches and chapels seemed excessive and useless, a decree made before 1840 ordered that there should not be in Athens more than twelve churches and twenty three officiating priests; more than seventy churches were set aside for destruction, their materials being to be brought to the site of the proposed new Cathedral. Thus, many were destroyed and entirely removed, and of others the walls only remain, though some are still intact or have been restored and embellished.”74

  • 75 Bodnar Edward, Travlos John, Frantz Alison (n. 40); plan of the area on p. 193.
  • 76 Drawings of Agios Nikolaos were made by Durand, see Kalantzopoulou Toula, Μεσαιωνικοί ναοί της Αθήν (...)
  • 77 Drawing by Dupre 1819, reproduced in Travlos Ioannes 19932, fig. 124. See also Αἱ Ἀθῆναι (n. 58), p (...)

19The new metropolis, mentioned by Mommsen, was built in the area formerly occupied by the Archbishop’s residence, which after 1687 was relocated from Areopagos to the center of the city, near the church of Panagia Gorgoepikoos.75 To free up space for the metropolis and the open square around it, two churches in the vicinity were demolished, Agios Nikolaos76 and Agios Gregorios.77 Thus, the need for a new cathedral, combined with a lack of concern for the Byzantine and Post-Byzantine architectural heritage, as well as the implementation of the Von Klenze plan led to the demolition of approximately 80 churches.

Demolished Byzantine churches: some examples

  • 78 See Kaldellis Anthony (n. 15), p. 31-32.
  • 79 The names mentioned in the inscriptions are: Μήτση Δρουγαρέας (ad 856), Εὐπραξία (ad 867), and Θωμα (...)
  • 80 For a plan, see Travlos Ioannes 1951, fig. 16.
  • 81 See Kambouroglou Demetrios (n. 50), p. 136.

20Here, I will discuss a few well-documented examples of demolished churches. One of the important churches of Athens was Megali Panagia, built on the ruins of an early Christian Basilica, within the Library of Hadrian. As mentioned previously, the quatrefoil building or “Tetraconch” had been re-built as a three-aisled basilica. The basilica may have functioned as the cathedral before the conversion of the Parthenon.78 The basilica existed until the 10th century and served as the katholikon of a monastery for women. Three funerary inscriptions found in the excavations of the site date to the 9th and 10th centuries.79 In the 11th-12th century the basilica was replaced by a double structure. The main church was of the domed cruciform type and was connected in the north to a small side chapel.80 The side chapel might have been dedicated to the Holy Trinity81 (figs. 3, 4).

Fig. 3. — Plan of Megali Panagia (Travlos Ioannes, “Ἀνασκαφαὶ ἐν τῇ βιβλιοθήκῃ τοῦ Ἀδριανοῦ”, Πρακτικὰ τῆς ἐν Ἀθήναις Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας τοῦ ἔτους 1950, Athens, 1951, fig. 16).

Fig. 3. — Plan of Megali Panagia (Travlos Ioannes, “Ἀνασκαφαὶ ἐν τῇ βιβλιοθήκῃ τοῦ Ἀδριανοῦ”, Πρακτικὰ τῆς ἐν Ἀθήναις Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας τοῦ ἔτους 1950, Athens, 1951, fig. 16).

Fig. 4. — Location of Megali Panagia. The colonnade was built into the southern wall of the church (photograph by author).

Fig. 4. — Location of Megali Panagia. The colonnade was built into the southern wall of the church (photograph by author).
  • 82 Stuart James, Revett Nicholas 1762, pl. X; reproduced in Travlos Ioannes 1951, p. 61, fig. 15.
  • 83 Published in auzépy Marie-France, Grélois Jean-Pierre (eds.), Byzance retrouvée. Érudits et voyageu (...)
  • 84 The colonnade consists of three columns and a pillar which are still standing in the courtyard of t (...)
  • 85 Reproduced in Βυζαντινή Αθήνα (n. 9), fig. 15.
  • 86 Marquis of bute, “Some Christian Monuments of Athens”, Scottish Review 6 (1885), p. 85-123; Couchau (...)
  • 87 Marquis of Bute (supra), p. 102-106; for Konstantinides’ description, see Travlos Ioannes 1951, p.  (...)

21The earliest plan of the church was published by Stuart.82 Fauvel also sketched a drawing between 1780 and 1821.83 Fauvel’s drawing shows a colonnade84 built into the southern wall of the church; other architectural elements visible in the drawing are the dome of the main church and a bell-tower. Another drawing of the interior of the church was produced by Hansen in 1834.85 The outline of Megali Panagia is also shown in the Stauffert map. Some of its wall-paintings were recorded by European visitors.86 Also, the church was described in some detail by the Marquis of Bute and the archbishop of Messenia, Panaretos Konstantinides, a few years before its demolition.87

  • 88 Kokkou Angeliki, Ἡ μέριμνα γιὰ τὶς ἀρχαιότητες στὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὰ πρῶτα μουσεῖα, Athens, 1977, p. 1 (...)
  • 89 The military structure became known as Παλιά Στρατώνα; ibid., p. 160.

22In the early 1830s, Pittakis used the church as a repository for antiquities.88 In 1834-1835 construction took place in this area, a structure dedicated to military needs was built nearby. Also, the space around the church became a square for the main market and Megali Panagia was almost buried within the debris.89 Apparently, the church remained in this condition for several years. In 1858-1859 the Archaeological Society cleared the area around the church and rebuilt its damaged walls, a sign that Megali Panagia was going to be preserved. Unfortunately, this reversal in the fortunes of the church did not last long. When the Marquis of Bute visited Athens in 1885 he found the church in a lamentable condition. Here is how he described it:

  • 90 The bell-tower of Megali Panagia is visible in a watercolour of the market area and the clock-tower (...)
  • 91 Marquis of Bute (n. 86), p. 102.

“It is in the very midst of the Bazaar, behind the row of shops, and a little west of the wretched clock-tower90 by which Lord Elgin chose to commemorate his removing from Athens the most valuable sculptures in the city… The extraordinary amount of rubbish accumulated on the spot is shown by the fact that the floor of the church is some fifteen feet below the present level of the ground.”91

23A fire broke out in 1885 in the market area which destroyed most of the shops and damaged the church, especially its interior. Just before the fire the Marquis of Bute wrote:

  • 92 Ibid.

“The days of this church are probably numbered, and it is in such a state of ruin that there is little to preserve… as soon as the new Public Markets of Athens are completed, the Bazaar will be entirely suppressed and the area now occupied by it given over to the excavations of the Archaeological Society who are not likely in this case to falsify their reputation that the first thing they always do is to pull down a church.”92

  • 93 Kokkou Angeliki (n. 88), p. 158-161; Kambouroglou Demetrios, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, Athens, 1889, p. (...)

24Indeed, soon after the fire of 1885 the Archaeological Society decided to initiate excavations in the Library of Hadrian and the church was demolished that year.93

  • 94 See Touloupa Evi, “ΟΆγιος Ασώματος στα Σκαλιά”, Ευφρόσυνον, II, Athens, 1992, p. 592-600; for a pla (...)
  • 95 Kambouroglou Demetrios (n. 50), p. 131-132; for excavations at the site of the demolished church, s (...)

25Another example is the small church of Agios Asomatos sta Skalia which was built against the north section of the western facade of Hadrian’s library. It was standing next to the projecting propylon and was partially built into it.94 The propylon was known as Porta ton Skalion and was one of the main entrances to the city and the market. The church dated to the 11th or 12th century. Originally, it was the katholikon of a monastery. Several graffiti on the marble columns of Hadrian’s Library associate the church with a prominent Athenian family, the Chalkokondylai. In 1576, it was renovated by Michael Chalkokondyles. Agios Asomatos also served as the burial place for members of the family.95

  • 96 Joseph Thürmer, Hadrian’s Library and the bazaar, 1819, in Great Travellers in Athens, Museum of th (...)
  • 97 Travlos provides an 1835 date for the drawing of Carl Wilhelm von Heideck; see Travlos Ioannes 1993(...)
  • 98 Rorbye 1835, in Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea, Athens, 1818-1853: Views of Athens by Danish Arti (...)
  • 99 Chacaton 1839, in Tsigakou Fani-Maria, Through Romantic Eyes: European Images of Nineteenth-century (...)
  • 100 Touloupa Evi (n. 94), p. 594.
  • 101 Stilling 1853, in Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea (n. 98), pl. 175.
  • 102 Breton Ernest, Athènes décrite et dessinée, suivie d’un voyage dans le Péloponnèse, Paris, 18682, p (...)
  • 103 It depicts Christ in Gethsemane and the betrayal of Judas, see Touloupa Evi (n. 94), p. 594.

26There are several depictions of the area near the church. One of the earliest is by Le Roy, in 1755, which shows the lower bazaar (κάτω παζάρι) with shops built against the western facade of Hadrian’s library. The church is barely visible; it is obscured by the walls of the shops that line the street. In another depiction of the bazaar by J. Thürmer, in 1819, the dome of the church rises behind the shops (fig. 5).96 Most of the drawings and engravings of the Library of Hadrian and its vicinity date to the 1830s and early 1840s and through them we can follow the transformation of the area. A drawing by C. W. von Heideck ca 183097 shows the Mosque of Tzisdaraki in the foreground and the church of Agios Asomatos standing alone surrounded by a pile of earth; all the shops of the lower bazaar have disappeared (fig. 6). M. Rorbye provides a view of the same area in 1835; Bavarian soldiers stand on the balcony of the mosque of Tzisdaraki and people pass through the street of the former market, along Hadrian’s Library and Agios Asomatos.98 Depictions by Chacaton in 1839, Du Moncel in 1843, and Gasparini in 1844 establish that the church was still standing and that the shops had been permanently removed from the facade of Hadrian’s Library.99 The church of Agios Asomatos was demolished in 1849.100 A drawing by Stilling, who visited Athens in 1853, shows a small structure, probably a guard-house, built where Agios Asomatos once stood.101 Some years later, after the church was demolished, its wall paintings were still visible on the wall of Hadrian’s Library.102 At least one wall painting is still visible today.103

Fig. 5. — Hadrian’s Library, the lower bazaar and the church of Agios Asomatos sta skalia. Thürmer 1819 (Great Travellers in Athens, Museum of the City of Athens, 2004, p. 79).

Fig. 5. — Hadrian’s Library, the lower bazaar and the church of Agios Asomatos sta skalia. Thürmer 1819 (Great Travellers in Athens, Museum of the City of Athens, 2004, p. 79).

Fig. 6. — The Mosque of Tzisdaraki, Hadrian’s Library and the Church of Agios Asomatos sta Skalia. Von Heideck, ca 1830 (Travlos Ioannes, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν προᾯστορικῶν χρόνων μέχρι τῶν ἀρχῶν τοῦ 19ου αἰῶνος, Athens 19932, fig. 141).

Fig. 6. — The Mosque of Tzisdaraki, Hadrian’s Library and the Church of Agios Asomatos sta Skalia. Von Heideck, ca 1830 (Travlos Ioannes, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν προᾯστορικῶν χρόνων μέχρι τῶν ἀρχῶν τοῦ 19ου αἰῶνος, Athens 19932, fig. 141).
  • 104 Kambouroglou Demetrios (n. 50), p. 142-143.
  • 105 See n. 46.
  • 106 Stuart and Revett show Pazaroporta surrounded by tall houses, the church is not visible; Stuart Jam (...)
  • 107 For Fauvel’s drawing see Byzance retrouvée (n. 83), fig. 94b; Fauvel resided in the Gasparis house (...)
  • 108 Peytier was in Greece from March of 1833 until October of 1835, see Liberated Greece (n. 65), p. 17 (...)
  • 109 See Biris Kostas (n. 56), p. 39.
  • 110 Stilling 1853 in Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea (n. 98), pl. 185.

27The small church of Agia Sotira tis Pazaroportas was built next to the Roman Agora gate. Little is known about this church. It was reported by Didron, a prominent scholar of Byzantine art, that it had the most curious wall-paintings.104 Based on its architectural style, Travlos dates the church to the 17th century.105 Because of its location, the little church was depicted by several visitors.106 Fauvel, who lived across the street from the little church, produced a sketch of the pazaroporta and the church of Agia Sotira.107 Peytier completed two drawings, which document that the west front of the church was remodeled during his stay in Greece.108 Hansen’s drawing is similar to Peytier’s, while Du Moncel’s indicates that the church had been abandoned in 1843; part of the wall had deteriorated and the entrance was blocked by a pile of earth (figs. 7, 8). The church is marked in the Kleanthis & Schaubert and Stauffert plans. In the plan of the committee of officers and architects it is marked as a ruin.109 It was probably demolished in the late 1840s. A drawing by Stilling in 1853 shows that a small house stood in place of the church of Agia Sotira.110

  • 111 Peytier 1833 and Hansen 1833, see n. 106 and 108. For Hansen, see fig. 7.
  • 112 Bouras dates it to the 10th century, see Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 229.
  • 113 See Byzance retrouvée (n. 83), fig. 97.
  • 114 Peytier 1833, in Liberated Greece (n. 65), pl. 9; Skene 1838, in Monuments and views of Greece 1838 (...)
  • 115 See Biris Kostas, Αἱ Ἀθῆναι (n. 58), p. 90.

28The Church of Profitis Elias, also known as St. Elias of Staropazaro, was located in the vicinity of the Roman Agora gate. Its outline can be seen in some of the depictions of the Roman Agora gate.111 Profitis Elias was built in the 11th century112 with modifications dating to the 15th century. It was a unique building with wall paintings of the Frankish period. This church, along with the neighboring church of Taxiarchai served as hospitals in the 1830s. Both churches are known from several depictions. Fauvel produced a rough sketch which provides valuable information about the architecture of Profitis Elias and, to a lesser extent, of Taxiarchai before the War of Independence.113 For example, in Fauvel’s sketch the western side of Profitis Elias lacks a door, which is present in the depictions dating to the 1830s-1840s.114 Peytier’s picture shows the west side of Profitis Elias with the entrance blocked by a roughly-built wall (fig. 9). The church had a cross-in-square plan and an unusual double dome. The dome was complete in Fauvel’s drawing but damaged when Peytier recorded it, after the War of Independence. The dome must have been repaired within a few years, judging from the depictions of Skene, Du Moncel and Durand. Profitis Elias was marked as a ruin in the town plan of the committee of officers and architects and was demolished in 1849. Biris attributes its demolition to Pittakis, who believed that the church had been built on top of an ancient altar.115 The church of Taxiarchai was demolished and re-built on a larger scale in 1852.

Fig. 7. — Church of Agia Sotira. Hansen 1833 (Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea, Athens, 1818-1853: Views of Athens by Danish Artists, Athens, 1985, pl. 126).

Fig. 7. — Church of Agia Sotira. Hansen 1833 (Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea, Athens, 1818-1853: Views of Athens by Danish Artists, Athens, 1985, pl. 126).

Fig. 8. — Church of Agia Sotira. Du Moncel 1843 (Koumarianou Aikaterini, Αθήνα, η πόλη - οι άνθρωποι, αφηγήσεις και μαρτυρίες, 12ος-19ος αιώνας, Athens, 2005, p. 145).

Fig. 8. — Church of Agia Sotira. Du Moncel 1843 (Koumarianou Aikaterini, Αθήνα, η πόλη - οι άνθρωποι, αφηγήσεις και μαρτυρίες, 12ος-19ος αιώνας, Athens, 2005, p. 145).

Fig. 9. — The churches of Profitis Elias (left) and Taxiarchai (right) in 1833. Peytier 1833 (Liberated Greece and the Morea Scientific Expedition: The Peytier Album in the Stephen Vagliano Collection, Athens, 1971, pl. 9).

Fig. 9. — The churches of Profitis Elias (left) and Taxiarchai (right) in 1833. Peytier 1833 (Liberated Greece and the Morea Scientific Expedition: The Peytier Album in the Stephen Vagliano Collection, Athens, 1971, pl. 9).
  • 116 Kambouroglou Demetrios (n. 55), p. 44-47.
  • 117 Byzantine and Christian Museum, Βυζαντινές συλλογές: η μόνιμη έκθεση, Athens, 2008, fig. 124.
  • 118 Kambouroglou Demetrios, “Ὁ Ἅγιος Ἠλίας στὸ σταροπάζαρο καὶ ἡ θυρεοκόσμητος τοιχογραφία του”, in id. (...)
  • 119 The Fossati restoration of Agia Sophia was completed in 1847-1849, during the reign of Sultan Abdül (...)

29From the church of Profitis Elias one wall painting has survived; it was rescued from the ruins of the church by the architect Lyssandros Kautanzoglou, who dedicated a lecture to this topic in 1850.116 The rescued painting known as Panagia ton Katalanon is currently in the collections of the Byzantine Museum (fig. 10). The wall painting dates to the mid 15th century and displays the coats of arms and initials of the Latin ruler of Athens, Francisco Acciajuoli, as well as the initials of a Genoese lord, Lorenzo Spinola.117 Kampouroglou suggests that the Genoese were established in the neighborhood of Staropazaro and the church probably belonged to the Spinola family.118 Thus, Profitis Elias was significant for the history of Frankish Athens. Unfortunately, the demolitions on the Acropolis and the town of Athens eradicated the architecture of this period. In his speech, Kautanzoglou urged the government to reconsider its policy and preserve the remaining Byzantine churches. In his argument Kautanzoglou refers to Didron, who expressed his concern for the demolition of Byzantine churches to Ludwig I of Bavaria, the father of King Otto. Kautanzoglou argued that even Turkey showed greater respect towards the Byzantine monuments, using as an example the restoration of Agia Sophia.119

Fig. 10. — Panagia ton Katalanon, Profitis Elias (Byzantine and Christian Museum, Βυζαντινές συλλογές: η μόνιμη έκθεση, Athens, 2008, fig. 124).

Fig. 10. — Panagia ton Katalanon, Profitis Elias (Byzantine and Christian Museum, Βυζαντινές συλλογές: η μόνιμη έκθεση, Athens, 2008, fig. 124).
  • 120 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 150, n. 6.
  • 121 Ibid., p. 170.
  • 122 Hansen 1836, in Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea (n. 98), pl. 34.
  • 123 Reproduced in Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 168, fig. 109; also in Biris Kostas (n. 56), p. 25.
  • 124 See Kalantzopoulou Toula (n. 76), p. 76, 78.

30Many other churches were destroyed, some because they were in need of repairs. One example is the church of Agios Ioannis Prodromos tou Magouti built on the site of an early basilica of the 9th century.120 Agios Ioannis, most likely, was repaired during the reign of Nerio I Acciajuoli (1387-1395) when it became a catholic church.121 Plans and drawings of the church were made by Hansen,122 Couchaud,123 and Durand.124 It was demolished around 1850.

  • 125 See Biris Kostas, “Καπνικαρέας παθήματα”, Ἀθηναᾯκαὶ μελέται 3 (1940), p. 18-22.

31Other well-preserved churches narrowly escaped demolition. Frequently they were viewed as obstacles in the opening of new roads and the beautification of the town. For example, the church of Kapnikarea came close to be demolished twice, in 1835 and in 1863. Von Klenze’s plan had slated the church for demolition in 1835. However, Kapnikarea was saved by Ludwig I of Bavaria, who visited Athens that year and expressed admiration for the architecture of the church. In turn, King Otto showed interest in the church and took steps to protect it. After the expulsion of King Otto in 1862, Kapnikarea was endangered again. In 1863 it was determined that the church was obstructing the traffic on Ermou street which had become a busy thoroughfare. Another problem was that the street level had risen and, in the opinion of some, it made the church look unattractive. A government council decided to demolish the church and re-assemble it at another location. Somehow, this plan was not implemented and, eventually, the church was spared.125

  • 126 Liberated Greece (n. 65), p. 89.

32In this last section, I discussed a few examples of well-documented churches that were demolished in the 19th century. These represent a small group, most of the churches of Athens disappeared without being recorded, drawn or measured. Some simply provided building material for the new metropolis. Others were replaced by new squares and streets. However, most became victims of “the devastating wave of classicist frenzy that swept Athens immediately after the liberation”.126 Their loss is a testimony to the ideas and aspirations of the time: the desire to purify the ancient monuments from later additions, and re-build Athens as the new capital of a re-born state which strove to embody classical ideals.

Notes

1 Lambros Spyridon (ed.), Μιχαὴλ Ἀκομινάτου τοῦ Χωνιάτου τὰ σωζόμενα, Athens, 1879-1880, 2 vol.; Kolovou Foteini (ed.), Michaelis Choniatae Epistulae, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, Series Berolinensis 41, Berlin, 2001.

2 Setton Kenneth 1944, p. 187-189.

3 Choniates studied in Constantinople under Eustathios who later became archbishop ofThessalonica; see Setton Kenneth 1944, p. 185.

4 Ibid., p. 190.

5 Ibid., p. 186.

6 Ibid., p. 194.

7 Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 224.

8 Megaw dates this church to the last quarter of the 11th century; see Megaw Arthur H. S., “The Chronology of some Middle-Byzantine Churches”, Annual of the British School at Athens 32 (1931-1932), p. 90-130. See also id., “The Date of H. Theodoroi at Athens”, Annual of the British School at Athens 33 (1932-1933), p. 163-169.

9 Kapnikarea was named after a collector of the kapnikon tax, probably the founder or a donor, see Panselinov Nausika, Βυζαντινή Αθήνα, Athens, 2004, fig. 32; also Setton Kenneth 1944, p. 198. The founder of Agioi Theodoroi is mentioned on an inscription built into the west wall of the church, see Megaw Arthur H. S. (n. 8), p. 96-97.

10 Known as Moni Petraki, dated to the 10th century, see Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 229.

11 Known as the Russian church, dates to the first half of the 11th century, see Megaw Arthur H. S., “The Chronology” (n. 8), p. 95-96. Bouras finds its architecture similar to the katholikon of Osios Loukas, see Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 229-230.

12 This was the classical fortification known as the Themistoklean wall which was repaired by Justinian. Setton Kenneth, “The Archaeology of Medieval Athens”, in Essays in Medieval Life and Thought, Presented in Honor of Austin Patterson Evans, New York, 1955, reprinted in Setton Kenneth, Athens in the Middle Ages, London, 1975, p. 227-258, here p. 235.

13 Agios Nikolaos belonged to the aristocratic family of Rangavas, see Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 229.

14 For possible dates of the conversion, see Frantz Alison, “From Paganism to Christianity in the Temples of Athens”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 19 (1965), p. 185-206. Establishing a firm date for the conversion is difficult; according to Frantz, “the zeal with which the classically-oriented archaeologists of the nineteenth century stripped away from Athenian temples all possible reminders of their post-classical history has rendered unduly complicated the task of dating their conversion” (p. 201).

15 For an overview of the architectural changes associated with the conversion of the Parthenon to a Christian church, see Soteriou Georgios, Εὑρετήριον τῶν μνημείων τῆς Ἑλλάδος, μνημεῖα χριστιανικῶν Ἀθηνῶν, Athens, 1927, p. 34-42; Setton Kenneth 1944, p. 198-201; Mango Cyril, “The Conversion of the Parthenon into a Church: The Tubingen Theosophy”, Δελτίον τῆς Χριστιανικῆς Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας 18 (1995), p. 201-203; Kaldellis Anthony, The Christian Parthenon, Classicism and Pilgrimage in Byzantine Athens, Cambridge, 2009, p. 11-59.

16 See Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 226.

17 Setton Kenneth 1944, p. 201.

18 Kaldellis Anthony (n. 15).

19 See Soteriou Georgios (n. 15), p. 43-44; Setton Kenneth 1944, p. 201-202; Lesk Alexandra, A Diachronic Examination of the Erechtheion and its Reception, Dissertation, University of Cincinnati, 2004, p. 352-353. Lesk identifies two separate phases of remodeling/renovation, the first in the 6th-early 7th century and the second in the 12th century (p. 364). For a plan of the Erechtheion as a Christian church, see Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 137, fig. 85.

20 Travlos identifies three successive churches at the Propylaia, see Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 138, n. 5.

21 See Soteriou Georgios (n. 15), p. 48-49; Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 142. For Christian burials at the temple, see Dinsmoor William, Observations on the Hephaisteion, Hesperia Suppl. 5, Princeton, 1941, p. 6-15.

22 Also known as the temple of Demetra and Kore; it was depicted by Stuart James, Revett Nicholas 1762, chapter 2, pl. I. It was demolished in 1778 and its blocks were used as building material for the Haseki fortification wall.

23 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 139, n. 2, plan on p. 141. See also, Camp John, The Archaeology of Athens, New Haven, 2001, p. 233-235.

24 See Travlos Ioannes 19932, map VII.

25 Ibid., p. 151.

26 See Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 154-156; moschonas Nikolaos, “Η τοπογραφία της Αθήνας κατά τη βυζαντινή και τη μεταβυζαντινή περίοδο”, in Αρχαιολογία της πόλεως των Αθηνών, Athens, 1994, p. 137-156; Kazanaki-Lappa Maria, “Medieval Athens”, in Laiou Angeliki (ed.), Economic History of Byzantium, from the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, Washington D.C., 2002, p. 639-646, here p. 642-643; Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 236-243.

27 Setton Kenneth (n. 12), p. 253-254.

28 Ibid., p. 243-244.

29 Ibid., p. 247.

30 Ibid., p. 248.

31 See Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 238.

32 See Shear Leslie, “The Athenian Agora: Excavations of 1989-1993”, Hesperia 66 (1997), p. 495-548; for Agios Nikolaos, p. 538-546.

33 For a brief summary, see Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 237. See also Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 154, 156. Excavations in this area began in the mid-19th century. Because interest has focused on the classical remains, little information is available about the Byzantine finds. More recent excavations in the Makriyianni area will hopefully change this picture.

34 See Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 240; Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 154, n. 4.

35 See Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 237-238.

36 For the praktikon, see Granstrem Evgenia, Medvedev Igor, Papachryssanthou Denise, “Fragment d’un praktikon de la région d’Athènes (avant 1204)”, Revue des études byzantines 34 (1976), p. 5-44. See also Kazanaki-Lappa Maria (n. 26), p. 643-644; Jacoby David, “From Byzantium to Latin Romania: Continuity and Change”, Mediterranean Historical Review 4 (1989), p. 1-44. Jacoby argues that the praktikon was copied in a 13th-century hand in a codex, and not on a roll as was customary in Byzantine practice (p. 13). He also notes that praktika were still compiled in Greek after the Latin conquest (p. 37, n. 37).

37 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 172.

38 Ibid., p. 180.

39 Ibid., p. 186.

40 Bodnar Edward, Travlos John, Frantz Alison, “The Church of St. Dionysios the Areopagite and the Palace of the Archbishop of Athens in the 16th Century”, Hesperia 34 (1965), p. 157-202. The church was destroyed by an earthquake and falling rocks, probably in 1601, and was not rebuilt. A small chapel of St. Dionysios in the vicinity of Areopagos is mentioned by Chandler, Pouqueville and Hobhouse but its exact location is not certain (p. 191).

41 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 178.

42 Ibid.

43 Shear Leslie, “The Campaign of 1938”, Hesperia 8 (1939), p. 201-246, here p. 220.

44 Dated to the 1st half of the 17th Century, see Frantz Alison, “Turkish Pottery from the Agora”, Hesperia 11 (1942), p. 1-28, here p. 2.

45 See Frantz Alison, “Late Byzantine Paintings in the Agora”, Hesperia 4 (1935), p. 442-469; Agios Spyridon was dated to the 16th century, see Shear Leslie, “The Campaign of 1939”, Hesperia 9 (1940), p. 261-308, here p. 293-294; Frantz Alison, “St. Spyridon”, Hesperia 10 (1941), p. 193-198.

46 These are basilicas with decorative pointed arches and double narrow windows on the facade; see Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 186, 190 and figs. 123, 124.

47 Some of the demolished structures had been documented by Stuart and Revett in the 1750s, such as the church of Panagia stin Petra (Stuart James, Revett Nicholas 1762), the Ilissos bridge and the remains of Hadrian’s aqueduct.

48 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 214.

49 Ἐνορίες or Μαχαλάδες, see ibid. p. 220-222; Kambouroglou Demetrios, Αἱ Ἀθῆναι κατὰ τὰ ἔτη 1775-1795, Athens, 1931.

50 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 210; see also Kambouroglou Demetrios, Αἱ Παλαιαὶ Ἀθῆναι, Athens, 1922, p. 236-237.

51 See Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 211, fig. 140; reproduced here as fig. 2.

52 Ibid., p. 200, n. 2.

53 See Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 199, fig. 133; see also Koumarianou Aikaterini, Αθήνα, η πόλη - οι άνθρωποι, αφηγήσεις και μαρτυρίες, 12ος-19ος αιώνας, Athens, 2005, p. 227.

54 For the differences between the first and second versions, see Bastea Eleni, The Creation of Modern Athens: Planning the Myth, Cambridge, 2000, p. 74-80. For a discussion of the early plans of Athens, see Biris Kostas, Τὰ πρῶτα σχέδια τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ἱστορία καὶ ἀνάλυσίς των, Athens, 1933.

55 Mommsen August, Athenae Christianae, Leipzig, 1868. Kambouroglou discusses one of the maps used by Mommsen, see Kambouroglou Demetrios, “ὉΧάρτης τοῦ 1820”, in Μελέται καὶ ἔρευναι, Athens, 1923, p. 49-55.

56 See Biris Kostas, Αἱ Ἐκκλησίαι τῶν παλαιῶν Ἀθηνῶν, Athens, 1940, p. 9-10; Xyngopoulos Andreas, Τὰ Βυζαντινὰ καὶ Τούρκικα μνημεῖα τῶν Ἀθηνῶν: Αἱ διασωθεῖσαι, ἐπισκευασθεῖσαι καὶ κατεδαφισθεῖσαι Βυζαντιναὶ ἐκκλησίαι. ᾽Εκκλησίαι τῶν χρόνων τῆς Τουρκοκρατίας. Τούρκικα θρησκευτικὰ καὶ κοσμικὰ μνημεῖα. Εὑρετήριον τῶν μνημείων τῆς Ἑλλάδος 2, Athens, 1929; Orlandos Anastasios, Μεσαιωνικὰ μνημεῖα τῆς πεδιάδος τῶν Ἀθηνῶν καὶ τῶν κλιτύων ʻYμηττοῦ-Πεντελικοῦ, Πάρνηθος καὶ Αἰγάλεω. Εὑρετήριον τῶν μνημείων τῆς Ἑλλάδος 3, Athens, 1933.

57 This version belongs to the German Archaeological Institute of Athens; see Biris Kostas (supra), p. 13-14.

58 See Biris Kostas (n. 56), p. 16-17. The Stauffert plan is reproduced in Biris Kostas, Αἱ Ἀθῆναι ἀπὸ τοῦ 19ου εἰς τὸν 20ὸν αἰῶνα, Athens, 19994, p. 54-57.

59 See Biris Kostas (n. 56), p. 17.

60 Ibid., p. 21-44.

61 Travlos Ioannes 19932, map XII, catalogue p. 259-260.

62 Ibid., p. 240.

63 Ross Ludwig, Erinnerungen und Mittheilungen aus Griechenland, Berlin, 1863, p. 148.

64 Wordsworth Christopher, Athens and Attica: Journal of a Residence there, London, 18553, p. 43-45. See also Biris Kostas, Αἱ Ἀθῆναι (n. 58), p. 9-10.

65 Liberated Greece and the Morea Scientific Expedition: The Peytier Album in the Stephen Vagliano Collection. Presented with an introduction by Papadopoulos Stelios A. Notes on the plates by Karakatsani Agapi A., Athens, 1971, pl. 3, ruined houses east of the “Theseion”.

66 Cole William, Select Views of the Remains of Ancient Monuments in Greece, as at Present Existing, from Drawings Taken and Coloured on the Spot, in the Year 1833, London, 1835, cited in Liberated Greece (supra), p. 91.

67 For the hostility towards Byzantium prevalent among Greek intellectuals until the 1850s, see Athanassopoulos Effie, “Medieval Archaeology in Greece: a Historical Overview”, in Caraher William, Jones Hall Linda and Moore R. Scott (eds.), Archaeology and History in Roman, Medieval and Post-Medieval Greece: Studies on Method and Meaning in Honor of Timothy E. Gregory, Burlington, 2008, p. 15-35.

68 Miller William, The Early Years of Modern Athens, London, 1926, p. 14.

69 papageorgiou-Venetas Alexander, Athens: The Ancient Heritage and the Historic Cityscape in a Modern Metropolis, Athens, 1994, p. 218.

70 Petrakos Vasileios, Ἡ ἐν Ἀθήναις Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἑταιρεία. Ἡ ἱστορία τῶν 150 χρόνων της, 1837-1987, Athens, 1987, p. 248-253.

71 Kambouroglou Demetrios (n. 55), p. 57.

72 Mallouchou-Tufano Fani, “The History of Interventions on the Acropolis”, in Economakis Richard (ed.), Acropolis Restoration: The CCAM Interventions, London, 1994, p. 69-85.

73 papageorgiou-Venetas Alexander (n. 69), p. 230.

74 Mommsen August (n. 55), p. 6.

75 Bodnar Edward, Travlos John, Frantz Alison (n. 40); plan of the area on p. 193.

76 Drawings of Agios Nikolaos were made by Durand, see Kalantzopoulou Toula, Μεσαιωνικοί ναοί της Αθήνας από σωζόμενα σχέδια του Paul Durand, Athens, 2002, p. 21.

77 Drawing by Dupre 1819, reproduced in Travlos Ioannes 19932, fig. 124. See also Αἱ Ἀθῆναι (n. 58), p. 75-76.

78 See Kaldellis Anthony (n. 15), p. 31-32.

79 The names mentioned in the inscriptions are: Μήτση Δρουγαρέας (ad 856), Εὐπραξία (ad 867), and Θωμαΐς (ad 921); see Travlos Ioannes 1951, p. 60.

80 For a plan, see Travlos Ioannes 1951, fig. 16.

81 See Kambouroglou Demetrios (n. 50), p. 136.

82 Stuart James, Revett Nicholas 1762, pl. X; reproduced in Travlos Ioannes 1951, p. 61, fig. 15.

83 Published in auzépy Marie-France, Grélois Jean-Pierre (eds.), Byzance retrouvée. Érudits et voyageurs français (xvie-xviiie s.), Catalogue de l’exposition à la Chapelle de la Sorbonne, 13 août-2 septembre 2001, Paris, 2001, fig. 94a.

84 The colonnade consists of three columns and a pillar which are still standing in the courtyard of the Library of Hadrian; see fig. 4.

85 Reproduced in Βυζαντινή Αθήνα (n. 9), fig. 15.

86 Marquis of bute, “Some Christian Monuments of Athens”, Scottish Review 6 (1885), p. 85-123; Couchaud André, Choix d’églises byzantines en Grèce, Paris, 1842; Westlake Nathaniel H. J., “On Some Ancient Paintings in Churches of Athens”, Archaeologia 51 (1887), p. 173-188.

87 Marquis of Bute (supra), p. 102-106; for Konstantinides’ description, see Travlos Ioannes 1951, p. 61-63.

88 Kokkou Angeliki, Ἡ μέριμνα γιὰ τὶς ἀρχαιότητες στὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὰ πρῶτα μουσεῖα, Athens, 1977, p. 159-161.

89 The military structure became known as Παλιά Στρατώνα; ibid., p. 160.

90 The bell-tower of Megali Panagia is visible in a watercolour of the market area and the clock-tower by L. Kollnberger, 1837; see Athens, from the End of the Ancient Era to Greek Independence, Athens, 1990, p. 37.

91 Marquis of Bute (n. 86), p. 102.

92 Ibid.

93 Kokkou Angeliki (n. 88), p. 158-161; Kambouroglou Demetrios, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, Athens, 1889, p. 282-285; Travlos Ioannes 1951.

94 See Touloupa Evi, “ΟΆγιος Ασώματος στα Σκαλιά”, Ευφρόσυνον, II, Athens, 1992, p. 592-600; for a plan showing the exact location of the church: p. 594, fig. 1.

95 Kambouroglou Demetrios (n. 50), p. 131-132; for excavations at the site of the demolished church, see Touloupa Evi (supra); the excavated burials dated to two different phases, the 13-14th centuries and the 15- 17th centuries (p. 595).

96 Joseph Thürmer, Hadrian’s Library and the bazaar, 1819, in Great Travellers in Athens, Museum of the City of Athens, 2004, p. 79.

97 Travlos provides an 1835 date for the drawing of Carl Wilhelm von Heideck; see Travlos Ioannes 19932, fig. 141. Based on the appearance of the area, an earlier date is more likely, ca 1830.

98 Rorbye 1835, in Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea, Athens, 1818-1853: Views of Athens by Danish Artists, Athens, 1985, pl. 201.

99 Chacaton 1839, in Tsigakou Fani-Maria, Through Romantic Eyes: European Images of Nineteenth-century Greece from the Benaki Museum, Athens, Virginia, 1991, pl. 17; Du Moncel 1843, in Travlos Ioannes 19932, fig. 143; Gasparini 1844, reproduced in Touloupa Evi (n. 94), pl. 335; also in Great Travellers (n. 96), p. 78.

100 Touloupa Evi (n. 94), p. 594.

101 Stilling 1853, in Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea (n. 98), pl. 175.

102 Breton Ernest, Athènes décrite et dessinée, suivie d’un voyage dans le Péloponnèse, Paris, 18682, pl. vi, reproduced in Kokkou Angeliki (n. 88), pl. 72.

103 It depicts Christ in Gethsemane and the betrayal of Judas, see Touloupa Evi (n. 94), p. 594.

104 Kambouroglou Demetrios (n. 50), p. 142-143.

105 See n. 46.

106 Stuart and Revett show Pazaroporta surrounded by tall houses, the church is not visible; Stuart James, Revett Nicholas 1762, pl. III; Dodwell Edward, A Classical and Topographical Tour through Greece, during the Years 1801, 1805, and 1806, 1819, I, London, 1819, p. 372; Cole William (n. 66), pl. “The Agora”; Hansen 1833, in Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea (n. 98), pl. 126; Chenavard Antoine, Voyage en Grèce et dans le Levant fait en 1843-1844, Lyon, 1849, pl. V, VI; Du Moncel 1843, in Travlos Ioannes 19932, fig. 123, p. 187; see also Koumarianou Aikaterini (n. 53), p. 145.

107 For Fauvel’s drawing see Byzance retrouvée (n. 83), fig. 94b; Fauvel resided in the Gasparis house which leaned against the left side of the Roman Agora gate and was depicted by Stuart James, Revett Nicholas 1762. Later on, he built his own house in the Vlassarou neighbourhood. For the location of Fauvel’s house in Vlassarou, see Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 224, n. 1.

108 Peytier was in Greece from March of 1833 until October of 1835, see Liberated Greece (n. 65), p. 17; for the paintings see pl. 5 and 14; for a detailed discussion of the changes in the appearance of the church, see p. 89.

109 See Biris Kostas (n. 56), p. 39.

110 Stilling 1853 in Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea (n. 98), pl. 185.

111 Peytier 1833 and Hansen 1833, see n. 106 and 108. For Hansen, see fig. 7.

112 Bouras dates it to the 10th century, see Bouras Charalambos 2003, p. 229.

113 See Byzance retrouvée (n. 83), fig. 97.

114 Peytier 1833, in Liberated Greece (n. 65), pl. 9; Skene 1838, in Monuments and views of Greece 1838-1845, Athens, 1985, pl. 21; Du Moncel 1846, reproduced in Biris Kostas (n. 56), p. 40, and in Travlos Ioannes 19932, fig. 110. For Durand, see Kalantzopoulou Toula (n. 76), p. 69. For depictions by Lenoir/Gailhabaud (1836) and Couchaud (1842), see Byzance retrouvée (n. 83), p. 164-165.

115 See Biris Kostas, Αἱ Ἀθῆναι (n. 58), p. 90.

116 Kambouroglou Demetrios (n. 55), p. 44-47.

117 Byzantine and Christian Museum, Βυζαντινές συλλογές: η μόνιμη έκθεση, Athens, 2008, fig. 124.

118 Kambouroglou Demetrios, “Ὁ Ἅγιος Ἠλίας στὸ σταροπάζαρο καὶ ἡ θυρεοκόσμητος τοιχογραφία του”, in id., Μελέται καὶ ἔρευναι (n. 55), p. 38.

119 The Fossati restoration of Agia Sophia was completed in 1847-1849, during the reign of Sultan Abdülmecid II.

120 Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 150, n. 6.

121 Ibid., p. 170.

122 Hansen 1836, in Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea (n. 98), pl. 34.

123 Reproduced in Travlos Ioannes 19932, p. 168, fig. 109; also in Biris Kostas (n. 56), p. 25.

124 See Kalantzopoulou Toula (n. 76), p. 76, 78.

125 See Biris Kostas, “Καπνικαρέας παθήματα”, Ἀθηναᾯκαὶ μελέται 3 (1940), p. 18-22.

126 Liberated Greece (n. 65), p. 89.

Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1. — Map of Athens, ad 565-1205. The star symbol marks churches mentioned in the text (Travlos Ioannes, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν προᾯστορικῶν χρόνων μέχρι τῶν ἀρχῶν τοῦ 19ου αἰῶνος, Athens, 19932, pl. VIII).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/9495/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 109k
Titre Fig. 2. — Map of the center of Athens before the War of Independence. The arrows mark churches discussed in the text (Travlos Ioannes, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν προᾯστορικῶν χρόνων μέχρι τῶν ἀρχῶν τοῦ 19ου αἰῶνος, Athens, 19932, fig. 140).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/9495/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 110k
Titre Fig. 3. — Plan of Megali Panagia (Travlos Ioannes, “Ἀνασκαφαὶ ἐν τῇ βιβλιοθήκῃ τοῦ Ἀδριανοῦ”, Πρακτικὰ τῆς ἐν Ἀθήναις Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας τοῦ ἔτους 1950, Athens, 1951, fig. 16).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/9495/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 17k
Titre Fig. 4. — Location of Megali Panagia. The colonnade was built into the southern wall of the church (photograph by author).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/9495/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 44k
Titre Fig. 5. — Hadrian’s Library, the lower bazaar and the church of Agios Asomatos sta skalia. Thürmer 1819 (Great Travellers in Athens, Museum of the City of Athens, 2004, p. 79).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/9495/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 123k
Titre Fig. 6. — The Mosque of Tzisdaraki, Hadrian’s Library and the Church of Agios Asomatos sta Skalia. Von Heideck, ca 1830 (Travlos Ioannes, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν προᾯστορικῶν χρόνων μέχρι τῶν ἀρχῶν τοῦ 19ου αἰῶνος, Athens 19932, fig. 141).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/9495/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 91k
Titre Fig. 7. — Church of Agia Sotira. Hansen 1833 (Papanicolaou-Christensen Aristea, Athens, 1818-1853: Views of Athens by Danish Artists, Athens, 1985, pl. 126).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/9495/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 58k
Titre Fig. 8. — Church of Agia Sotira. Du Moncel 1843 (Koumarianou Aikaterini, Αθήνα, η πόλη - οι άνθρωποι, αφηγήσεις και μαρτυρίες, 12ος-19ος αιώνας, Athens, 2005, p. 145).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/9495/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 75k
Titre Fig. 9. — The churches of Profitis Elias (left) and Taxiarchai (right) in 1833. Peytier 1833 (Liberated Greece and the Morea Scientific Expedition: The Peytier Album in the Stephen Vagliano Collection, Athens, 1971, pl. 9).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/9495/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 73k
Titre Fig. 10. — Panagia ton Katalanon, Profitis Elias (Byzantine and Christian Museum, Βυζαντινές συλλογές: η μόνιμη έκθεση, Athens, 2008, fig. 124).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/9495/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 86k

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University of Nebraska, Lincoln

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