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Les arts de la couleur en Grèce ancienne… et ailleurs

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Philippe Jockey

Arts polychromes et dorés, synthèses et études de cas

The Emergence of Polychromy in Ancient Greek Art in the 7th Century BC

L’apparition de la polychromie dans l’art de la Grèce ancienne au cours du viie s. av. J.-C

Η εμφάνιση της πολυχρωμίας στην αρχαία ελληνική τέχνη τον 7° αι. π.Χ

Elena Walter-Karydi

Résumé

Tandis qu’à l’époque mycénienne une riche polychromie distingue la plupart des œuvres d’art, vers 1000 av. J.-C., la polychromie est abandonnée en faveur d’un clair-obscur bipolaire qui devient le principe du coloris de l’art géométrique. Ce principe se transforme au viie s. avec l’addition d’une troisième valeur, le rouge, ce qui devient la polychromie archaïque. Ce sont surtout les peintures de vases qui montrent la formation de la polychromie archaïque au cours du viie s., mais un procédé analogue a dû avoir lieu aussi dans d’autres arts. Ainsi la sculpture en pierre, dite monumentale, née au milieu du siècle, a été dès ses débuts polychrome. Cela vaut aussi pour le temple monumental en pierre : il y a des peintures murales polychromes ainsi que des éléments architecturaux et des sculptures polychromes. Pline considère la peinture polychrome égyptienne comme ayant une influence décisive pour la naissance de la peinture polychrome grecque, bien qu’il parle aussi, ce qui est un peu contradictoire, des « inventeurs » grecs. Mais si la peinture égyptienne a joué un rôle dans ce procédé, ce rôle était négligeable. Au contraire, il faut considérer un phénomène de langage : le mot χρώς (χροιά, χροιή), qui dans les poèmes homériques signifie « peau », un mot homérique pour la couleur n’existant pas, devient dans la poésie du viie s. le mot qui désigne la couleur. Ce changement de sens trouve son équivalent dans la transformation du coloris des œuvres de l’époque géométrique à la polychromie des œuvres archaïques.

Texte intégral

  • 1 S. A. Immerwahr, Aegean Painting in the Bronze Age (1990), pp. 119-120, fig. 32h, pp. 165-166, no. (...)
  • 2 Athens, Nat. Mus. R. Hampe, E. Simon, The Birth of Greek Art from the Mycenaean to the Archaic Peri (...)
  • 3 E.g. a gravestone from Mycenae in Athens, Nat. Mus.: R. Hampe, E. Simon (n. 2), p. 37, colour pl. 5 (...)
  • 4 See A. Xenaki-Sakellariou, C. Chatziliou, “Peinture en métal” à l’époque mycénienne (1989).

1Ancient Greek art did not always boast a variety of colours. Of course, Mycenaean artefacts display polychromy: the wall paintings in the palaces of the rulers, such as a life-size richly clad female (fig. 1), are famous.1 Mycenaean sculptures too can be polychrome; a well known example is the stucco head from the 13th century BC from the acropolis at Mycenae.2 Polychrome paintings are also found on gravestones3 as well as on terracotta vases; even on bronze weapons inlaid gold, silver and niello were used to create many-coloured images.4

  • 5 The following arguments are more fully presented in E. Walter-Karydi, “Der ungegenständliche Aufbru (...)
  • 6 Fig. 2: Kübler 1943, p. 40, pl. 12 inv. 2131 (grave 39). Fig. 3: id., Kerameikos V 1. Die Nekropole (...)
  • 7 He used the term for bronzes of this period and then for the period as a whole ( “Die Bronzefunde a (...)

2About 1000 BC a fundamental colour change took place: polychromy was abandoned in favour of a polarity of light and dark values that became the colour principle of Greek art for the following archaic Age. Since the Mycenaeans were Greeks, there is no way of explaining this event through the incursion of a new ethnic group, and it certainly was not an artistic impoverishment. I propose to look at this in connection with the simultaneous disappearance of figured scenes as well as of plant and spiral ornaments; as is well known, all these were richly represented in Mycenaean imagery.5 The lack of figured scenes in the 10th and 9th centuries (the few human or animal figures that have been found cannot change the overall picture) goes hand in hand with the new ornaments: compass-drawn circles, straight lines, and rectangular patterns (figs. 2-3).6 These motifs are not abstractly reduced images of Mycenaean ornaments but primary geometric forms, and A. Furtwängler aptly chose the term “Geometric” for the art of the three centuries after 1000 BC.7 The abandoning of polychromy, of figured scenes and of plant and spiral ornaments, marks a new artistic beginning, indicating a fundamental change in mentality. It is very clear that this new beginning owed nothing to foreign influence.

Fig. 1 — Mycenaean woman. Wall painting from the cult centre at Mycenae. Late 13th century BC. Athens, Nat. Mus.

(Photo: Nat. Mus.)

Fig. 2 — Attic amphora from the Kerameikos. 10th century BC. Athens, Kerameikos Mus.

(Photo: D-DAI-Ath neg. KERAMEIKOS 4244.)

Fig. 3 — Attic amphora from the Kerameikos. c. 850 BC. Athens, Kerameikos Mus.

(Photo: D-DAI-Ath neg. KERAMEIKOS 4288.)

Fig. 4 — Attic amphora from the Dipylon. Prothesis. c. 760-750 BC. H.c. 1.55m. Athens, Nat. Mus. 804.

(Photo: D-DAI-Ath neg. Nat. Mus. 1578.)

  • 8 N. Coldstream (n. 6), pp. 29-30, no. 1, pl. 6; Tiverios 1996, p. 239, colour pl. 2.
  • 9 See Walter-Karydi 1986, pp. 34-35, with further references.
  • 10 See M. Maas, Die geometrischen Dreifüsse von Olympia, Olympische Forschungen 10 (1978).
  • 11 See A. Xenaki-Sakellariou, C. Chatziliou (n. 4).

3The polarity of light and dark is still found in the figured scenes (dark silhouettes on a light ground) that became frequent in the eighth century, mainly in Attic vase painting (fig. 4).8 It is significant that this polarity reflects the concept of colour in the Homeric poems.9 Philological research has indeed shown that some Homeric words did not denote colour until later. For instance, χλωρός is used of plants and trees, meaning “moist”; the sense of “green” developed only later, since living vegetation has this colour. In general, Homer mostly foregoes indicating colour in favour of stating how light or dark something is; for this he uses a great number of words. Those denoting the light value are related to brightness and can be translated as “brilliant”, “glittering”, “sparkling”, “flashing”, “dazzling” and so on; thus in the Homeric poems λευκός ( “white”) can be used of water or a bronze vessel. A leukaspis warrior (Il. 10.294) is one with a brilliant shield. The tripod cauldrons that are the most prestigious offerings in Geometric sanctuaries, reaching a height of over 4m in the 8th century,10 can also be considered to be “white” in a Homeric sense; decorated with incised geometric ornaments, without the colour effect from inlay work that Mycenaean bronze daggers had,11 they would have shimmered in the sunshine as they stood in the open air in the sanctuary.

Fig. 5 — Attic amphora from Eleusis; on the neck Odysseus and his companions blinding Polyphemus. c. 670 BC. Eleusis Mus.

(After Tiverios 1996, p. 242, colour pl. 6.)

Fig. 6 — Attic krater from the Kerameikos. Sphinx. c. 640 BC. Athens, Kerameikos Mus. 801.

(After M. Robertson, La peinture grecque [1959], p. 52 colour pl.)

  • 12 See H. Fränkel, Wege und Formen frühgriechischen Denkens2 (1960), p. 206, n. 2; id., Dichtung und P (...)

4The value “dark” is expressed with adjectives like μέλας ( “black, dark”), κυάνεος ( “blue, dark”) and so on. Dark is related to the night and the underworld, but the sea can also be called dark, as a menacing force, or alternatively bright and shining: as a rule, Homeric colour terms do not denote an unchangeable quality of the things to which they are applied. Without going into the various peculiarities of the Homeric concept of colour, it must be stressed that the poet was not “colour-blind”, as he has been called; rather, he saw in the world a polarity of light and dark. This concept of colour is connected to the way of thinking in pairs of contrasts that was established in the Homeric poems and remained valid in the Archaic age.12

  • 13 Tiverios 1996, p. 242, colour pll. 6-7.
  • 14 K. Kübler, Kerameikos VI 2. Die Nekropole des späten 8. bis frühen 6. Jahrhunderts (1970), pp. 505- (...)
  • 15 ABV2, p. 1, no. 2: Painter of Berlin A 34.
  • 16 In European painting a triad of primary colours (red, blue and yellow) is also found; see E. Straus (...)
  • 17 See Fr. Villard, “La céramique polychrome du viie siècle en Grèce, en Italie du Sud et en Sicile et (...)

5In vase paintings of the first half, and mainly the second quarter, of the 7th century, a new feature consists of white applied over reserved areas of the figures, as in the scene showing Odysseus and his companions blinding Polyphemus (fig. 5);13 one of the Greeks is wholly white, while the others have white faces and Polyphemus a reserved one. About the middle of the century red was added as a third value, and Archaic polychromy was created; the artists discovered the impact of colourful images. An example is the sphinx (fig. 6),14 and it is telling that Beazley attributed this vase to the first painter in his “Earliest Black Figure”:15 the colour triad (light, dark, red)16 introduces the most characteristic Archaic technique in vase painting, the so-called black figure.17

6The new colour principle retained the polarity of the colour values. While, as a rule, we think of hues when we consider colour in painting, in this art there existed not hues but values. Thus to the value “light” may be assigned colours that look different to the modern viewer, such as white and beige on the sphinx (fig. 6). The value-based concept in Archaic art is not to be approached with assumptions based on hue.

  • 18 Fig. 7: one of the three fragments. W. Kraiker, Aigina. Die Vasen des 10. bis 7. Jahrhunderts (1951 (...)
  • 19 Tiverios 1996, p. 246 colour pl. 15. Such vases were once called “Melian” but N. Kontoleon recogniz (...)
  • 20 M. Denoyelle, Chefs-d’œuvre de la céramique grecque dans les collections du Louvre (1994), p. 24, n (...)

7On Protocorinthian vase paintings, the triad of light, dark and red is accompanied by masterly incision that contributes to elaborate miniature images, for example on animal friezes (fig. 7).18 On early Attic black figure vases, the incision is more large-scale (fig. 6), and on Cycladic ones it is as a rule less consistent, as for instance on the well known Parian krater-amphora (fig. 8).19 Finally, in East Ionian vase paintings of the 7th century there is no incision at all: see for example the Lévy Oinochoe of c. 640-630 BC.20 The different use of incision in the various regional schools reveals that they were not all interested to the same degree in precise articulation –this interest is most marked in the Corinthian vases of the second half of the 7th century. But the colour triad is found in all pottery schools.

  • 21 “Über Prinzipien der Farbengebung in der Malerei”, reprinted in H. Jantzen, Die Aufsätze (1951), pp (...)
  • 22 See Walter-Karydi 1986, pp. 31-32.
  • 23 Kübler 1943, p. 40, pl. 26.
  • 24 E.g. an Attic chest model from the Kerameikos (Walter-Karydi 1991, p. 520, pl. XVII 2).
  • 25 K. Kübler 1954 (n. 6), p. 245, inv. 1308 and 1309, pl. 144.
  • 26 See Walter-Karydi 1991, p. 520.
  • 27 Bonn, Akadem. Kunstmus.: N. Himmelmann, “Die Lanzenschwinger – Bronzen Olympia B 1701 und 1999”, AA(...)

8A short article by H. Jantzen that appeared in 1913 marked the beginning of art historical research on the visual character of colour in painting.21 He distinguished the representational value of colour (Darstellungswert) from its intrinsic value (Eigenwert). It is indeed noteworthy that, with the emergence of Archaic polychromy in the mid-7th century, colour acquired a representational value for the first time in Greek art of the first millennium. There is no need to go here into the distinctive traits of this value in Archaic art,22 but it must be stressed that its appearance is related to another significant innovation in these years: the connection of the surface of a figure with the substantial body of which it is a part. On the surface of a Protogeometric terracotta deer (fig. 9),23 nothing represents the hide; in this age, geometric patterns cover every available surface, whether the article is an animal, a chest24 or a vase (fig. 2). The surface of the deer statuette appears not to be, as it were, associated with the substantial body of which it is a part. The same applies to two Attic terracotta birds of the mid-8th century:25 the painted patterns certainly do not represent feathers. The order underlying the nonrepresentational motifs on such figures may be called κόσμος, in the Homeric sense of the word.26 Obviously, the surface of the geometric figures is autonomous, so that even figured images may appear on late Geometric statuettes, for instance incised birds on the neck of a bronze horse.27

Fig. 7 — Protocorinthian oinochoe from the sanctuary of Apollo at Aegina. Animal friezes. c. 640-630 BC. Aegina Mus. 1754.

(Photo: E. Walter-Karydi.)

Fig. 9 — Attic terracotta deer from the Kerameikos. 10th century BC. H. 26.6 cm. Athens, Kerameikos Mus. 641.

(Photo: D-DAI-Ath neg. KERAMEIKOS 4407.)

Fig. 8 — Parian krater-amphora. Apollo on a chariot drawn by winged horses, escorted by two females, is welcomed by his sister Artemis. c. 650-640 BC. Athens, Nat. Mus. 911.

(Photo: Nat. Mus.)

Fig. 10 — Attic krater from Aegina (drawing). a. Orestes stabbing Aegisthus; b. Artemis, Apollo (?). c. 670 BC. Berlin, Antikensammlung A 32.

(After CVA Berlin 1, pll. 20-21.)

  • 28 E.g. the dancing men and women on the neck of an Attic hydria from c. 700 BC (CVA Berlin 1, p. 10, (...)
  • 29 CVA Berlin 1, pll. 18-21.

9It is consistent with this quality of the Geometric figures’ surface that, in the dark silhouettes on vase paintings, male skin is not differentiated from female, since no skin as such is represented at all. Likewise, when late Geometric human figures have reserved faces, this occurs with both males and females,28 just as the added white of the first half of the 7th century is not used for gender differentiation: male figures may be white (fig. 5). On fig. 10a Orestes, who is stabbing Aegisthus, is dark, while his victim is white, like Klytaimnestra who, appalled, turns away; on the other side of the vase (fig. 10b)29 a female with a bow, obviously Artemis, has a dark arm and a white face, while the male facing her, probably Apollo, is wholly white. It is evident that the added white had no representational value; it merely enhances the polarity of dark and light shortly before the vase painters begin to use red, creating the Archaic colour triad.

  • 30 That clothing is seldom represented in this art has been often remarked upon N. Coldstream (n. 6), (...)

10The independant quality of the figures’ surface may explain the infrequent representation of clothing in Geometric images.30 For instance, in the prothesis scene shown in fig. 4 the gender of the figures around the corpse on the bier is indicated mainly through their gestures of ritual lament, the women with both arms raised to tear their hair, and the men raising only one arm in salutation of the dead. Accordingly, it is not only the long-gowned figures in this scene who are female, but also those performing the female gesture of lamentation –and they are certainly not to be thought of as nude. In this scene, only the two figures on the left, who raise one arm and have a dagger strapped on, are male. Surprising as it may be to a modern viewer, there is no intentional rendering of clothing or nudity in Geometric art.

  • 31 P. Courbin, “Un fragment de cratère protoargien”, BCH 79 (1955), pp. 1-49. See Walter-Karydi 1991, (...)
  • 32 Aegina Mus. 1754. W. Kraiker (n. 18), pp. 87-88, no. 566, pll. 44-45; The Human Figure in Early Gre (...)
  • 33 N. Kontoleon, Prakt 1960, pp. 259-260, pl. 196a.
  • 34 Naxos Mus.; C. Karusos, “Eine naxische Amphora des früheren siebenten Jahrhunderts”, JdI 52 (1937), (...)
  • 35 Fr. Salviat, N. Weill, “Un plat du viie siècle à Thasos: Bellérophon et la Chimère”, BCH 84 (1960), (...)
  • 36 Fr. Villard (n. 17), pp. 134-135, pll. II.1, 2. See Schaus 1988, p. 108.

11In the second quarter of the 7th century, some pioneers among the vase painters throughout Greece attempted to distinguish male skin through colour. For instance, on the Argive krater (fig. 11) Polyphemus and the Greeks blinding him have reddish skin.31 On an Attic oinochoe of c. 670 BC from the sanctuary of Apollo at Aegina,32 Odysseus and his companions, who are leaving Polyphemus’ cave tied under his rams so that when the Cyclops feels blindly he will not find them, have reddish skin too, while the rams’ hide, rendered in its particular texture through parallel reddish brush strokes, is distinguished from the human skin: this is never the case in Geometric painting. In the Naxian scene shown in fig. 1233 there is a team of two galloping horses; the one in the foreground is black with a reddish head, and applied white and reddish alternate on the mane enhancing its lushness, while the second horse has a reddish body and mane and a white head. The horses overlap a second chariot, of which the black-clad driver has a reddish skin. Part of the vase painter’s signature is preserved, but not his name. On a contemporary Naxian krater-amphora,34 the male god standing on a chariot with winged horses likewise has reddish skin (while that of the female, labelled Aphrodite, is reserved) and the same is the case with Bellerophon on the plate fig. 13.35 This distinguishing of male skin by colour is also found on mid-7th century vases from Megara Hyblaea in Sicily.36

Fig. 11 — Argive krater from Argos. Odysseus and his companions blinding Polyphemus. c. 670-660 BC. Argos Mus.

(Photo: EFA, Ph. Collet.)

Fig. 12 — Naxian krater from Naxos. Chariot race. c. 660 BC. Max. h. 14cm. Naxos Mus. 2154.

(After O. Philaniotou [ed.], The Two Naxos Cities. A Fine Link between the Aegean and Sicily [exhibition University of Athens, 2001], pp. 46-47, no. 22 colour pl.)

Fig. 13 — Cycladic plate from Thasos. Bellerophon flying on his winged horse Pegasos against the Chimaira. c. 660 BC. Thasos Mus. Π 2085.

(Photo: EFA, Ph. Collet.)

  • 37 Athens, Nat. Mus. 14497. C. Smith, “A Proto-Attic Vase”, JHS 22 (1902), pp. 29-45, pll. 2, 3 (colou (...)
  • 38 K. Kübler (n. 6), pp. 527-528, no. 176, fig. 62, pl. 110.
  • 39 Ibid., pp. 147-149 frontispiece (colour reconstructions of the oinochoai inv. 149 pl. 41 and inv. 1 (...)
  • 40 ABV, pp. 168-169, 3; Tiverios 1996, pp. 257-258, colour pl. 34.

12Some isolated experiments in Attic vase painting of the late second quarter of the century are noteworthy. An amphora from c. 660-650 BC from Kynosarges has scenes in black figure technique, but the male figures have white skin;37 on a contemporary krater there are birds displaying the colour triad but without incision.38 There is even a short-lived attempt at polychrome matt-painted white-ground on some vases of c. 660 BC from the Kerameikos.39 Such experiments bear witness to a creative restlessness in the Attic workshops shortly before black figure was established. In this style, male skin is as a rule dark, and female skin white, for instance in the vivid scene of Athena bringing her protégé Herakles to Olympus and introducing him to Zeus on a cup by the Phrynos Painter of c. 550-540 BC.40 Creating gender differentiation through colour polarity was an achievement of the Archaic age.

  • 41 See J. Boardman, LIMC 4 (1988), s.v. “Herakles”, p. 1690.
  • 42 Y. Kourayos, “Ένα νέο ιερό του Απόλλωνα στο Δεσποτικό”, AAA 38 (2002-2005), pp. 78-79, fig. 45. I t (...)
  • 43 Menela [o] s’ name also appears in a procession of long-gowned, bearded Achaean dignitaries holding (...)
  • 44 C. Karusos (n. 34), p. 173, figs. 13-14; E. Walter-Karydi, “Bronzes pariens et imagerie cycladique (...)

13Even after the mid-7th century, reddish colour is (instead of black) used to depict male skin on non-Attic vases. For instance, on the Parian vase shown in fig. 8 Apollo has reddish skin, as have the men on the later Parian vases shown in figs. 14a and b41 (the women have white skin) and fig. 15.42 These warriors are Achaean heroes, since one of them is labelled M [e] nel [aos and another one probably Sthen [elos, and they are marching to battle together with those on the chariot behind them, fellow warriors (or gods?).43 The Parian painter of the Potnia, fig. 16,44 gifted though he was, has mistakenly given the goddess red feet (that is, a male skin colour), while on her face and arms the skin is reserved, and therefore female.

Fig. 14 — Parian krater-amphora “from Melos”; a. Herakles and his bride Deianeira taking leave of her parents; b. detail (neck): Hermes and a female. c. 600 BC. Colour reconstructions by K.D. Mylonas. Athens, Nat. Mus. 354.

(After K. D. Mylonas, “Πήλινος αμφορέας εκ Μήλου”, AEphem 1894, pp. 226-238, pll. 13-14.)

Fig. 15 — Parian dinos from the Apollo sanctuary at Despotiko. Achaean warriors marching to battle. Later 7th century BC. Paros, Mus. 4083, 4084, 4085.

(Photo: Y. Kourayos.)

Fig. 16 — Krater-amphora, detail (neck). Potnia with a lion. Max h. 30 cm. c. 640-630 BC. Berlin, Antikensammlung F 301.

(After a museum postcard.)

Fig. 17 — Thasian plate from Thasos. Rider. c. 640-630 BC. Thasos Mus. Π 2057.

(Photo: EFA, Ph. Collet.)

Fig. 18 — Protocorinthian oinochoe from the sanctuary of Apollo at Aegina. Animal frieze; preparation of a bull’s sacrifice; warrior and Amazon (labelled) who stretches out her right hand begging for mercy while holding the bow in her left; head of a satyr; rest of the fight with the Hydra (part of the Hydra and a red shoe of Herakles or rather Iolaos). c. 640-630 BC. Aegina Mus. 1379 and new fragments without nos.

(Photo: E. Walter-Karydi.)

  • 45 Fr. Salviat (n. 19), pp. 185-190, figs. 1, 2; Y. Grandjean, Fr. Salviat (dir.), Guide de Thasos2 (2 (...)
  • 46 Tiverios 1996, p. 245, colour pl. 13. On the East Dorian character of the Euphorbus plate see H. Wa (...)

14On Thasian vases reddish male skin is as frequent as on the Parian vases, e.g. on the rider fig. 17.45 Finally, the East Dorian workshop uses a reddish colour for male skin too, as in the scene of Menelaus fighting Hector over the body of Euphorbus on the famous plate in the British Museum from Rhodes.46

  • 47 Amyx 1988, p. 32, no. 3 (Chigi Painter); J. L. Benson (n. 18), p. 57, no. 3 (Chigi Painter); Tiveri (...)
  • 48 W. Kraiker (n. 18), pp. 59-60, no. 340, pl. 27; Amyx 1988, p. 35, no. 8, pl. 12.1 (The Sacrifice Pa (...)

15Reddish male skin is also found in a small group of Protocorinthian masterpieces of the third quarter of the 7th century. In these black figure scenes, colour has an articulating function that is strikingly more effective than in any other Archaic vase paintings. Thus, on the celebrated Chigi olpe of c. 640-630 BC,47 incision and colour, even some yellow, articulate the closely knit marching warriors and their armour with a striking precision. In another proto-Corinthian masterpiece (fig. 18), even the horses’ feet are differentiated in colour, black and reddish, while the heron flying to the left has a reddish neck and head and black-figured wings; the male figures have reddish and the Amazon reserved skin.48

  • 49 R. Hampe, E. Simon (n. 2), pp. 159-160, colour pl. 251; Amyx 1988, p. 40, no. 1, p. 540.

16Yellow, a light value, is frequent in the black-polychrome vases, as on an oinochoe that is decorated entirely with flawlessly incised tongues and compass-drawn incised scales in red, dark and yellow, as well as rosettes in applied white.49 The Protocorinthian vase painters’ ability to combine colour and incision brings about a stunning decorative effect.

  • 50 See W. D. Niemeier, JHS ArchRep 127 (2007), p. 42, fig. 50; W. D. Niemeier, B. Niemeier, A. Brysbae (...)
  • 51 O. Broneer, Isthmia I. The Temple of Poseidon (1971), pp. 33-34, colour pll. A-C; W. D. Niemeier, B (...)

17It is true that it is in vase painting, where so much is preserved, that we can best follow the emergence of polychromy, but a corresponding process must have taken place in free painting too. Only wall paintings of the years shortly after the mid-7th century are known: a battle scene in the cella interior of the temple at Kalapodi50 and fragments in full polychromy from the temple of Poseidon at Isthmia, most probably the cella interior as well.51 These wall paintings are firm evidence for the beginning of monumental polychrome painting in the mid-7th century.

  • 52 See G. Kokkorou-Alevras in this volume, pp. 115-130.
  • 53 See above, pp. 104-105.
  • 54 G. Treu, Olympia III (1897), p. 26, pll. 5.1-2; J.-F. Crome, “Löwenbilder des siebenten Jahrhundert (...)

18Turning to sculpture, we may establish that the so-called monumental sculpture in stone emerging in the mid-7th century was from the very start polychrome: Nikandre, as the first example of such a female statue, proves the point.52 Thus, to the qualities distinguishing this sculpture –such as its coordinated proportions, stable stand and so on– we must add its colourful appearance. The emergence of polychromy in sculpture is linked to another significant innovation of these years, mentioned above:53 the surface of a figure is now connected to the substantial body of which it is a part. Accordingly, intelligible visual formulae for animal’s hides, bird’s feathers and so on appear, and these formulae are polychrome. On the earliest large-scale stone lion, a limestone sculpture at Olympia from c. 660 BC, the mane is rendered with incised scales, drawn with a compass and alternately painted red, blue, and a light colour (perhaps yellow).54

  • 55 R. S. Young, “Late Geometric Graves and a Seventh Century Well in the Agora”, Hesperia Suppl. 2 (19 (...)
  • 56 H. Dragendorff (ed.), Thera II (1903), p. 24, fig. 56; The Human Figure in Early Greek Art. Exhibit (...)

19Obviously, as with painting of the Archaic period (see above), colour acquires a representational value in sculpture. Therefore, it is not surprising that from now on clothing and nudity are clearly indicated, and there is no doubt as to whether a figure is nude or not. Two terracotta females in funeral lamentation may illustrate the point: on the Attic statuette of c. 700 BC,55 the late Geometric patterns in dark on light do not represent clothing. There is even a lamenting female painted on the independant surface of its front and rear, while the Cycladic statuette of c. 600 BC from Thera wears a belted black and red dress that is rendered unambiguously.56

  • 57 New York, Metropolitan Mus. of Art. L. F. Hall, “Notes on the Colors Preserved on the Archaic Grave (...)

20The colour triad dominates in Archaic sculpture: light (white or yellow), dark (black or blue), and red. Green is found occasionally, for instance on the narrow framing ornament of an Attic grave stele, from c. 530 BC,57 but it is used only for details, not on large surfaces.

  • 58 See H. Drerup, Griechische Baukunst in geometrischer Zeit, Archaeologia Homerica II O (1969), pp. 1 (...)
  • 59 See above, p. 99.
  • 60 T. G. Schattner, Griechische Hausmodelle, AM 15 Beih. (1990).

21Archaic stone architecture is polychrome too, as is well known. Bronze decoration was applied on Geometric temples, which were constructed mainly of mudbrick and wood, with stone being used only for thresholds, beds for wall timbers and socles,58 as the brilliance of this material was highly appreciated in this age.59 If these temples also had paintings, they must have followed the Geometric colour principle of dark on light. The painted decoration of the well-known small votive models of this age60 is not, of course, identical to that of contemporary temples, but may suggest how their decoration could have looked.

  • 61 J. Coulton, H. W. Catling, Lefkandi II. The Excavation, Architecture and Finds, ABSA Suppl. 23.2 (1 (...)
  • 62 J. Coulton, H. W. Catling (n. 61), p. 55. I thank B. Schmaltz for mentioning this example to me.
  • 63 On the pioneer role of Corinthian masons in this process see R. F. Rhodes, “The Earliest Greek Arch (...)
  • 64 P. Sapirstein, “How the Corinthians Manufactured their First Roof Tiles”, Hesperia 78 (2009), p. 20 (...)

22The evidence of the excavated buildings is meagre: in the Toumba building at Lefkandi, the walls above the stone socle were built of mud bricks of brown clay preserved in two, three or four courses; between courses a pale, sometimes almost white, mud mortar was visible.61 There were also alternate courses of brown and yellow bricks.62 Apparently this patterned brickwork was an intentional decoration, as the excavators realized; not being polychrome, since there is no red, it follows the colour principle of the Geometric period. It seems that the realization of the role polychromy may play in architecture goes hand in hand with the discovery of the potential uses of stone as a building material in the 7th century.63 The temple of Apollo at Corinth of the first half, or more specifically the second quarter, of the century does not seem to have had polychrome decoration; its embellishment, focused on the roof, consisted in the tiles being arranged in stripes, “a pattern of dark stripes on the roof at regular intervals”.64 This pattern still follows the Geometric colour principle of temple decoration.

  • 65 See for instance the colour reconstruction by E.-L. Schwandner, Der alte Porostempel der Aphaia auf (...)
  • 66 See above, n. 49-50. Another example might be the mid-7th century painted frieze of a procession of (...)

23It is true that it is not before the second quarter of the 6th century that a complete colour reconstruction of a temple can be achieved.65 All mouldings, lion heads and other forms of water-spouts and so on were polychrome, the vertical elements such as the triglyphs, mutuli and guttae being blue, the horizontal elements red. The sculptures, whether in relief or in the round, were of course polychrome. While there is rich evidence for temple polychromy in the 6th century, we know little about the 7th. Nevertheless, the wall paintings of the temples at Kalapodi and Isthmia, mentioned above,66 suggest that already in the mid-7th century the use of colour was introduced on the temple buildings themselves; Archaic stone architecture must have been polychrome from the very start.

  • 67 J. D. Beazley, The Development of Attic Black-Figure (1951), p. 1.
  • 68 See Walter-Karydi 1986.

24To sum up, polychromy emerged in the mid-7th century and was found in all major art forms. Of course, each artistic genre followed its own rules; for example, as Beazley has pointed out, “Black-figure is a vase-technique”.67 It is in principle that the colour language of the Archaic age was strikingly uniform.68 This uniformity did not last; already in the early Classical art a differentiation set in, but that is beyond the scope of this paper.

  • 69 See Schaus 1988, p. 110 with further references.

25In the above discussion, the role that some scholars attribute to Egyptian art for Greek painting and the emergence of polychromy has not featured. Pliny twice mentions Egypt as the originator of painting (N.H. 7.205; 35.16), suggesting that from there the idea came to Greece, although he goes on to mention “inventors” in Greece.69 It is well known that the concept of a single individual inventing an art form or a technical device or similar (protos euretes) was deeply rooted in early Greece. In this paper, I have tried to trace Pliny’s Greek “inventors” not as the single personalities he mentions, but as a reflection of a genuinely Greek process revealed by the preserved works themselves: the transformation of the dark/light polarity, the colour principle in Geometric art, into the light/dark/red triad of Archaic art, was a panhellenic event of the mid-7th century. For instance, it cannot be seriously considered that the Athenian Eumaros was the first to distinguish male and female through colour in painting, as Pliny (N.H. 35.56) declares, since it is possible to follow the attempts of the vase painters in the various regional workshops to do just that (see above).

  • 70 E. Pfuhl, Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen (1923), p. 492.
  • 71 Fr. Villard (n. 17), p. 137, thinks that the polychrome technique “est d’origine purement céramique (...)

26The steps the vase masters take towards polychromy show that its emergence was not an isolated “invention” of one artist. This evidence is significant, since these pot-bound images have an importance of their own; Archaic vase painting was not dependent on free painting, but a self-sufficient art. As such, it bears a strong affinity to free or large-scale painting, being, as E. Pfuhl put it, “ein wertvoller Teil der Gesamtmalerei des Archaismus”.70 Therefore it is redundant to ask whether polychromy was invented in free painting or vase painting.71 Besides, polychromy is not limited to painting, whether free/large-scale or pot-bound, but emerged in stone sculpture and presumably in stone architecture of the mid-7th century as well.

  • 72 Schaus 1988, p. 110, n. 34. See M. M. Austin, Greece and Egypt in the Archaic Age, PCPhS Suppl. 2 ( (...)

27Moreover, the Greeks, as a seafaring and merchant people, had contact with Egypt long before the mid-7th century, when “the opening up of Egypt to Greeks”72 took place. There is of course some Egyptian influence to be discerned in Greece, for instance in the fabrication of small objects, but this does not mean that a crucial new beginning such as the emergence of polychromy should be interpreted in this way. Egyptian polychrome painting, of which the influence Pliny joins with the achievement of Greek inventors in a slightly contradictory manner, played at best an incidental role in the genuinely Greek process of creating polychromy in art. It is worth recalling how, in c. 1000 BC, Mycenaean polychromy (of which Pliny knew nothing) was relinquished and a polarity of dark and light values created as the colour principle of Geometric art. A similar phenomenon, which likewise marked the beginning of a new age in art, was the emergence of polychromy in the mid-7th century; in this case too, there is no need to postulate foreign influence.

  • 73 See B. Snell, Die Entdeckung des Geistes4 (1975), p. 17: for Homer χρώς is “die Haut; freilich nich (...)
  • 74 For the following see Walter-Karydi 1991, pp. 517-518, 531-532.

28There is a further factor to consider. The Homeric poems have no term for “colour”, which is not surprising and χρώς means “skin”.73 The word χρώς as the term for colour begins to comes up as H. Fränkel pointed out, after Homer.74 It is significant that the word denoting “skin” becomes the one for “colour” in the same period that, as was remarked above, the surface of a figure is aligned to the substantial body of which it was a part. All this reveals a process in the Greek language that corresponds to the emergence of polychromy in the art of the 7th century. There was clearly a change in the way the Greeks perceived what surrounded them, and the artists reacted in their own way as they explored the world of colour.

29Pliny’s statements, which have caused much controversy among scholars, do contain some truths amongst the contradictory information that he drew from his various sources, but they cannot be dealt with in the focus of this paper. I have instead tried to present the emergence of polychromy (in the form of the light/dark/red Archaic colour triad) as a mid-7th century event taking place in all major art forms –painting, sculpture, architecture and vase painting– and finding a striking parallel in early Greek poetry.

Bibliographie

Bibliographical abbreviations

Amyx 1988 = D. A. Amyx, Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period.

Kübler 1943 = K. Kübler, Kerameikos IV. Neufunde aus der Nekropole des 11. und 10. Jahrhunderts.

Schaus 1988 = G. P. Schaus, “The Beginning of Greek Polychrome Painting”, JHS 108, pp. 107-117. Tiverios 1996 = M. Tiverios, Ελληνική τέχνη: Αρχαία αγγεία.

Walter-Karydi 1986 = “Prinzipien der archaischen Farbgebung”, in K. Braun, A. Furtwängler (eds), Studien zur klassischen Archäologie Friedrich Hiller zum 60. Geburtstag, pp. 23-41.

Walter-Karydi 1991 = E. Walter-Karydi, “ΧΡΩΣ – Die Entstehung des griechischen Farbwortes”, Gymnasium 98, pp. 517-533.

Notes

1 S. A. Immerwahr, Aegean Painting in the Bronze Age (1990), pp. 119-120, fig. 32h, pp. 165-166, no. 3 (with further references), colour pl. XX. For a new interpretation of the figure, see B. R. Jones, “New Reconstructions of the ‘Mykenaia’ and a Seated Woman from Mycene”, AJA 113 (2009), pp. 309-337, figs. 1, 2, 20-22, 26, 27 (right).

2 Athens, Nat. Mus. R. Hampe, E. Simon, The Birth of Greek Art from the Mycenaean to the Archaic Period (1981), p. 235, colour pl. 373.

3 E.g. a gravestone from Mycenae in Athens, Nat. Mus.: R. Hampe, E. Simon (n. 2), p. 37, colour pl. 53 (13th-12th century).

4 See A. Xenaki-Sakellariou, C. Chatziliou, “Peinture en métal” à l’époque mycénienne (1989).

5 The following arguments are more fully presented in E. Walter-Karydi, “Der ungegenständliche Aufbruch am Beginn der griechischen Kunst”, in K. Möseneder, A. Prater (eds), Aufsätze zur Kunstgeschichte, Festschrift für H. Bauer (1991), pp. 33-42.

6 Fig. 2: Kübler 1943, p. 40, pl. 12 inv. 2131 (grave 39). Fig. 3: id., Kerameikos V 1. Die Nekropole des 10. bis. 8. Jahrhunderts (1954), p. 235, pl. 46 inv. 2146 (grave 41); N. Coldstream, Greek Geometric Pottery (1968), p. 14.

7 He used the term for bronzes of this period and then for the period as a whole ( “Die Bronzefunde aus Olympia und deren kunstgeschichtliche Bedeutung”, AbhAkWissBerlin 1879; reprinted in J. Sieveking, L. Curtius [eds], Kleine Schriften I [1912], pp. 339-421). Cretan art does not always adhere to the rules that apply to Geometric art in other regional schools and follows its own course; it will be excluded from the following discussion.

8 N. Coldstream (n. 6), pp. 29-30, no. 1, pl. 6; Tiverios 1996, p. 239, colour pl. 2.

9 See Walter-Karydi 1986, pp. 34-35, with further references.

10 See M. Maas, Die geometrischen Dreifüsse von Olympia, Olympische Forschungen 10 (1978).

11 See A. Xenaki-Sakellariou, C. Chatziliou (n. 4).

12 See H. Fränkel, Wege und Formen frühgriechischen Denkens2 (1960), p. 206, n. 2; id., Dichtung und Philosophie des frühen Griechentums2 (1962), pp. 59, 603-604.

13 Tiverios 1996, p. 242, colour pll. 6-7.

14 K. Kübler, Kerameikos VI 2. Die Nekropole des späten 8. bis frühen 6. Jahrhunderts (1970), pp. 505-506, no. 115 inv. 801 pll. 87-88.

15 ABV2, p. 1, no. 2: Painter of Berlin A 34.

16 In European painting a triad of primary colours (red, blue and yellow) is also found; see E. Strauss in L. Dittmann (ed.), Koloritgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur Malerei seit Giotto und andere Studien2 (1983), pp. 115ff., but the Archaic Greek triad has characteristic traits of its own. See Walter-Karydi 1986, pp. 26-28.

17 See Fr. Villard, “La céramique polychrome du viie siècle en Grèce, en Italie du Sud et en Sicile et sa situation par rapport à la céramique protocorinthienne”, ASAtene n. s. 43 (1981), p. 136: “le type le plus fréquent de polychromie, vers 640 ou dans les années qui suivent est celui qui, sous diverses formes, associe la polychromie à la technique des figures noires”.

18 Fig. 7: one of the three fragments. W. Kraiker, Aigina. Die Vasen des 10. bis 7. Jahrhunderts (1951), p. 60, no. 341 pll. B, 27, with new finds. Amyx 1988, p. 35, no. 8 (The Sacrifice Painter) pl. 12; J. L. Benson, Earlier Corinthian Workshops. A Study of Corinthian Geometric and Protocorinthian Stylistic Groups (1989), p. 61, no. 2 (The Sacrifice Workshop). E. Walter-Karydi, “Shapes, Colours, Images: Ventures of the Chigi Master and his Corinthian Contemporaries”, in E. Mugione (ed.), L’Olpe Chigi. Storia di un agalma (2012), p. 73, fig. 11b (with other fragments of this vase).

19 Tiverios 1996, p. 246 colour pl. 15. Such vases were once called “Melian” but N. Kontoleon recognized them as Parian ( “Theräisches”, AM 73 [1958], pp. 133-136); he was followed by Fr. Salviat, “La colonisation grecque dans le nord de l’Egée. Céramique parienne orientalisante, céramiques précoloniales à Thasos”, in Le Rayonnement des civilisations grecque et romaine. VIIIe congrès international d’archéologie classique (1963), pp. 299-303; id., “La céramique thasienne orientalisante et l’origine des vases ‘méliens’”, in Les Cyclades. Table ronde Dijon – 1982 (1983), pp. 185-190; H. Walter, Samos V. Frühe samische Gefäße. Chronologie and Landschaftstile ostgriechischer Gefäße (1968), p. 80; E. Walter-Karydi, Samos VI 1. Samische Gefäße des 6. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. Landschaftstile ostgriechischer Gefäße (1973), pp. 74-76, and so on. New finds in Paros about this workshop’s location dispelled the last doubts some scholars still harboured (e.g. P. Zaphiropoulou, “Μυθολογική παράσταση σε αγγείο του 7ου αι. π. Χ.”, AEphem 147 [2008], pp. 225-246).

20 M. Denoyelle, Chefs-d’œuvre de la céramique grecque dans les collections du Louvre (1994), p. 24, no. 7.

21 “Über Prinzipien der Farbengebung in der Malerei”, reprinted in H. Jantzen, Die Aufsätze (1951), pp. 61-68.

22 See Walter-Karydi 1986, pp. 31-32.

23 Kübler 1943, p. 40, pl. 26.

24 E.g. an Attic chest model from the Kerameikos (Walter-Karydi 1991, p. 520, pl. XVII 2).

25 K. Kübler 1954 (n. 6), p. 245, inv. 1308 and 1309, pl. 144.

26 See Walter-Karydi 1991, p. 520.

27 Bonn, Akadem. Kunstmus.: N. Himmelmann, “Die Lanzenschwinger – Bronzen Olympia B 1701 und 1999”, AA 1974, pp. 544-554, figs. 1-7; Walter-Karydi 1991, fig. 1.

28 E.g. the dancing men and women on the neck of an Attic hydria from c. 700 BC (CVA Berlin 1, p. 10, fig. 1). This still occurs in the early 7th century, e.g. on the lutrophoros of the Analatos Painter: M. Denoyelle (n. 20), p. 22, colour pl.

29 CVA Berlin 1, pll. 18-21.

30 That clothing is seldom represented in this art has been often remarked upon N. Coldstream (n. 6), p. 39; N. Himmelmann, Ideale Nacktheit in der griechischen Kunst, JdI 26. Ergh. (1990), pp. 19-20, 29-34; id., “Klassische Archäologie – kritische Anmerkungen zur Methode”, JdI 115 (2000), pp. 298-300; A. Stewart, Art, Desire and the Body in Ancient Greece (1997), p. 38.

31 P. Courbin, “Un fragment de cratère protoargien”, BCH 79 (1955), pp. 1-49. See Walter-Karydi 1991, p. 529.

32 Aegina Mus. 1754. W. Kraiker (n. 18), pp. 87-88, no. 566, pll. 44-45; The Human Figure in Early Greek Art, Exhibition Washington (1988), pp. 97-98, no. 22, colour pl.

33 N. Kontoleon, Prakt 1960, pp. 259-260, pl. 196a.

34 Naxos Mus.; C. Karusos, “Eine naxische Amphora des früheren siebenten Jahrhunderts”, JdI 52 (1937), pp. 166-197.

35 Fr. Salviat, N. Weill, “Un plat du viie siècle à Thasos: Bellérophon et la Chimère”, BCH 84 (1960), pp. 347-386, pll. IV-VI; Fr. Salviat (n. 19, 1983), p. 185.

36 Fr. Villard (n. 17), pp. 134-135, pll. II.1, 2. See Schaus 1988, p. 108.

37 Athens, Nat. Mus. 14497. C. Smith, “A Proto-Attic Vase”, JHS 22 (1902), pp. 29-45, pll. 2, 3 (colour reconstructions); J. M. Cook, “Protoattic Pottery”, ABSA 35 (1934-1935), pp. 196-198, 201-202, 209-211, pll. 56-58; CVA Athens 2, III, He pll. 3-4, fig. 4.

38 K. Kübler (n. 6), pp. 527-528, no. 176, fig. 62, pl. 110.

39 Ibid., pp. 147-149 frontispiece (colour reconstructions of the oinochoai inv. 149 pl. 41 and inv. 140 pl. 53).

40 ABV, pp. 168-169, 3; Tiverios 1996, pp. 257-258, colour pl. 34.

41 See J. Boardman, LIMC 4 (1988), s.v. “Herakles”, p. 1690.

42 Y. Kourayos, “Ένα νέο ιερό του Απόλλωνα στο Δεσποτικό”, AAA 38 (2002-2005), pp. 78-79, fig. 45. I thank Yannos Kourayos for allowing me to illustrate this high quality vase from his excavations.

43 Menela [o] s’ name also appears in a procession of long-gowned, bearded Achaean dignitaries holding spears as signs of authority on an Attic stand of c. 670 BC (CVA Berlin 1, pll. 31-33; L. Giuliani, Bild und Mythos. Geschichte der Bilderzählung in der griechischen Kunst [2003], pp. 123-125, fig. 18). They are white skinned, as is usual in this time (See figs. 5 and 10).

44 C. Karusos (n. 34), p. 173, figs. 13-14; E. Walter-Karydi, “Bronzes pariens et imagerie cycladique du haut archaïsme”, in Y. Kourayos, F. Prost (eds), La sculpture des Cyclades à l’époque archaïque. Colloque international Athènes, 1998, BCH Suppl. 48 (2008), pp. 25, 28, 31, fig. 11.

45 Fr. Salviat (n. 19), pp. 185-190, figs. 1, 2; Y. Grandjean, Fr. Salviat (dir.), Guide de Thasos2 (2000), p. 25, colour pl. 4.

46 Tiverios 1996, p. 245, colour pl. 13. On the East Dorian character of the Euphorbus plate see H. Walter (n. 19), p. 79, pll. 129, 623; E. Walter-Karydi (n. 19), p. 91; R. Attula, “Archaic Greek Plates from the Apollo Sanctuary at Emecik, Knidia. Results and Questions Regarding Dorian Pottery Production”, in A. Villing, U. Schlotzhauer (eds), Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt. Studies in East Greek Pottery and Exchange in the Eastern Mediterranean, Brit. Mus. Research Publ. 162 (2006), p. 86.

47 Amyx 1988, p. 32, no. 3 (Chigi Painter); J. L. Benson (n. 18), p. 57, no. 3 (Chigi Painter); Tiverios 1996, pp. 243-244, colour pll. 9-10; E. Mugione (n. 18).

48 W. Kraiker (n. 18), pp. 59-60, no. 340, pl. 27; Amyx 1988, p. 35, no. 8, pl. 12.1 (The Sacrifice Painter, very close to the Chigi Painter); J. L. Benson (n. 18), p. 61, no. 1 (The Sacrifice Workshop) [fig. 18] with newfound fragments of the vase; E. Walter-Karydi (n. 18).

49 R. Hampe, E. Simon (n. 2), pp. 159-160, colour pl. 251; Amyx 1988, p. 40, no. 1, p. 540.

50 See W. D. Niemeier, JHS ArchRep 127 (2007), p. 42, fig. 50; W. D. Niemeier, B. Niemeier, A. Brysbaert, “The Olpe Chigi and New Evidence for Early Archaic Greek Wall-Painting from the Oracle Sanctuary of Apollo at Abai (Kalapodi)”, in E. Mugione (n. 18), pp. 79-86, pll. XIIIa, XIV.

51 O. Broneer, Isthmia I. The Temple of Poseidon (1971), pp. 33-34, colour pll. A-C; W. D. Niemeier, B. Niemeier, A. Brysbaert (n. 50), pp. 81-83, pll. XIIa-d.

52 See G. Kokkorou-Alevras in this volume, pp. 115-130.

53 See above, pp. 104-105.

54 G. Treu, Olympia III (1897), p. 26, pll. 5.1-2; J.-F. Crome, “Löwenbilder des siebenten Jahrhunderts”, in Mnemosynon Theodor Wiegand (1938), pp. 47-50, pll. 7, 9, 10. See Walter-Karydi 1991, pp. 530-531, pl. XXIV.2.

55 R. S. Young, “Late Geometric Graves and a Seventh Century Well in the Agora”, Hesperia Suppl. 2 (1939), pp. 53-54, XI 18, figs. 35-36 (a similar figure from the same vase: p. 55, XI 19, fig. 35); Walter-Karydi 1991, pp. 523-524, 528, pl. XXI.2.

56 H. Dragendorff (ed.), Thera II (1903), p. 24, fig. 56; The Human Figure in Early Greek Art. Exhibition Washington (1988), p. 100, no. 23, colour pl. Of course, in the first half of the century female clothing was much more frequently rendered than in the Geometric age.

57 New York, Metropolitan Mus. of Art. L. F. Hall, “Notes on the Colors Preserved on the Archaic Gravestones in the Metropolitan Museum”, AJA 48 (1944), pp. 334-35, pl. IX; G. Richter, The Archaic Gravestones of Attica (1961), no. 45, figs. 126-128, 179.

58 See H. Drerup, Griechische Baukunst in geometrischer Zeit, Archaeologia Homerica II O (1969), pp. 131- 132 and passim.

59 See above, p. 99.

60 T. G. Schattner, Griechische Hausmodelle, AM 15 Beih. (1990).

61 J. Coulton, H. W. Catling, Lefkandi II. The Excavation, Architecture and Finds, ABSA Suppl. 23.2 (1993), pp. 37-38.

62 J. Coulton, H. W. Catling (n. 61), p. 55. I thank B. Schmaltz for mentioning this example to me.

63 On the pioneer role of Corinthian masons in this process see R. F. Rhodes, “The Earliest Greek Architecture in Corinth and the 7th-Century Temple on Temple Hill”, in C. N. Williams II, N. Bookidis (eds), Corinth. The Centenary 1896-1996, Corinth XX (2003), pp. 85ff.

64 P. Sapirstein, “How the Corinthians Manufactured their First Roof Tiles”, Hesperia 78 (2009), p. 201, fig. 3 (reconstruction of the pattern). See R. F. Rhodes (n. 63), p. 92.

65 See for instance the colour reconstruction by E.-L. Schwandner, Der alte Porostempel der Aphaia auf Aegina (1985), frontispiece.

66 See above, n. 49-50. Another example might be the mid-7th century painted frieze of a procession of warriors, attributed to the second Hecatompedos of the Samian Heraion (G. Gruben, Griechische Tempel und Heiligtümer5 [2001], pp. 351-352, fig. 267). The frieze was probably polychrome but no colours are preserved.

67 J. D. Beazley, The Development of Attic Black-Figure (1951), p. 1.

68 See Walter-Karydi 1986.

69 See Schaus 1988, p. 110 with further references.

70 E. Pfuhl, Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen (1923), p. 492.

71 Fr. Villard (n. 17), p. 137, thinks that the polychrome technique “est d’origine purement céramique” and the free painters took it over from the vase painters; on the contrary, Schaus 1988, p. 109 postulates that “it seems most economical to suppose that this style came directly into Greek ’free’ painting, rather than through Greek vase painting first”. D. A. Amyx, “Archaic Vase-Painting vis-à-vis ‘Free’ Painting at Corinth”, in W. G. Moon (ed.), Ancient Greek Art and Iconography (1983), pp. 38bff. argues convincingly against the assumption that Protocorinthian vase painting, above all the polychrome images of the Chigi olpe (n. 47 above), was derived from mural paintings.

72 Schaus 1988, p. 110, n. 34. See M. M. Austin, Greece and Egypt in the Archaic Age, PCPhS Suppl. 2 (1970), pp. 11-14.

73 See B. Snell, Die Entdeckung des Geistes4 (1975), p. 17: for Homer χρώς is “die Haut; freilich nicht die Haut im anatomischen Sinn, die Haut, die man abziehen kann – das ist Derma –, sondern die Haut als Oberfläche, als Grenze des Menschen”.

74 For the following see Walter-Karydi 1991, pp. 517-518, 531-532.

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