Contribution to the typology and iconography of the coins from ancient Arcadian Orchomenos1
Contribution à la typologie et l’iconographie des monnaies de l’antique Orchomène d’Arcadie
Συμβολή στην τυπολογία και εικονογραφία των νομισμάτων του αρχαίου Ορχομενού Αρκαδίας
p. 167-185
Résumés
Les monnaies, ainsi que les inscriptions, d’Orchomène d’Arcadie constituent l’une des séries les plus riches de la région. Pratiquement tous les musées d’Europe possèdent dans leur collection des exemplaires de ces émissions. L’atelier monétaire orchoménien n’a pourtant jamais fait l’objet d’une étude approfondie et d’une mise en valeur récente. Ce qui nous a amené à nous y intéresser, pour combler cette lacune et préparer le terrain pour de futures recherches. Le monnayage orchoménien est surtout constitué de bronzes, qui se répartissent en deux ensembles chronologiquement distincts. Les monnaies de la première série datent du ive s. av. J.-C. ; celles de la seconde série datent de l’époque impériale romaine et furent majoritairement frappées sous Septime Sévère. Beaucoup d’entre elles portent au droit le portrait de l’empereur ; d’autres représentent les membres de sa famille, Julia Domna, Caracalla et Geta. Les problèmes abordés dans cet article concernent notamment la solution de continuité entre le ive s. av. J.-C. et le iie s. apr. J.-C., qui pose la question de l’importance de la frappe monétaire à Orchomène d’Arcadie pour l’économie locale, et sa relation avec les changements politiques et culturels en Arcadie. En outre, on s’efforce d’ordonner les différents types iconographiques et leur correspondance avec les héros ou les divinités représentées sur les monnaies, en relation avec de possibles cultes locaux.
The coins, together with the inscriptions from Arcadian Orchomenos, comprise one of the richest groups of finds in this area. Almost every museum in Europe holds some of these coins in its archaeological collections. Nevertheless, there has been no systematic study or updated evaluation of the Orchomenian coins already known. This is the starting point of this paper, and its aim is to fill this gap and lay the ground for future research. The coins from Arcadian Orchomenos are mainly bronze and are divided into two categories, according to chronological criteria. The coins in the first category date back to the 4th century BC, while those in the second category originate from Roman imperial times and were predominantly minted during the reign of Septimus Severus. Many of them depict the emperor on the obverse. Other coins portray his family members Julia Domna, Caracalla and Geta. Questions such as why there is a gap between the 4th century BC and the 2nd century AD, what the significance of Orchomenian minting was for the local economy and how this relates to the general political and cultural changes in Arcadia will be addressed in this paper. Moreover, an attempt will be made to classify the different iconographical types and their correspondence with the mythical heroes or deities depicted on them, with reference to possible local cults.
Τα νομίσματα του Αρκαδικού Ορχομενού συνθέτουν μία από τις πλουσιότερες ομάδες ευρημάτων της περιοχής, μαζί με τις επιγραφές. Σχεδόν όλα τα Μουσεία της Ευρώπης συμπεριλαμβάνουν στις συλλογές τους έναν αριθμό αυτών των νομισμάτων. Εν τούτοις δεν έχει γίνει κάποια συστηματική προσέγγιση και ενδελεχής αξιολόγηση των ήδη γνωστών νομισμάτων του Ορχομενού. Η διαπίστωση αυτή συνιστά και την αφετηρία του παρόντος άρθρου, στόχος του οποίου είναι να φωτίσει το κενό, προετοιμάζοντας το έδαφος για μελλοντική έρευνα. Τα νομίσματα του Αρκαδικού Ορχομενού είναι κυρίως χάλκινα. Διακρίνονται σε δύο κατηγορίες σύμφωνα με χρονολογικά κριτήρια. Τα νομίσματα της πρώτης κατηγορίας χρονολογούνται στον 4ο αι. π.Χ., ενώ τα νομίσματα της δεύτερης κατηγορίας ανήκουν στους ρωμαϊκούς αυτοκρατορικούς χρόνους και κυκλοφόρησαν κυρίως κατά τη διάρκεια της δυναστείας του αυτοκράτορα Σεπτίμιου Σεβήρου. Πολλά από αυτά απεικονίζουν τον αυτοκράτορα στην εμπρόσθια όψη. Άλλα νομίσματα απεικονίζουν τα μέλη της οικογένειας του, Ιουλία Δόμνα, Καρακάλλα και Γέτα. Στο άρθρο αυτό αντιμετωπίζονται ζητήματα, όπως, για ποιο λόγο υπάρχει κενό μεταξύ του 4ου αι. π.Χ. και του 2ου αι. μ.Χ., ή ποια είναι η σημασία της κοπής νομισμάτων του Ορχομενού για την τοπική οικονομία, και πώς αυτό συσχετίζεται με τις γενικές πολιτικές και πολιτιστικές αλλαγές στην Αρκαδία. Επιπλέον, καταβάλλεται προσπάθεια ταξινόμησης των διαφόρων εικονογραφικών τύπων και αντιστοιχίας με τους μυθικούς ήρωες ή θεότητες που απεικονίζονται στα νομίσματα με αναφορά σε πιθανές τοπικές λατρείες.
Texte intégral
Introduction
1The aim of this paper is to lay the ground for further research on coins from the area of Arcadian Orchomenos1. There is a need for a systematic approach and up-to-date evaluation; therefore a classification of the different iconographical types and correspondence to the mythical heroes or deities depicted on the coins with reference to possible local cults will be attempted, in order to elucidate this gap.
2First of all, it will be useful to present a short introduction to the city of Orchomenos. According to Pausanias2 and Apollodorus3, Orchomenos was the son of the mythical Arcadian king Lykaon and the grandson of Pelasgos. Douris4 mentions that he was the son of Arcas. The ancient polis of Orchomenos is located about 30km north east of Arcadia’s modern capital city Tripolis; it was founded on the southern slopes of a hill approximately 900m above sea level5. The so-called προτέρα πόλις6 covered an area of about 200 hectares, surrounded by a wall.7 The ancient agora8 of the Orchomenian polis was where buildings such as the bouleuterion and the stoa were located. The bouleuterion9 is the orthogonal building to the east; its dimensions are 41m long by 8.40m wide, and it is dated to the 5th century BC, according to the architectural remains found there. The stoa10 is the building to the north. It stands about 4m higher than the bouleuterion and measures 70m long by 11.4m wide. It is dated to the 4th century BC. To the south of these buildings are attested the ruins of a prostylos temple11 of the 4th century BC, as well as its diagonical altar12 from the 3rd century BC. According to an inscription found in the temple, which measures 19.8m in length by 6.45m in width, this monument was dedicated to the cult of Artemis Mesopolitis13. The dimensions of the altar were 17.3m long by 3.54m wide. South east of the agora and its buildings, at the entrance of the archaeological site of Orchomenos, is located its theatre14, the best known monument of the polis. It is dated to the 3rd century BC. On the southern slopes of the hill, near the church of the modern village, the remains of a Doric temple (a so-called hekatompedon)15 of the 6th century BC are located, 31.22m long by 1.33m wide.
3The earliest description of the coins from Arcadian Orchomenos of which I know personally is that of T. E. Mionnet in the year 180716. The publication of the numismatic collections of the British Museum17, as well as the work of F. Imhoof-Blumer which followed shortly afterwards18, increased 19th-century scholars’ knowledge of the Orchomenian coins, as further types were described; this was made clear in the work of F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner19. Not much later A. Plassart20 published the coins he found in Orchomenos, while he excavated the site in 1913 together with G. Blum for the École française. Since then, there has been no study of the Orchomenian coins. After a gap of nearly a century, H. S. Walker published in 2006 the coins of a private collection, with many Orchomenian pieces among them21. Walker’s work is the most up-to-date version of the Orchomenian coins22.
4When dealing with the coins from Arcadian Orchomenos, we must confront some limitations. The coins known from the 19th century and before initially belonged to private collections that were subsequently donated to or bought by museums23. It is not certain where exactly these coins came from, although on their inscriptions it is stated that they are Orchomenian. Moreover, not even the French excavators of Orchomenos in 1913 gave details of the specific locations where the coins were found. They mention that they found them in two different places at Orchomenos: in a bothros near the temple of Artemis Mesopolitis24, and east of the hekatompedon25. But there is no mention either of the exact coordinates or what types of coins were found and where.
The material
5The Orchomenian coins are very poorly preserved (with limited exceptions). Furthermore, all the coins were made from bronze, except a single silver coin, which is kept in the numismatic collection of the museums in Berlin (1). On the obverse, a head in profile wearing a Corinthian helmet is depicted; on the reverse we read the letters “E P”, which stand for Ἐρχομενίων26. This letters are within a large “A”; on it a “P” can be recognized. “A P” was the monogram of the Arcadian koinon, according to Walker.27 It seems that the silver coin from the Berliner Münzkabinett is the only one known that certifies the participation of Orchomenos in the koinon. This, in combination with the observation of Vertsetis that the letters E P as well as the word Ἐρχομενίων were used up to 350 BC,28 can suggest a date for the coin in the first half of the 4th century BC.
6The afore-mentioned coin is not the only one dated to the 4th century BC. A large amount of bronze-made Orchomenian coins were minted during that era. Their classification follows, according to types and motifs.
7The first motif that is found depicts scenes from the myth of Kallisto, the mother of Arcas.29 On the one side appears Artemis in ¾ view kneeling, as if she is ready to ambush an animal. On the other side Kallisto is depicted naked, sitting or lying (2) on a rock. A variant of this type shows the young Arcas beside his mother (3)30. In this second type there is also a difference in the inscription. The letters “E” and “P” are depicted on the reverse, whereas in the first type we can see the whole inscription ΕΡΧΟΜΕΝΙΩΝ surrounding the figure of Kallisto. Although the motif appears to be almost the same in both these examples, it is obvious that we have two different stamps, originating from a different mould. They may also belong to different chronological phases.
8The motif of the sitting Kallisto also appears on a badly preserved coin, but on the obverse the head of a bearded man in profile is found (4). No details or inscriptions exist to assist us in recognising him. However, the association of the Kallisto motif with a bearded man may offer clues about his identity – could it be a depiction of Zeus31
9A further motif shows a head in profile wearing a Corinthian helmet on the obverse; on the reverse Artemis is depicted standing. The goddess wears a long dress and bends her bow. In this case we have two different types: in the first, the helmeted head appears without a beard (5)32, whereas in the second exactly the opposite is the case (6)33. The inscription on the reverse is also presented in a different style. In the first example, the letters “E P” are depicted on the back of Artemis; in the second they are set on her right and left. Once more, the different types and different iconographic representations could indicate that a different coinage between both objects is depicted. They probably did not come from the same chronological period either.
10The motif of the head in profile with a helmet but without a beard appears on two different iconographic types of Orchomenian coins. On the reverse of the first, there is a depiction of a female person wearing a long dress, holding an object (possibly a vase) and sitting on a throne (7)34. On the second coin a wreath is shown with the letters “E P” on it (8).
11One further type (9) depicts a female head in profile on the obverse. The person is wearing some kind of headdress, which covers her hair35. On the reverse, a naked hoplite is depicted standing, armed with a helmet, shield and spear. The letters “E” and “P” are located to his left and right36.
12The iconography of another bronze coin from Orchomenos is quite different from the above 4th century BC examples. In this case there is a depiction of the head of Dionysos in profile on the obverse. On the reverse a bunch of grapes with the letters “E P” on the right side is shown (10).
13If the coins from Orchomenos are classified chronologically, they can be divided into two categories: The first would include the 4th century BC coins presented above. The second category would include coins from a much later period, Roman imperial times, and particularly the reign of the Severan dynasty (2nd century AD)37. On these coins the portraits of emperor Septimus Severus, his second wife Julia Domna and his two sons, Caracalla and Geta, at a young age are depicted on the obverse38. The reverse bears the inscription ΟΡΧΟΜΕΝΙΩΝ around the edge of the coin, which encircles a representation of a deity.
14The presentation of this second category of coins begins with the coins that bear the portrait of the emperor. An recurring motif is the depiction of Artemis on the reverse. The goddess wears a short chiton and boots and holds a torch (11). A variant of this motif (or a different type of motif) shows Artemis holding two torches in each hand (12). Further types depict Asklepios (13), Poseidon (14), Dionysos (15), and Tyche (Fortuna) (16). There exist two more types; the first shows two Satyrs (17), the second an hermaic stele (18)39.
15The coins with the portraits of Julia Domna on the obverse depict a variety of deities on the reverse too. First, Artemis is found again. In this depiction she holds both her arms on the air; a small dog is sitting at her right side (19). Another coin shows a female figure dressed in a chiton and standing in front of an altar, or column (20). There has been much speculation as to the identity of the figure; it is not certain whether Kallisto or any other goddess associated with Orchomenos is depicted40. Other coins bear representations of Tyche (21) and Asklepios (22) again. Both these gods (23-24), as well as Artemis (25), holding two torches in each hand, are depicted on the coins with Caracalla as well. Artemis (26) (with a short chiton, boots, quiver and a torch in her right hand), Asklepios (27) and Tyche41 also appear on the Orchomenian coins with Geta.
Remarks
16Considering the iconography of the Orchomenian coins, it was noted that, in the case of Artemis, the written sources seem to confirm the depictions. Evidence for the cult of Artemis Mesopolitis, whose temple was found in the agora of the Orchomenian acropolis, is the discovery of the inscription42 bearing her name, as well as a small idol, broken in three pieces, depicting the goddess43. Both the inscription and the figurine were found in the temple.
17The cult of Artemis Mesopolitis is not the only one known in the area44: Pausanias mentions previously the cults of Artemis Kedreatis45 and Artemis Hymnia46. It is not certain which cult is depicted on which coin. Jost offered the hypothesis that the 4th century BC coins (2a, 3a, 5b, 6b) must depict Artemis Mesopolitis, whereas the cults of Kedreatis and Hymnia are represented by the Artemis shown on the Severan coins (11b, 12b, 19b, 25b, 26b)47. This hypothesis appears to be plausible.
18The inscription Διονύσωι found in the theatre of Orchomenos48, as well as the two coins depicting him (10a, 15b), may confirm the connection to the cult of Dionysos. The same could be said for two similar finds that lead, albeit indirectly, to the Dionysiac cult: the image of the two Satyrs on the British Museum coin (16b), which is paralleled by a relief discovered during the excavations at Orchomenos in 191349.
19Concerning Poseidon, his representation on Orchomenian coins (14b) confirms Pausanias’ account that he saw the sanctuary and the statue of this god in Orchomenos50. The confirmation of the same account of Pausanias about the cult of Aphrodite in Orchomenos appears to match the motif of the female figure in front of the altar, or column (20b); the relationship of this particular motif to the account of Pausanias was suggested by Imhoof-Blum and Gardner and subsequently supported by Walker as well51.
20The identification of the motifs of the female figure seated on a throne (7b) and the female head with the pilos (9a) is still uncertain. We do not know if Aphrodite, Artemis, Kallisto, or even Arcadia herself is depicted; there is not enough evidence for the identification of these figures. Both Aphrodite and Artemis, for example, are represented seated in similar motifs in art, whereas in most cases Artemis is shown seated on a rock with an animal next to her52. It is possible that Kallisto is depicted in both motifs, because of the local tradition, as von Gaertringen suggested53.
21We could also suggest the same about the motif with the hoplite (9b). It is quite possible that we have the representation of a local hero, Arcas, Orchomenos, or even Aeneas and Anchises, as Weil suggested54. As in the previous case, we can only speculate using the evidence available. But since the hoplite coins are dated back to the 4th century BC, we should exclude identification with Aeneas and Anchises as they received local hero-status only during Roman imperial times55.
22The case of the motif with a head in profile wearing a Corinthian helmet is similar. As we have already noted, two types exist, one with a beard (6a) and a second without (1a, 5a, 7a, 8a). It has been suggested that the beardless head depicts a female person, possibly Athena, whereas the bearded one depicts Arcas or Orchomenos56. According to a third hypothesis, the deity depicted on these coins is probably Ares. This hypothesis, which is supported by Immerwahr and Jost57 , originates from an Orchomenian inscription58 which gives the name of Ares together with the names of Zeus and Athena. We should also consider, at least if it is assumed that the beardless head depicts a female person who may be Athena, that in other known representations of Athena with a Corinthian helmet from the 4th century BC her hair totally covers the back of her neck59; this is not the case on the Orchomenian coins of this time. As for the bearded head in profile without a helmet (4a), an association with either Arcas or Zeus has been suggested because Kallisto is depicted on its reverse. As we have already seen, scholars have spoken in this case in favour of Zeus60. The connection to Zeus comes from the local tradition rather than from the possible practice of a cult – although the latter possibility should not be totally excluded.
23It seems that there is no evidence for the worship of the deities Asklepios (13b, 22b, 23b, 27b) and Tyche (17b, 21b, 24b) in Orchomenos prior to Roman times. The practice of Asklepios cults in areas around Orchomenos is proved by the sanctuaries found there;61 but the depiction of Asklepios, as well as Tyche, on the Orchomenian coins has a Roman background62, since their motifs appear on coins of the Severan dynasty and not only in the Peloponnese63.
24As we have already seen, the coins from Orchomenos can be divided into two chronological periods. Some of them date back to the 4th century BC, the rest to the 2nd century AD. The first period seems to coincide with historical events such as the battle at Leuctra in 371 BC that led to the creation of the Κοινὸν τῶν Ἀρκάδων a year later, as well as to the founding of Megalopolis in 369/8 BC. The end of this era came with the Battle of Mantinea in 362 BC64. In between – and this must be no coincidence – Arcadia experienced independence and the arts flourished at an unprecedented level.
25The political and cultural activity of this period in Arcadia was shared in Orchomenos too, as the dating of the monuments and the coins65 has shown. In the case of the latter especially, their iconography and the type of inscriptions on them lead us to date them to the years c. 370-350 BC and even later66. We do not have any evidence of coin minting at Orchomenos after the late 4th century BC until the beginning of the Severan dynasty, although coins from other city states67 and decrees inscribed on bronze plates68 have been found in Orchomenos. The city experienced a series of hardships during the late 4th and 3rd centuries BC69. In the time of Strabo, around the 1st century BC, Orchomenos was abandoned70, but it was not forgotten, as it is mentioned in the works of Pliny71 and Pomponius Mela72. Pausanias would have visited Orchomenos in either AD 17473 or 17774, about two decades before Severus was crowned emperor.
26The second period of coin minting in Orchomenos probably occurred early in the reign of Severus, since both his sons are depicted at a very young age; on the Orchomenian coins Caracalla especially (23a, 24a, 25a) does not have the physical features we know from his later portraits75. The hairstyle of Julia Domna76 should offer a clue to this too. However, could we also suggest that the Severan coins are to be dated to between AD 196 and 209, if not even earlier77? A very special find, probably from the same chronological period, was discovered at Orchomenos in 1909, which may throw more light on this: an inscription made on a marble base of 20 by 90 by 45cm78. The inscription was made during the administration of Titus Flavius Philargyros and mentions an εὐεργεσία, a benefaction, offered from the emperor to the city of Orchomenos. Unfortunately we are unable to determine who Titus Flavius was, when he acted, and what the benefaction of the emperor was, which would make it possible to date the inscription precisely79. It is also unclear what the connection was between the Severan coins and the inscription, if any. Many poleis in the Peloponnese minted coins during the Severan age.
Summary
27We have already seen that the Orchomenian coins – which are mostly of bronze and originate from private collections, are few in number, and are not well preserved – are divided into two chronological phases. The coins of the first phase (4th century BC) may be interpreted by reference to the political changes of that age; it may be the case that the Orchomenian coinage with its iconography, reflecting local myths and traditions, represents the reaction of the Orchomenians to these changes and to the brief independence of Arcadia during the 4th century BC. Probably they wanted to differentiate themselves from the rest of the Arcadians and to express a local, purely Orchomenian, identity. Therefore they adopted images from the common mythological tradition of Arcadia for their own, as many poleis of the central Peloponnese did80.
28During the second phase (2nd century AD) we do not find local myths on the Orchomenian coins; we do have deities associated with Orchomenos and the neigh-bouring areas, like Artemis. Like Poseidon or Aphrodite is still unsure. The iconography of the deities is typical of the Severan age. The motifs of Asklepios and Tyche, as already mentioned, are depicted in many coins from the Roman empire and her provinces.
29I conclude by adding a few words about the possible implications of coinage for the economy of Orchomenos. Although many parts of the minting history of Orchomenos are missing, we should keep in mind that this polis enjoyed some financial power81, since it minted its own coins, which are found in other states too. We should not forget that, prior to the founding of the Arcadian League and Megalopolis, Orchomenos was in a συντέλεια with three minor Arcadian cities, Methydrion, Thisoa and Teuthis; these three cities were financially dependent on Orchomenos82. Orchomenos was not isolated; it had contacts with other Greek cities, as the coins and the decrees found in the Orchomenian agora testify. The inscription of Severus as benefactor of Orchomenos must be related to the economic situation of the polis too.
Catalogue
301. Diobol (AR). MKB, accession F. Imhoof-Blümer 1900, inv. no. 08/011/002 (32879/18231430). 2.52g. 13.7mm. 370-340 BC. Obverse: beardless head in right profile wearing Corinthian helmet / Reverse: letters “EP” set upside down between larger letters “AP”. Hoover 2011, p. 240, no. 957; BCD Peloponnesos, p. 374. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
312. Dichalkon (AE). MKB, accession F. Imhoof-Blümer 1900, inv. no. 08/011/015 (32894/18231445). 6.52g. 20mm. 370-340 BC. Obverse: Artemis in ¾ kneeling to the right; she is holding a bow in her left hand / Reverse: Kallisto sitting on a rock; apparently she is lying back, possibly shot with an arrow. Inscription ΕΡΧΟΜΕΝ-ΙΩΝ. Hoover 2011, p. 240, no. 958; compare with BMC Peloponnesus, p. 190, no. 1, pl. XXXV.15; SNG Copenhagen, no. 266; BCD Peloponnesos, p. 374, no. 1574.1. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
323. Dichalkon (AE). MKB, accession H. von Heldenreich 1871/224, inv. no. 08/011/018 (32897/18231448). 2.31g. 13.7mm. 370-340 BC. Obverse: Artemis in ¾ kneeling to the right; she is holding a bow on the left hand; a dog sitting at the left / Reverse: Kallisto sitting on a rock on the right; to her left, little Arcas is depicted; letters “EP” right and left of Kallisto. Hoover 2011, p. 241, no. 962; compare BCD Peloponnesos, p. 374, no. 1574.2. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
334. Dichalkon (AE). NMA, accession A. Postolakas, inv. no. 12.37/4567b. 3.549g. 15mm. 340-300 BC. Obverse: bearded head in profile, looking right (Zeus? Arcas?) / Reverse: Kallisto sitting on a rock, looking left. Inscriptions not preserved. Unpublished; compare with Imhoof-Blumer, Gardner 1886, p. 109. (Photograph by the author; courtesy of NMA).
345. Dichalkon (AE). NMA, accession I. Svoronos 1892/3, inv. no. ΙΓ’/5. 3.421g. 15.5mm. 340-300 BC. Obverse: beardless head in profile to the right; wearing Corinthian helmet / Reverse: Artemis dressed in a long chiton standing to the right, bending her bow; letters “EP” at her back to the left, “Π” in front of her. Unpublished; compare with Hoover 2011, p. 241, no. 960; BCD Peloponnesos, p. 375, no. 1578-1579. (Photograph by the author; courtesy of NMA).
356. Dichalkon (AE). MKB, accession F. Imhoof-Blümer 1900, inv. no. 08/011/030 (32912/18231463). 3.63g. 15.4mm. 340-300 BC. Obverse: bearded head with Corinthian helmet in profile to the right / Reverse: Artemis dressed in a long chiton standing to the right and bending her bow; letters “E” and “P” left and right of her. Hoover 2011, p. 240 no. 959; compare BMC Peloponnesus, p. 190, no. 2, pl. XXXV.16; BCD Peloponnesos, p. 374, nos. 1576-1577. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
367. Chalkous (AE). MKB, accession F. Imhoof-Blümer 1900, inv. no. 08/011/034 (32914/18231465). 1.67g. 12.6mm. 340-300 BC. Obverse: profile of beardless head with Corinthian helmet to the right / Reverse: seated female figure on throne; she is wearing a long dress and is holding a vessel (an amphora) in her left hand; letters “E P” behind her. Hoover 2011, p. 241, no. 963; compare BCD Peloponnesos, p. 375, no. 1581. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
378. Chalkous (AE). MKB, accession F. Imhoof-Blümer 1900, inv. no. 08/011/042 (32919/18231470). 1.52g. 10.3mm. 340-300 BC. Obverse: profile of beardless head wearing Corinthian helmet to the right / Reverse: letters “EP” within a wreath. Hoover 2011, p. 241 no. 964; compare BCD Peloponnesos, p. 375, no. 1582. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
389. Dichalkon (AE). MKB, accession Graf A. Prokesch-Osten 1875, inv. no. 08/011/038 (32917/18231468). 4.05g. 18.3mm. 340-300 BC. Obverse: female head wearing a headdress (pilos or sphendone) in profile / Reverse: naked hoplite in ¾ standing to the right; he is wearing a Corinthian helmet and is armed with a spear and shield; letters “E” and “P” left and right of him. Hoover 2011, p. 241, no. 961; BMC Peloponnesus, p. 190, no. 4, pl. XXXV.17; BCD Peloponnesos, p. 375, no. 1580. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
3910. Chalkous (AE). MKB, accession A. Löbbecke 1906, inv. no. 08/011/047 (33397/18231949). 1.30g. 11.5mm. 340-300 BC. Obverse: Dionysos bust in profile / Reverse: bunch of grapes, letters “EP”. Unpublished. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
4011. Assarion (AE). MKB, accession G. Dattari (Cairo) 1900/680, inv. no. 08/011/050 (33399/18231951). 6.02g. 21.5mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: head of S. Severus in profile wearing a wreath to the right; inscription (λουcεπ) ce-ovh (poc), not well preserved / Reverse: Artemis standing; she is wearing a short chiton and holding a torch in her right hand; inscription (o) ΡΧΟΜΕνιων. Unpublished. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
4112. Assarion (AE). MKB, accession G. Dattari (Cairo) 1900/681, inv. no. 08/011/051 (33403/18231955). 4.59g. 22.3mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: portrait of S. Severus looking right; inscription ΛΟΥ cεπ cεοvηροc, not well preserved / Reverse: Artemis standing to the left; she is wearing a short chiton and she is holding a torch in each hand; inscription ορχο- (με) νιων. Unpublished. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
4213. Assarion (AE). MKB, accession G. Dattari (Cairo) 1899/922, inv. no. 08/011/056 (33410/18231962). 4.97g. 22.3mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: portrait of S. Severus; inscription ΛΟΥ cεπ c (ΟVΗΡΟ) c ΠΕΡΤ / Reverse: Asklepiοs leaning on his staff, which he is holding in his right hand; inscription ορχομ-ενιων. Unpublished; compare with BMC Peloponnesus, p. 190, no. 6, pl. XXXV.18; BCD Peloponnesos, p. 375, no. 1585; p. 376, no. 1586. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
4314. Assarion (AE). Location unknown. 4.43g. 22mm. AD 198-209. Description: Obverse: draped and cuirassed bust of S. Severus to the right; inscription ΛΟV cεπ cεοv… / Reverse: Poseidon standing left; he is holding a trident in his left and a dolphin in his right hand; inscription ορχομ-ενιων. BCD Peloponnesos, p. 376, no. 1589.1. (Courtesy of BCD).
4415. Assarion (AE). BM, accession 1885, inv. no. CGR4406/1885.0606.47. 4.7g. Diameter unknown. AD 198-209. Description: Obverse: bust of S. Severus to the right; inscription ΛΟΥc cεου ΗΡΟcπερτ / Reverse: naked Dionysοs standing on the left; he is holding a kantharos in his right and a thyrsus in his left hand; inscription ορχομ-ενιων. BMC Peloponnesus, p. 191, no. 7, pl. XXXV.19; compare with SNG Copenhagen, no. 268; BCD Peloponnesos, p. 376, no. 1588.2. (Courtesy of BM).
4516. Assarion (AE). BM, accession Harry Osborn Cureton-John Robert Steuart 1840, inv. no. VGR4407/1840.0217.158. 4.46g. Diameter unknown. AD 198-209. Obverse: portrait of S. Severus on the right; inscription ΛΟΥcεπ cεοv ΗΡΟc / Reverse: two bearded Satyrs standing. The Satyr on the right is holding a bunch of grapes in his right and a lagobolon in his left hand; the taller Satyr on the left is holding a kantharos in his left hand. Inscription ορχομενιων. BMC Peloponnesus, p. 191, no. 8, pl. XXXV.20; Imhoof-Blumer, Gardner 1886, p. 97, pl. T.III. (Courtesy of BM).
4617. Assarion (AE). Accession F. Kovacs (Levant) 1996, BCD Peloponnesos, no. 1589.2. 4.08g. 21mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: bust of S. Severus to the right; inscription… cεπ cε… Π / Reverse: Tyche standing to the left and holding the fertility horn (cornucopia) in her left and a rudder in her right hand; inscription ορχομ… BCD Peloponnesos, p. 376, no. 1589.2. (Courtesy of BCD).
4718. Assarion (AE). MKB, accession A. Löbbecke 1906, inv. no. 08/011/057. 4.13g. 21mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: head of S. Severus in profile; inscription not well preserved / Reverse: hermaic stele; inscription opxom… The object has a small hole. Unpublished; compare BCD Peloponnesos, p. 375, no. 1584. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
4819. Assarion (AE). MKB, accession F. Imhoof-Blümer 1900, inv. no. 08/011/060 (33412/18231964). 4.38g. 22.3mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: portrait ofJulia Domna on the right; inscription ioυλiα ΔΟ-ΜΝΑ cεβαc / Reverse: Artemis standing with her head turned left; she is wearing a short chiton and boots, raising her arms, and holding a torch in each hand; a dog stands to her left. Inscription ορχο-μενιων. Unpublished. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
4920. Assarion (AE). MKB, accession A. Löbecke 1906, inv. no. 08/011/061 (33413/18231965). 5.37g. 21.6mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: draped bust of Julia Domna to the right; Inscription ioυλ (iα Δ) Ο-ΜΝΑ (not well preserved) / Reverse: female figure wearing a long dress standing to the right; she is leaning on an altar or column with her right hand; she is stretching her left hand and is possibly holding an object, which is not clearly recognized. Inscription ορχομε-νιων. Unpublished; compare with SNG Copenhagen, no. 269; BCD Peloponnesos, p. 376, no. 1589.3. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
5021. Assarion (AE). MKB, accession Lambros 1853/11705, inv. no. 08/011/062 (33414/18231966). 5.18g. 21.2mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: draped bust of Julia Domna to the right; inscription iovλ (ΙΑ Δo-) mnα (not well preserved) / Reverse: Tyche standing with her head turned left; she is holding a cornucopia in her left and rudder in her right hand; inscription oρx-om-Εniωn. Unpublished; compare with BCD Peloponnesos, p. 376, no. 1587; 1588.4. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
5122. Assarion (AE). Accession F. Kovacs (Levant) 1975, BCD Peloponnesos, no. 1588.3. 5.21g. 22mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: draped bust of Julia Domna to the right; inscription iovλiα ΔΟ… / Reverse: Αsklepios standing; head to the left; he is holding his staff in his right hand, inscription oρxom/Εniωn. BCD Peloponnesos, p. 376, no. 1588.3. (Courtesy of BCD).
5223. Assarion (AE). MKB, accession A. von Rauch 1878, inv. no. 08/011/067 (33417/18231969). 4.77g. 21.5mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: profile of Caracalla to the right, wearing diadem; inscription … ΗΡ ΑΝΤΩΝΕΙΝΟc / Reverse: Asklepios standing, head to the left; he is leaning on his staff. Inscription ορχο-μενιων. Unpublished; compare with BMC Peloponnesus, p. 191. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
5324. Assarion (AE). MKB, accession A. Löbbecke 1906, inv. no. 08/011/068 (33418/18231970). 5.54g. 20.3mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: draped bust of Caracalla to the right wearing diadem; inscription… ΗΡ ΑΝΤΩΝΕΙΝΟc (not well preserved) / Reverse: Tyche standing, head to the left; she is holding a rudder in her right and the cornucopia in her left hand. Inscription (ορχο-μ) ενιων. Unpublished. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
5425. Assarion (AE). NMA, accession A. Postolakas, inv. no. 4570γ. 4.978g. 20.2mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: profile of Caracalla to the right wearing diadem; inscription not well preserved / Reverse: Artemis standing, head to the left; she is wearing a short chiton and holding a torch in each hand; inscription ορχομ… Unpublished. (Photograph by the author; courtesy of NMA).
5526. Assarion (AE). MKB, accession A. von Rauch 1878, inv. no. 08/011/071. 5.66g. 21.6mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: head of Geta in profile to the right; inscription Λoυ cεπ Γ-Εtα c kαi / Reverse: Artemis standing, her head turned to the right, wearing a short chiton and boots; she has a quiver on the right side of her back and is holding a torch in her raised right hand; it is not clear what she is holding in her left hand. Inscription (ορχο - μ) ενιων. Unpublished. (Photograph by R. Saczewski; courtesy of MKB).
5627. Assarion (AE), BCD Peloponnesos, no. 1589.5. 4.43g. 22mm. AD 198-209. Obverse: draped and cuirassed bust of Geta to right; inscription not preserved / Reverse: Asklepios standing on the left with his staff in the right hand; inscription oρxomeniωn (not well preserved). BCD Peloponnesos, p. 377, no. 1589.5. (Courtesy of BCD).
Bibliographie
Bibliographical abbreviations
Blum, Plassart 1914 = G. Blum, A. Plassart, “Orchomène d’Arcadie. Fouilles de 1913. Topographie, architecture, sculpture, menus objets”, BCH 38 (1914), pp. 71-88.
Imhoof-Blumer, Gardner 1886 = F. Imhoof-Blumer, P. Gardner, “A Numismatic Commentary on Pausanias”, JHS 7 (1886), pp. 57-113.
Jost 1985 = M. Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes d’Arcadie (1985).
Hoover 2011 = O. D. Hoover, Handbook of Coins of the Peloponnesos (2011).
Meyer 1939 = E. Meyer, RE 18.1 (1939), no. 4 “Orchomenos Arkadien”, coll. 887-905.
Plassart 1915 = A. Plassart, “Orchomène d’Arcadie. Fouilles de 1913. Inscriptions II”, BCH 39 (1915), pp. 53-127.
Solima 2011 = I. Solima, Heiligtümer der Artemis auf der Peloponnes (2011).
Spyropoulos 1988 = T. Spyropoulos, Αρχαιολογικά Μνημεία και Μουσεία της Αρκαδίας (1988).
Spyropoulos, Spyropoulos 2000 = T. Spyropoulos, G. Spyropoulos, Αρχαία Αρκαδία (2000).
Vagenas 1975 = T. Vagenas, Χρονικά Λεβιδίου και Αρκαδικού Ορχομενού (1975).
Voggas 2004 = K. Voggas, Ο αρχαίος αρκαδικός Ορχομενός (2004).
Notes de bas de page
1 General works on Arcadian Orchomenos: A.-B. Karapanagiotou, “Αρχαία Αρκαδία. Στα βήματα του Παυσανία”, in P. Sarantakos (ed.), Αρκαδία. Τόπος – Χρόνος – Άνθρωποι I (2010), pp. 56-62; Meyer 1939; T.H. Nielsen, Arkadia and its Poleis in the Archaic and Classical Periods (2002), Appendix IX, p. 578-581, no. 23 = T.H. Nielsen, “Arcadia”, in M.H. Hansen, T.H. Nielsen (eds), An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis (2004), pp. 523-525, no. 286; Vagenas 1975; Voggas 2004; see fig. 1.
2 Pausanias 8.13.3.
3 Apollodoros 3.97.
4 FGrH 76 F 9.
5 Voggas 2004, p. 112.
6 Pausanias 8.13.2.
7 Fig. 1; see also Meyer 1939, sp. col. 890; Voggas 2004, p. 350; F. E. Winter, “Arkadian notes II: the walls of Mantinea, Orchomenos and Kleitor”, ÉMC 33 (1989), pp. 189-200, at 192-196; 193, fig. 2.
8 Blum, Plassart 1914, pp. 72-74, pl. III; H. von Gaetringen, H. Latterman, Arkadische Forschungen (1911), pl. II; H. Lauter, Die Architektur des Hellenismus (1986), p. 94, fig. 12a; Meyer 1939, coll. 892-893; Spyropoulos, Spyropoulos 2000, p. 19; Vagenas 1975, p. 85; Voggas 2004, pp. 364-366; F. E. Winter, “Arkadian Notes I: Identification of the Agora Buildings at Orchomenos and Mantineia”, ÉMC 31 (1987), pp. 235-246, at 235-239, pll. 2-4; id., Studies in Hellenistic Architecture (2006) p. 150. General bibliography: W. Hoepfner, L. Lehmann (eds), Die griechische Agora (2006); U. Kenzler, Studien zur Entwicklung und Struktur der griechischen Agora in archaischer und klassischer Zeit (1999).
9 Blum, Plassart 1914, pp. 73-74; J. J. Coulton, The Architectural Development of the Greek Stoa (1976), p. 269 (no. A), 270 (fig. 97.2); D. Gneisz, Das antike Rathhaus. Das griechische Bouleuterion und die frührömische Curia (1990) pp. 342-343 (no. 50, fig. 5); W. A. Mcdonald, The Political Meeting Places of the Greeks (1943), pp. 236-238 (no. V), 237 (fig. 28), 286-287 (pll. III, X); Spyropoulos 1988, pp. 17, 13 (fig. 21); Spyropoulos, Spyropoulos 2000, p. 19; Vagenas 1975, pp. 87-88.
10 W. N. Bates, “Archaeological news (July-December 1919)”, AJA 24 (1920), pp. 85-117, at 96; Blum, Plassart 1914, pp. 72-73; G. Karo, “Archäologische Funde im Jahre 1913 – Griechenland”, AA (1914), pp. 121-167, at col. 160; Meyer 1939, col. 892; Spyropoulos, Spyropoulos 2000, p. 19; Vagenas 1975, p. 85; Voggas 2004, p. 365; F. E. Winter (n. 8), p. 237.
11 Blum, Plassart 1914, pp. 73-79, pl. IV; E. Brulotte, “Artemis: her Peloponnesian Abodes and Cults”, in R. Hägg (ed.), Peloponnese in Sanctuaries and Cults. Proceedings of the 9th International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens (2002), pp. 179-182, at 180; Jost 1985, pp. 117-118; Meyer 1939, col. 92; Solima 2011, pp. 98-102; Spyropoulos 1988, p. 17; Voggas 2004, p. 366; M.E. Voyatzis, The Early Sanctuary of Athena Alea at Tegea (1990), p. 32; id., “The Role of Temple Building in Consolidating Arcadian Communities”, in T. H. Nielsen et al. (eds), Defining Ancient Arkadia (1999), pp. 130-168, at 135, 156 (no. 22a).
12 Blum, Plassart 1914, p. 78; E. Brulotte (n. 11), p. 180; G. Karo (n. 10), p. 161; Meyer 1939, col. 892; Solima 2011, p. 98; Spyropoulos, Spyropoulos 2000, p. 20; Voggas 2004, p. 367.
13 Blum, Plassart 1914, p. 79; Jost 1985, pp. 114, 117-118; J. Mylonopoulos, Heiligtümer und Kulte des Poseidon auf der Peloponnes (2003), p. 119; Plassart 1915, pp. 115-116; Solima 2011, p. 98; Voggas 2004, pp. 366-367.
14 P. E. Arias, Il teatro greco. Fuori di Atene (1934), pp. 83-84 (no. 15); M. Bressan, Il teatro in Attica e Peloponneso tra età Greca ed età Romana. Morfologie, politiche edifizie e contesti culturali (2009), pp. 43-44, 253, 43 (fig. 20), 47 (no. 47, fig. 24), 251 (no. 47, fig. 191); H. Bulle, Untersuchungen an griechischen Theatern (1928) pp. 248-249; E. Burmeister, Antike griechische und römische Theater (2006), pp. 37-38; H.P. Hisler, “Kalpaki/Orchomenus”, in P. C. Rossetto, G.P. Sartorio (eds), Teatri greci e romani. Alle origini del linguaggio rappresentato 2 (1994), pp. 229-230; V. Di Napoli, “The theatres of Roman Arcadia, Pausanias, and the History of the Region”, in E. Ostby (ed.), Ancient Arcadia. Papers from the 3rd International Seminar on Ancient Arcadia (2005), pp. 509-520, at 513; F. B. Shear, Roman Theatres: An Architectural Study (2006), pp. 93, 402; Spyropoulos 1988, pp. 17, 12 (fig. 20); Spyropoulos, Spyropoulos 2000, pp. 20, 48-49, 48 (fig. 103); Vagenas 1975, pp. 85-87; Voggas 2004, pp. 354-357.
15 Blum, Plassart 1914, pp. 81-84, 82 (fig. 10), pl. V; F. Felten, Arkadien (1987), pp. 7 (fig. 8), 28 (fig. 49); Jost 1985, p. 118; Meyer 1939, col. 892; J. C. G. Miller, Temple and Statue: A Study of Practices in Ancient Greece (1995), p. 162, pl. 63a; E. Ostby, “I templi di Pallantion e dell’Arcadia: Confronti e sviluppi”, ASAA 68/69 (1990/91 [1995]), pp. 285-392, at 327-329, 332-337, 349, 323 (fig. 182), 324 (fig. 183), 325 (fig. 184), 326 (fig. 185), 320 (figs. 186-187, 188); T. Spawforth, The Complete Greek Temples (2006), p. 160; Spyropoulos 1988, p. 17; Voggas 2004, pp. 370-371; M. E. Voyatzis (n. 11), pp. 33, 89-90; id., in T. H. Nielsen (n. 11), pp. 135, 156 (no. 21a-b).
16 T. E. Mionnet, Description de médailles antiques, grecques et romaines II (1807), p. 251, nos. 47-49; Suppl. IV (1829), pp. 283-285, nos. 64-74. It is possible that the Orchomenian coins were known before their publication by Mionnet, but I have not found any earlier publication.
17 BMC Peloponnesus, pp. 190-191 (nos. 1-9), pl. XXXV.15-20.
18 F. Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies grecques (1883), pp. 202-204, nos. 245-250.
19 Imhoof-Blumer, Gardner 1886, pp. 95-97, pll. S. XXI-XXIV, T. I-III.
20 Plassart 1915, pp. 117-122.
21 BCD Peloponnesos, pp. 374-377, nos. 1573-1589.
22 Recently I have received notice of the following publication: Hoover 2011.
23 Some examples of this: NMA: A. Postolakas 1875/86; I. Svoronos 1891/3; Blum, Plassart 1914; Konstantopoulos 1919. MKB: Friedlaender 1861; Fox 1873; Graf Prokesh-Osten 1875; A. von Rauch 1878; F. Imhoof-Blumer 1900; A. Löbecke 1906. BM: H. O. Cureton, J. R. Steuart 1840.
24 Blum, Plassart 1914, p. 78.
25 Ibid., p. 88.
26 S. A. V. Vertsetis, “Ετυμολόγηση Αρχαιοαρκαδικών πολεωνυμίων. Μαντινεία, Ορχομενός, Τεγέα”, in Πρακτικά του Β´ τοπικού συνεδρίου Αρκαδικών Σπουδών (1990), p. 126, n. 24.
27 BCD Peloponnesos, p. 374. Orchomenos must have became a member of the koinon possibly after 370 BC. Compare with IG V 2.1.46; Xenophon, Hellenika 6.5.11, 13, 15, 17.
28 See S. A. V. Vertsetis (n. 26), p. 126, n. 24.
29 See n. 5 above on Arcas, as well as A. D. Trendall, LIMC II 1 (1984), s.v. “Arcas”, pp. 609-610. For Kallisto see I. Mcphee, LIMC V 1 (1990), s.v. “Kallisto”, pp. 940-944. According to the myth, Kallisto accompanied Artemis during her hunt in the mountains and forests of Arcadia. The goddess became furious with Kallisto, when she learned that she had slept with Zeus, and decided to punish her.
30 It is suggested that the motif on these coins shows the death of Kallisto at the hands of Artemis. Indeed, there are some examples where the bow on Artemis hand is depicted and others where an arrow in Kallisto’s body is shown. The latter is also depicted on a coin from Methydrion. See I. Mcphee (n. 29), p. 942, no. 10.
31 This is not uncommon, as coins with the same theme were minted in other Arcadian poleis. An example comes from Methydrion. See Imhoof-Blumer, Gardner 1886, p. 109.
32 As in the case with the silver coin from MKB (1), the gender of the depicted person is not clear. If a female person is depicted, she could be a deity (probably Athena?).
33 The bearded person could be Arcas or Orchomenos.
34 There has been much speculation about the identity of the seated person. It could be Kallisto, Artemis, Arcadia personified, or even Aphrodite. See R. Fleischer, LIMC II 2 (1984), s.v. “Aphrodite”, nos. 170; 192; 214 and E. Simon, LIMC II 1 (1984), s.v. “Arcadia”, pp. 607-608.
35 Once more, we face the same problem as above. Anybody, from Kallisto to Artemis or Arcadia, could be depicted on the coin.
36 See R. Weil, “Arkadische Münzen”, ZfN 9 (1881/2), pp. 18-41, at 34 for the identification of the hoplite. Weil presumes that it could be either Arcas or Orchomenos; see L. Parlama, LIMC VII 1 (1994), s.v. “Orchomenos”, pp. 60-61. A third hypothesis by him identifies the hoplite as Aeneas; see F. Canciani, LIMC I 1 (1984), s.v. “Aineias”, pp. 381-396, for this. Here Weil cites Dionysius of Halicarnassus 1.49; according to Dionysius, the Trojans dwelt for some time in Orchomenos after the sack of their city. Pausanias too seems to share this view – which was probably a local tradition that arose in Roman imperial times – since he mentions that the mountain south of Orchomenos, a natural border between this territory and the territory of Mantineia, is called Anchisia. According to the local tradition, the mountain was named after the father of Aeneas, Anchises, who was buried there. See Pausanias 8.12.8.
37 Some general works on the Severans: A. Daguet-Gagey, Septime Sévère. Rome, l’Afrique et l’Orient (2000); M. Grand, The Severans. The Changed Roman Empire (1996); G. J. Murphy, The Reign of the Emperor L. Septimius Severus from the Evidence of the Inscriptions (1945); J. Spielvogel, Septimius Severus (2006).
38 Severus was emperor of Rome between AD 193 and 211. He ruled together with Caracalla during the years 198-209 and with Geta from 209 until his death. See D. Kienast, Römische Kaisertabelle (1996), pp. 156-159. For Julia Domna, ibid., pp. 167-168; for Caracalla, ibid., pp. 162-165; for Geta, ibid., pp. 165-167.
39 Maybe it was used as a medallion in later times.
40 According to Jost 1985, p. 115, Aphrodite could be depicted on the coin. See similar representations of her in R. Fleischer (n. 34), nos. 192, 270 (this is explained below).
41 BCD Peloponnesos, p. 376, no. 1588.5.
42 Plassart 1915, p. 116: [εἰς τὸν νά] ον τᾶς Ἀρτέμιτος τᾶ [ς Μεσοπολίτιος].
43 Blum, Plassart 1914, p. 76, fig. 3.
44 See W. Immerwahr, Die Kulte und Mythen Arkadiens (1891), pp. 269-279; Jost 1985, p. 119; also Solima 2011, pp. 98-99.
45 Pausanias 8.13.2.
46 Pausanias 8.5.11; 13.1, 5.
47 Jost 1985, p. 119.
48 G Steinhauer, “Διαμόρφωσις αρχαιολογικού χώρου Ορχομενού”, AD 29 (1973/4 [1979]), B’, p. 301, pl. 193a; Blum, Plassart 1914, p. 80; SEG XI 1104.
49 Blum, Plassart 1914, pp. 85-87, 86 (fig. 13); Jost 1985, pp. 116, 425-426; J. Roy, “Η λατρεία του Διονύσου και η κατανάλωση οίνου στην κλασική Ελλάδα”, in G. A. Pikoulas (ed.), Οἶνον ἱστορῶ VI. Αρκαδικά οινολογήματα (2007), pp. 20-21, pl. 3, figs. 11-12.
50 Pausanias 8.13.2: καὶ Ποσειδῶνός ἐστι καὶ Ἀφροδίτης ἱερά, λίθου δὲ τὰ ἀγάλματα.
51 Imhoof-Blumer, Gardner 1886, p. 96; BCD Peloponnesos, p. 377, no. 1589.3. Compare with n. 34 above.
52 Aphrodite: R. Fleischer (n. 34), nos. 538, 787b, 808, 817, 821; Artemis: L. Kahil, LIMC II 2 (1984), s.v. “Artemis”, nos. 671-672, 674, 740, 978.
53 See H. von Gaertringen, RE 2 (1896), coll. 1157, 1160.
54 See n. 36 above.
55 Very helpful on this point is the article by T. Scheer, “They that held Arcadia. Arcadian Foundation Myths as Intentional History in Roman Imperial Times” in L. Foxhall et al. (eds), Intentional History. Spinning Time in Ancient Greece (2010), pp. 297-324.
56 See nn. 32-33 above.
57 W. Immerwahr (n. 44), pp. 240, 362; Jost 1985, p. 115, n. 2.
58 See Plassart 1915, pp. 98-115: Δία Ἄρηα, Ἀθάναν Ἀρείαν, Ἐνυάλιον Ἄρηα.
59 Compare with the work of S. Ritter, Bildkontakte Götter und Heroen. Die Bildsprache griechischer Münzen des 4. Jhs. v. Chr. (2002) pp. 27-34, pll. I.4-7, II.5-6.
60 Compare the coin from Methydrion mentioned in n. 35; see also Jost 1985, p. 240.
61 J. W. R. Riethmüller, Asklepios. Heiligtümer und Kulte vol. 1 (2005) pp. 40-42, 144-146; vol. 2 (2005), pp. 189-245, 219 no. 96; n. 176.
62 See M. Beier, Das Münzwesen des römischen Reiches (2002) pp. 150-157, 161-168; M. Bernhardt, Handbuch zur Münzkunde der römischen Kaiserzeit II (1926), pll. 42.4, 63.3, 5; U. Kampmann, Die Münzen der römischen Kaiserzeit (2004), pp. 201-226, nos. 49-50; pp. 228-232, no. 53; RIC IV. I: Pertinax to Geta (1936), pp. 54-308, 314-343; pll. V, X, XI.1-3, 7-13, XII, XIII.6-10, 16-20, XIV.1-5; BMC (RE) V: Pertinax to Elagabalus (1950), pp. lxxvi-cii, cxvii-clxxxvi; pll. 5-7, 9, 10.6-13, 11, 15.1-5, 16, 18.1-10, 21.1-6, 22, 24-25, 26.4-9, 27-28, 29.1-16.
63 See previous note.
64 Compare with the works mentioned at n. 1.
65 See nn. 8-15 above for the dating of the theatre, the stoa, and the temple of Artemis Mesopolitis.
66 See n. 28 above. According to BCD Peloponnesos, p. 374, only the Orchomenian coins with the theme of Kallisto and Artemis should be set in the years 360-340 BC; the rest of the 4th century BC coins are dated to 340-300 BC. Compare BMC Peloponnesus, p. 190.
67 See Plassart 1915, pp. 117-120. The coins mentioned do not come only from different poleis, but also from different chronological periods, from the 4th century BC to the Byzantine age. Postolakas and Svoronos found some Orchomenian coins in Olympia and Mantinea respectively, which now belong to the collections of the Numismatic Museum at Athens; other Orchomenian coins from Olympia are part of the Münzkabinett Berlin collections. All of them date either from the 4th century BC or the 2nd century AD.
68 See G. Blum, A. Plassart, “Orchomène d’Arcadie. Fouilles de 1913. Inscriptions”, BCH 38 (1914), pp. 449-478. In this case too, many of these inscriptions are of a later date than the 4th century BC.
69 Orchomenos was a possession of Kassandros (Diodoros 19.63.5), Demetrius Poliorketes (Diodoros 20.103.5), Cleomenes (Plutarch, Cleomenes 4.1; 7.3; Polybius 2.46.2) and Antigonos Doson (Plutarch, Aratos 45.1; Plutarch, Cleomenes 23.1; 26.3; Polybius 2.54.8-11; 4.6.5-7). Coins with their insignia were also found in Orchomenos; compare with Plassart 1915, pp. 117-120. In 235/4 BC Orchomenos entered the Achaean League (IG V 2.344) and in 228 BC it was a member of the Aetolian League (Livy 32.5.4; Polybius 2.46.1; 2.57.1; 4.6). Some of the Orchomenian monuments, like the altar and the stage of the theatre, are dated back to these times.
70 See Strabo 8.8.2.
71 Plinius, NH 4.20.
72 Pomponius Mela, De Chorographia 2.43.
73 N. Papachatzis, Παυσανίου Eλλάδος Περιήγησις 5: Αρκαδικά (1980), p. 1, n. 1.
74 H. von Gaertringen, ad IG V 2 (1913), p. 69.
75 Compare with A. Alexandridis, Die Frauen des römischen Kaiserhauses (2004), pll. 64.3-10; P. Bastien, Le buste monétaire des empereurs romains III (1994), pll. 84.2, 85.1; R. Schlütter, Die Bildnisse der Kaiserin Julia Domna (1977).
76 Notice the discussion of the chronology of Julia Domna’s hairstyle in P. Bastien, Le buste monétaire des empereurs romains II (1994), pp. 594-596, and R. Schlütter (n. 75), pp. 8-13; A. Alexandridis (n. 75), p. 114, comments on the difficulties of securely dating coins with the image of Julia Domna.
77 BCD Peloponnesos, pp. 375-377, suggested a later date, between AD 198 and 209; according to M. Beier (n. 62), pp. 150-157, the minting of the Severan coins like those we have from Orchomenos must have started after AD 197, when Severus won the civil war of the successors and became the sole ruler of the empire; about that time coins with the images of his young sons, Caracalla and Geta, must have appeared; compare with pp. 156, 161, 163. Another reason for dating the Orchomenian coins of the Severans to after AD 196 is that the scholars have suggested that their minting must have had something to do with the Parthian wars of AD 198-202.
78 IG V 3, 346; SEG XLIX, 457 E; A. von Premerstein, “Griechisches und römisches aus Arkadien”, JÖAI 15 (1912), pp. 214-215, no. 6. It is possible that the base was for a statue of the emperor.
79 In the bibliography mentioned above, the chronology given for this inscription is AD 193. This fits the epithet “Περτίναξ” on the inscription, which was used by Severus during this early period, before he was made the single ruler of Rome. Compare with D. Kienast (n. 38), pp. 156-159. The epithet appears also on the coins with cat. nos. 13, 15, 17, which may offer an explanation for an earlier minting, at least of these particular pieces. Cf. n. 77 above.
80 For depictions of local myths on the coins from the Arcadian city states, see the article of D. Tsangari in the present volume. We should keep in mind that, at least in the beginning, the oligarchic Orchomenians did not want to participate in the Arcadian League as well as to the synoikism of Megalopolis. Compare with IG V 2, 1.46; Diodoros 15.72.4; Pausanias 8.27.1-8; Xenophon Hellenika 6.5.11; 13; 15; 17. Could these actions have supported the minting of the Orchomenian coinage?
81 There exists an account by Theophrastus of Eresos in his work De lapidibus 5.32; according to him, the Orchomenians specialised in producing mirrors made of a black stone called ἀνθράκιον. This could suggest the existence of a small local industry in the region.
82 Pausanias 8.27.4.
Notes de fin
1 This article is a revised version of a paper presented at the “The Coins of the Peloponnese” conference held in Argos in May 2011. I would like to thank the organisers of the conference for allowing me to present the Orchomenian coins, which are only a part of my PhD thesis on Orchomenos. I owe much to the following persons and institutions for providing me with photographs and informations on the coins: Dr E. Apostolou and A. Nikolakopoulou from the Numismatic Museum in Athens; Prof. Dr B. Weisser, R. Saczewski and T. Stingl from the Münzkabinett Berlin; Dr K. Wenger, H. Flynn and A. Dowler from the British Museum in London; R. Schaub and H. Stotz from LHS Numismatic AG. Furthermore, I would like to express my gratitude to K. Anagnostopoulos (Athens), O. Gülck (Ladenburg), Dr S. Kremydi (Athens), Dr E. Papaefthymiou (Athens) and V. Tsichlis (Athens) for comments and discussions on the Orchomenian coins.
Auteur
PhD student, Winckelmann Institute, Humboldt University of Berlin.
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