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Les hippodromes et les concours hippiques dans la grèce antique

 | 
Jean-Charles Moretti
, 
Panos Valavanis

Vainqueurs, dédicaces et politique

Ἑρµῆς Ἵππιος. Hermes and his association with horses

Martin Schäfer

Résumé

Among the lesser known characteristics of the god Hermes is that of protector of horses and horsemen, a particular feature that is evident in some written, mostly literary sources. However, in an inscription of the 2nd century BC, a sacred calendar of the city of Erythrai, the god is mentioned with the epithet ‘ Ίππιος. In the same city he is also known as ‘Αρµατεύς, i.e. charioteer of a war or race chariot.
Numerous representations of chariots accompanied by Hermes are known on Athenian black and red figure vases. In these, Hermes is usually interpreted as the escort-conductor (Προποµπός) of the chariot. He is depicted less often with ridden horses but is sometimes unequivocally associated with equestrian contests as lord of the games (’Εναγώνιος). Although it seems that Hermes with the epithet Ἵππιος is so far only known from the Ionian city of Erythrai, some representations of Attic art, mostly on vases, but also on the west pediment of the Parthenon, as well as other evidence, such as the personal name Ἕρµιππος, may document a wider association with horses –beyond racing– for Athens. Literary and epigraphic sources demonstrate that in the Classical and Hellenistic periods Hermes was of particular importance to the Athenian cavalry, and especially to its commanders and officers. This is reflected in the northwest corner of the Agora of Athens, the area known as Ἑρµαῖ, which, according to finds and written evidence, was directly related to the cavalry. In this area evidence of the worship of this god can be found at the altar of Hermes Agoraios.

Texte intégral

For their assistance I would like to thank most warmly U. Visyinou, M. Lipka, K. Papoutsis, V. Antoniadis, J. Heiden, St. Fritzilas, N. Malagardi, A. Kouveli and especially E. Vikela for the translation of the text into Greek. I am also grateful to N. Wardle for the translation of the text into English.

  • 1 See Eitrem 1913, cols. 757-759, 775-776.
  • 2 Scherer 1886-1890, cols. 2377-2379; Eitrem 1913, cols. 757-759, 775-776; Chittenden 1947; Herter 19 (...)
  • 3 For Poseidon Hippios see Graf 1985, pp. 171-172; Mylonopoulos 2003, esp. pp. 365-369, 381-382, 398, (...)

1It is well known that Hermes, besides his other responsibilities, was associated with agricultural life,1 mostly with pastoral activity. It is thus no surprise that he also had animals under his jurisdiction.2 Less evident in written sources is his relationship with horses, in contrast to that with flocks and wild animals. Poseidon Hippios and Athena Hippia are generally recognised as the pre-eminent patrons of horses and riders.3

  • 4 An exception is Siebert 1990, pp. 380-381, who notes this relationship, in reference to scenes of t (...)

2In consequence, and for that reason, attention has not yet been given to any great degree to researching the special link between Hermes and horses,4 even though it is specifically recognisable in Athens.

  • 5 Ed. West 2003, p. 158. See also the comments in Vergados 2013, pp. 578-579.

3In written sources, the responsibility of Hermes for horses is not very evident and frequently appears to be incidental. Thus in the Homeric hymn to Hermes (567-568) Apollo mentions that Zeus gave his son Hermes authority over different types of animals, and in addition to this the care of horses and mules.5

  • 6 For this epithet see Scherer 1886-1890, cols. 2384-2386; Bruchmann 1893, s.v. “Ἀργειφόντης” pp. 104 (...)
  • 7 Ed. West 2003, p. 62.

4In the Homeric hymn to Demeter (375-388) Hermes, who is characterised as Ἀργειφόντης,6 acts as a charioteer. He transports Persephone in Hades’ chariot (πολυσηµάντωρ Ἀιδονεύς) drawn by immortal horses and he guides them swiftly over the sea and the rivers, the verdant gorges and the mountain peaks, parting the strong winds to reach the temple of Demeter, where the goddess awaits them.7

  • 8 Siebert 1990, p. 287. Homer, Iliad 24.442: … ἐν δ᾿ ἔπνευσ᾿ ἵπποισι καὶ ἡµιόνοις µένος ἠύ (ed. Murra (...)
  • 9 Davies M., Finglass 2014, p. 99 no. 2a. Based on the restored reading by Bergk 1914, p. 205 (Stesic (...)

5Already in the Iliad (24.440-442 and 690-691)8 Hermes harnesses horses, as well as mules, to Priam’s chariot and directs them. He is further characterised as a προποµπός, a guide (Iliad 24.461). According to the passage, which in the Great Etymological Dictionary is attributed to the Ἆθλα ἐπὶ Πελίαι by Stesichorus, an Archaic poet from Sicily, Hermes gave the Dioscuri the horses Phlogeus and Harpagos, the swiftest children of the Harpy Podarge, for their chariot, while Hera, whose epithet Hippia denoted a special relationship with horses, gave them the horses Xanthos and Kyllaros.9

  • 10 Race 1997, p. 140. For Hermes Agonios/Enagonios at Athens see Rückert 1998, pp. 135-139.

6In Isthmian I (ll. 60-63) Pindar praises the victory of Herodotus of Thebes in a chariot race and names Hermes Agonios (lord of the games) as the sponsor of his numerous victories.10

  • 11 Commentary on Apollonius Rhodius, 1.752 (Wendel 1935, p. 65 [752-58 a]), and Hyginus, Fabulae 224.5 (...)
  • 12 Graf 1985, p. 272. On Myrtilos see Heinze 2000, col. 606.

7According, therefore, to literary sources Hermes was particularly associated with chariots and with draft horses. This can also be inferred from another myth, which connects him with Olympia. According to a version preserved in later authors,11 Hermes was the father of Myrtilos, the charioteer who helped Pelops to win the hand of Hippodameia, the daughter of Oenomaus.12

  • 13 Since the deities, who had altars in the hippodrome, were frequently associated with horses –e.g. t (...)
  • 14 IK II, pp. 347-350 no. 207 (between 189 and ca. 150 BC) pl. 38; see also Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 19 (...)

8This myth tangibly echoes the god’s relationship with horses as well as the reference to a cult in his honour, as confirmed in various places. Thus, at the starting line of the hippodrome at Olympia, Pausanias (5.15.5) mentions, amongst other altars, one dedicated to Hermes. In any case, while for the other deities, Poseidon, Ares, Hera and Athena, to whom there were also altars, he gives the epithets Hippios or Hippia (Pausanias, 5.15.5-6), the same does not apply to Hermes.13 However, this epithet is evidenced in the city of Erythrai: Hermes Hippios is mentioned in a sacred calendar from the first half of the 2nd century BC, where the sacrifices of animals for the different cults are catalogued:14

  • 15 Graf 1985, p. 171; IK II 348 (birthday of Hermes).
  • 16 Graf 1985, pp. 172, 271.
  • 17 Graf 1985, p. 172.

9Hermes Hippios is mentioned on the fourth day of the sacred calendar, l. 2, between Apollo Apotropaios and Poseidon Hippios. To Hermes, as to Apollo, a lamb (γαλαθηνόν) is sacrificed. The main sacrifice, however, of a sheep (τέλειον), which was three times more expensive, belongs to Poseidon. The joint reference to Poseidon Hippios and Hermes Hippios, as well as the fact that on the fourth day of every month they generally made a sacrifice to Hermes,15 led Fr. Graf to suggest that an equestrian race followed, a festival for riders, during which the lord of the horses, Poseidon, and the god of games, Hermes, were jointly honoured. Apollo Apotropaios complements them, and by warding off evil, offered protection during the dangerous competition.16 At the same time, Hermes appears elsewhere in the same inscription as Agoraios (l. 92). So far, however, the god has not been given the epithet Hippios in any other testimony.17

  • 18 IK II 324 in no. 201 (d, l. 31) pl. 32.

10It is also known from Erythrai that Hermes was worshipped as Πύλιος ‘Αρµατεύς, which has been interpreted as the charioteer of a synoris. The reference is provided by an inscription dating between 300 and 260 BC, which relates to a sale of priesthoods.18

11This role of Hermes in relation to horses is also evident in other places, especially in Athens, as will be shown below.

The worship of Hermes in the Ancient Agora of Athens

  • 19 Harpocration, s.v. “Ἑρµαῖ” (Wycherley 1957, pp. 105-106 no. 305); see also Suda, s.v. “Ἑρµαῖ”. For (...)

12The relationship of Hermes with horses is evident especially in the centre of Athens, specifically the northwest side of the Agora, where through this aspect of his identity he played a role, since there is a proliferation here of monuments associated with the cavalry (fig. 1). In the Classical and Hellenistic periods this area, between the Stoa Poikile and the Royal Stoa, was named by ancient authors, and also in inscriptions, the herms; i.e. it was called οἱ Ἑρµαῖ. As is well known, it was here that private citizens and officials set up many herms, after their introduction in large numbers throughout Attica by the tyrant Hipparchos around 520 BC, an event to which Harpocration refers s.v. “Ἑρµαῖ”.19

Fig. 1 — Athens, northwest side of the Ancient Agora, ca. 400 BC.

Fig. 1 — Athens, northwest side of the Ancient Agora, ca. 400 BC.

Reproduced from Camp 2010, fig. 4, courtesy of the Agora Excavations, American School of Classical Studies at Athens.

  • 20 Aeschines, 3.183; Plutarch, Cimon 7.3-5; 8.1 (Wycherley 1957, pp. 103-105 no. 301; p. 107 no. 309); (...)
  • 21 Rückert 1998, pp. 94-95. “The herms” were included among the sanctuaries of the Agora: see Rückert  (...)
  • 22 Herter 1976, p. 208. For the altar see also R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, pp. 1051-105 (...)

13Amongst the votive hermaic stele of Attica, the existence of herms in the north western area of the Agora is of great significance, not only on account of the great number of them, but also because several of them mark political-historical events. The best known are those of the three generals, including Cimon, which were erected to mark the victory over the Persians at Eion in 476/5 BC.20 The herms were for public display and marked the principal entrances. In the area of the Agora particularly, according to J. Camp, they were intended to denote, with the greatest possible emphasis, the main thoroughfare into the public areas, i.e. the Panathenaic Way with its starting point at the Dipylon gate. According to B. Rückert they were “simultaneously markers of the integrity of the political order” and of “special political interest”. They defined the Agora with its “central institutions of the democratic state […] and symbolised the power of the state and of the democracy”.21 This role is supported by the fact that not far from them, i.e. further to the south, but still in the northern area of the Agora, was the Altar of the 12 gods, established by Peisistratus the Younger in 522/1 BC, which represented the actual centre of Athens: from this point were measured all the distances by means of the herms that had been erected by Hipparchus, starting from the centre of every deme22.

  • 23 Wycherley 1957, p. 105 no. 303.
  • 24 Rückert 1998, pp. 88, 122-123.

14According to written sources and archaeological finds the north western area of the Agora was closely associated with the Athenian cavalry. According to Athenaeus (9.402f.) and the description by the poet Mnesimachos in his work Ἱππoτρόφος, it was here that the Phylarchs and the new recruits frequently practiced mounting and dismounting their horses23. From this passage it follows that it was here that the basic training of the new cavalry recruits took place; therefore, it was the exercise area for the cavalry. According to Xenophon’s Ἱππαρχικός (3.2-4), during processions the cavalry had to ride in a circle around the sanctuaries and statues of the Agora with the herms as a starting and finishing point, and then, grouped by tribe, ride at a fast gallop to the Eleusinion, in order that both gods and mortals should rejoice.24 Athenaeus (4.64 [167]) mentions that, according to Hegesandros (2nd century BC), Demetrios, grandson of Demetrios of Phaleron, when he was the Hipparch responsible for the Panathenaia, set up a wooden platform for his hetaira Aristagora, so that she could have perhaps a good view of the cavalry display.

  • 25 For the Stoa of the Herms (also called the “Thracian Stoa”) see Wycherley 1957, pp. 104-105 (no. 30 (...)

15The honorific decrees of the cavalry and its officers were erected at least from the early Hellenistic period in the Stoa of the Herms, which is mentioned for the first time by Antiphon in 425 BC, or a little earlier, according to Harpocration s.v. “Ἑρµαῖ”, but which has not yet been discovered.25

  • 26 E.g. Di Cesare 2012, pp. 141, 144-147 fig. 1; R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, pp. 947, 9 (...)
  • 27 Robertson N. 1999, pp. 171-172.
  • 28 For the Hipparcheion see Habicht 1961, pp. 138-141; F. Longo, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, pp. 875, (...)
  • 29 Camp 1998, p. 38.
  • 30 Camp 2010, p. 108; Tillios 2010, pp. 55-58, 63, 64, 87.
  • 31 See Camp 1998, pp. 31-38; Tillios 2010, pp. 53-54, 64; R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, p (...)
  • 32 See R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, p. 947.

16The Stoa of the Herms, whether located west of the building which has been generally identified as the Stoa Poikile, or –as several scholars believe– is the same building26 or even the Stoa Basileios,27 must have been situated in the northwest corner of the Agora. The Hipparcheion must also have been located here, since, among other finds, lead tablets from the archive of the cavalry, which will be mentioned further below, were discovered across the wider area.28 In any case, the area in the north west of the Agora, as Camp demonstrated, “was the focal point of activity for the Athenian cavalry within the city”29 and was at the same time its place of display. This is reflected in the accumulation of finds which relate to the cavalry in the area between the Royal Stoa and the Stoa Poikile. Thus many votive offerings that are associated with victories in the Anthippasia came to light,30 but also other finds which are related to the cavalry.31 Numerous inscribed Classical and Hellenistic stelai from the same area are the honorific or dedicatory stelai of Hipparchs and Phylarchs, on which it is frequently mentioned that they were erected εἰς τὴν στοὰν τῶν Ἑρµῶν or πρὸς τοῖς Ἑρµαῖς.32

  • 33 See also Lucianus JTr. 33. For Hermes Agoraios in Athens see Pervanoglu 1868; Scherer 1886-1890, co (...)
  • 34 See Camp 1986, pp. 164-165 figs. 135-138; Gawlinski 2014, p. 155 fig. 94, who interprets it as a st (...)

17According to Pausanias (1.15.1) there was a bronze statue of Hermes Agoraios33 in the same area, not far from the Stoa Poikile, as well as a monument marking the victory of the Athenian cavalry over Pleistarchos, brother of Cassander. The configuration of the gate to the west and its direct relation to (according to the prevailing view) the so-called Stoa Poikile in the north corner of the Agora, suggests it could be the gate with which several scholars associate the remains of a gilded statue of a horseman.34

  • 35 Habicht 1961, pp. 136, 138. Rückert 1998, pp. 122-123, stresses that cavalry parades were particula (...)
  • 36 See recently also Mikalson 2016, p. 223.
  • 37 Osanna 1992, p. 220; Rückert 1998, p. 107 n. 366; Osanna 1999, p. 495.

18The literary sources cited above, as well as the density of relevant finds in the north-west corner of the Agora, make it clear –as Chr. Habicht observes– that “there were close ties between the herms and the cavalry, as well as its officers”.35 It is possible to suggest that here Hermes was worshipped by members of the cavalry36, which can be demonstrated from the following: Pseudo-Plutarch (Vit. dec. orat. 844b [Dem.]) states that Kallistratos, son of Empedos, who had served in the cavalry as Hipparch, dedicated the altar in honour of Hermes Agoraios. This donor has been identified as the hipparch Kallistratos, son of Empedos, who died heroically during the Sicilian expedition.37

  • 38 3rd Ephorate, inventory no. M 3118: IG II/III3 4, 1, 327 pl. 46.

19Other direct evidence for the worship of Hermes by the officers of the cavalry is provided by two dedications made by Phylarchs from the 3rd century BC, which at the same time testify that this link was not confined to the area of the Agora. One consists of a tall marble stele, which, according to its inscription, was dedicated to Hermes by the Phylarch Thebaios, son of Lysiades of the deme of Alopeke. It was found in secondary use during excavations in the Academy of Plato close to Lenormant Street.38

20In relation to this find we should recall the reference made by Xenophon (Ἱππαρχικός 3.1), that cavalry parades did not take place only at the Lykeion, at Phaleron and in the hippodrome, but also at the Academy. These parades had to be as splendid as possible, the responsibility for which was amongst the other duties of the Hipparch.

  • 39 Traill 1986, p. 81 n. 7, pl. 6; IG II/III3 4, 1, 328 pl. 46. According to J.S. Traill the deme of t (...)

21Another dedication, probably the base of an hermaic stele in Hymettan marble, made to Hermes by the Phylarch of the Leontidas tribe, who was possibly called Euxitheos, was found west of the Daphni monastery.39 This offering could demonstrate that herms held a special significance for officers in the cavalry or cavalrymen in general.

  • 40 Braun 1970; Kroll 1977; Camp 1998, p. 37 fig. 51 a-b. Two were found in recent excavations in the w (...)
  • 41 Braun 1970, p. 217 no. 240 fig. 6; p. 258 Z 18 pl. 85, 7.
  • 42 See Braun 1970, pp. 256-267.
  • 43 Kroll 1977, pp. 86, 88; Braun 1970, p. 259 (Z 18), 266. For other interpretations see Braun 1970, p (...)

22In this context, the lead tablets dating from the 4th to the 3rd centuries BC from the archive of the cavalry in the Hipparcheion should be mentioned. These were found in a well in the north-west area of the Agora, and in another near the Dipylon gate.40 They were used for the valuation of the horses of the cavalry and they were determined on the basis of the condition, i.e. the value (for possible compensation) in money, which the city would loan to each newly mustered rider. On the front was inscribed the name of the owner of the horse, on the back the colour and the brand of the horse, usually in the form of an inscribed symbol or a letter, as well as its current monetary value. An example of such a tablet is that of Hierokleides from the well near the Dipylon gate, on which besides the name ΙΕΡΟΚΛΙ on the front, is the term Π]υ̣ΡΡΟΣ, i.e. the colour chestnut or red, and ΚΗΡΥΚ⋮[ΕΙΟΝ], as well as the price Η (fig. 2)41. It is interesting that on several tablets the abbreviated term for a caduceus is used as the brand. Some symbols relate to deities also associated with riding, such as the trident of Poseidon Hippios, others depict deities such as Nikai or heads of Athena, presumably indicating Athena Hippia. At the same time there are also symbols which denote deities or heroes with no direct relation to the equestrian sphere, such as a lightning bolt, a lyre, a helmet, a club, animals such as lions or birds.42 It is generally believed that these symbols were used to denote the provenance or breeding of the horse, rather than its owner.43

Fig. 2 — Lead tablet of Hierokleides from the well near the Dipylon gate, Athens, Kerameikos.

Fig. 2 — Lead tablet of Hierokleides from the well near the Dipylon gate, Athens, Kerameikos.

Reproduced from Braun 1970, pl. 85, 7; photographer: J. Höfer, courtesy of the German Archaeological Institute at Athens.

  • 44 Braun 1970, pp. 258-259 Z 18; 267. For the brand in general see Kroll 1977, pp. 86-88 and St. Fritz (...)
  • 45 Braun 1970, p. 265. The speed of the horse is also symbolised according to Borgeaud 1988, p. 135.
  • 46 Braun 1970, p. 267.
  • 47 Acropolis Museum NA 57 Aa 1154: ARV   2 1013, 12; Tsoni-Kyrkou 1988, pp. 226-230, pll. 41-43 (brand (...)

23On Attic vases, in scenes from a little later than the middle of the 6th century to the early 4th century BC, the caduceus appears on horses, and is one of the most popular horse brands.44 K. Braun suggests that “the caduceus extolls the speed and reliability” of a particular horse,45 and that in the iconography of Attic vases it “formed the most recognisable symbol of greatest ability in combination with the best breeding”.46 The caduceus appears on horses depicted on black figure and red figure vases, such as the scene on the fragmentary loutrophoros by the Persephone Painter, from ca. 450 BC, with the four-horse wedding chariot of Herakles and Hebe, accompanied by Apollo and, obviously, Hermes in front of the horses. The caduceus symbol is depicted horizontally on the rump of the lead horse (fig. 3).47

Fig. 3 — Loutrophoros by the Persephone painter, Acropolis Museum Na 57 Aa 1154.

Fig. 3 — Loutrophoros by the Persephone painter, Acropolis Museum Na 57 Aa 1154.

DAI Inst. Neg. 1983/ 555, photographer: G. Hellner; photo courtesy of the German Archaeological Institute at Athens and the Acropolis Museum.

  • 48 IG II2 895, l. 5 = IG II/III3 1281, l. 40; see also Habicht 1961, p. 140. For the Hermaia see Eitre (...)

24From the evidence set out above it is clear that the Attic cavalry, especially its officers, Phylarchs and Hipparchs, had a special relationship with Hermes, obviously a cultic one also. Furthermore, the Hipparchs took part in the equestrian games in honour of the god: an honorific decree for a Hipparch from 187/6 BC mentions the Hermaia, during which equestrian games were also celebrated.48

Personal names which reference cult

  • 49 LGPN 2, s.v. “Ἕρµιππος”, p. 158. – LGPN 2, s.v. “Ποσείδιππος”, p. 377. For names which are compound (...)
  • 50 LGPN 5A, s.v. “Ἕρµιππος”, p. 165. For compounds including a divine name in general see Parker 2000.

25References which are associated with Hermes and the cavalry also come from Attic prosopography. For example, formed in the same way as the name Ποσείδιππος is Ἕρµιππος, which occurs at least from the 5th century BC up to the late Hellenistic period. About 20 individuals with this name are known and more than 40 with the name Ποσείδιππος,49 which demonstrates the stronger influence of Poseidon in the equestrian world. The name Ἕρµιππος is found in other areas of Greece, particularly in Ionia.50

Hermes with horses in Attic art

26The relationship between Hermes, horses and chariots is also demonstrated in Archaic and Classical Attic art, as will be shown below.

  • 51 Figure H (British Museum + Acropolis Museum 5676): Despinis 1982, pp. 7-8 no. 1.8; p. 9 pll. 7-11; (...)
  • 52 Pausanias, 1.27.1. Zanker 1965, p. 69; Siebert 1990, p. 295 no. 8 a. – On the theme generally of th (...)

27The presence of Hermes on the Parthenon is of special significance, because he appears on the monument in a prominent position. On the west pediment the god is represented beside Athena’s chariot, which is led by Nike, balancing the figure of the messenger Iris who is to be found beside Poseidon’s chariot.51 Hermes is shown, therefore, alongside the principal deities of the pedimental composition, who both –in the competition for the patronage of Attica– reflect by their manner of representation their bond with horses, something which clearly also applies to Hermes. The association of Hermes and Athena comes as no surprise since he had long been worshipped alongside the goddess: an ancient wooden statue of him was located in the temple of Athena Polias on the Acropolis.52

  • 53 Athens, National Archaeological Museum 1783: Wulfmeier 2005, pp. 61-63, 128-131 WR 19; Despinis 201 (...)
  • 54 See the statement by A. Matthaiou in this volume pp. 64-67. For the location of the sanctuary see a (...)
  • 55 See Manakidou 1994, p. 169.
  • 56 See Vikela 2015, p. 87 pl. 27.

28The god appears also in front of a chariot of the local heroes, Echelos and Iasile, on the main side of a double-sided relief from Neo Faliro, which was, according to the accompanying inscriptions on both sides, dedicated to him (and to the Nymphs).53 This scene is of particular importance as the relief was found in the Sanctuary of Kephisos in Neo Faliro, close to the site of the hippodrome.54 Thus Hermes, who appears only on one side of the double-sided relief, emphasises iconographically his special relationship with the hippodrome and local equestrian games and particularly with chariot races, a relationship which already appears in scenes on Attic black figure vases.55 The Nymphs, along with other, mostly local deities are part of a more static scene on the reverse.56

  • 57 Manakidou 1994, p. 142 n. 150; p. 158 nos. 48-54; p. 159 nos. 56-62; pp. 165, 166; Malagardis 2014, (...)
  • 58 Siebert 1990, pp. 287, 322-324 nos. 409-451, believes implausibly, that the Hermes propompos acted (...)

29Vase painting is the richest source of scenes of Hermes with horses. In general Hermes is rarely absent from scenes of chariots with Athena and other gods on black figure vases.57. His presence is easily explained at first glance by his role as the one who leads the chariot, the procession etc. (προποµπός).58

  • 59 Madrid, Museo Arqueologico Nacional 10919: ABV, p. 247, 92; Addenda2, p. 64; CVA Madrid, Musée Arch (...)
  • 60 For Hermes’ nebris see Harden 2015, pp. 263-266, 268.
  • 61 Scherer 1886-1890, col. 2402, believes that the sword generally represents his identity as a god of (...)
  • 62 See Eitrem 1913, col. 760.

30In a scene on a black figure hydria in the Archaeological Museum in Madrid, ca. 530 (fig. 4),59 the god is depicted –something which occurs rarely– at the moment of stepping into a chariot: he is equipped with his petasos, nebris,60 winged boots, sword61 and long staff 62, but without the caduceus, while a female figure holding a spear –perhaps Athena– stands near the chariot and in front, opposite the chariot, is a seated warrior, possibly Ares.

Fig. 4 — Hydria, Madrid, Museo Arqueológico Nacional 10919.

Fig. 4 — Hydria, Madrid, Museo Arqueológico Nacional 10919.

Photographer: Á. Martínez Levas; photo 10919-ID006 courtesy of the Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid.

31In contrast with the many scenes of Hermes beside a chariot, it is relatively rare in vase painting for him to be depicted close to a single or ridden horse. These representations can be classified into three different categories:

321. Scenes of Hermes and horsemen or horses on their own.

332. Scenes with one or more hermaic stelai and horsemen.

343. Vases with several decorative zones, in one of which, at least, is depicted one (or several) horsemen, while in another Hermes is depicted without horsemen present.

  • 63 Auktion 51 (Basel, Münzen und Medaillen AG), 14.-15. März 1975, no. 126 pl. 24; Moore 1971, p. 98 n (...)

35An example of the first category, with Hermes beside horsemen or horses without their riders, is the scene on the back of a black figure neck-amphora from the antiquities market, dated to around 530 BC (fig. 5a-b).63 It depicts a young, beardless male figure on the left, behind a horse who holds the reins of the animal in his left hand (fig. 5a). He wears a chlamys, petasos and winged boots: despite the two spears in his left hand in addition to the reins, he can obviously be identified as Hermes. To the right is a naked youth, perhaps the rider who is receiving the horse, and a boy wearing a himation. On the front of the vase is a scene with the rape of Dianeira by Nessos in the presence of Herakles, the other principal divine patron of athletes, apart from Hermes.

Fig. 5 a, b — Neck amphora, antiquities market.

Fig. 5 a, b — Neck amphora, antiquities market.

Reproduced from Auktion 51, Basel, Münzen und Medaillen AG, 14.-15. März 1975, no. 126, pl. 24).

  • 64 Leiden, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden PC 62 (from Vulci, Ex Canino 314): ABV, p. 426, 3; Addenda2, p. 11 (...)

36On a black figure oinochoe of the “Keyside Class” in Leiden from 520-510 BC (fig. 6)64 we again see a single horse which Hermes on the left, who turns back towards the horse, holds by the reins. He wears winged boots and holds two spears. To the right, in the opposite pose to the figure of the god, and similar in appearance, is perhaps the owner of the horse. The god is also differentiated from him by the round brooch on his chest which fastens his chlamys.

Fig. 6 — Oinochoe of the Keyside Class, Leiden, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden PC 62.

Fig. 6 — Oinochoe of the Keyside Class, Leiden, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden PC 62.

Photo courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden, NL.

  • 65 Paris, Louvre F 19 (formerly the Campana Collection): ABV, pp. 241, 28; Addenda2, p. 61; Mommsen 19 (...)

37On the rear side of a neck-amphora in the Louvre, the work of the Affecter Painter, from about twenty years earlier,65 Hermes is depicted in front of a mounted horseman and also a riderless horse. In this composition are depicted on the left a figure wearing a himation, an approaching hoplite –for whom, hypothetically, the second horse was destined– and Poseidon with fish and trident. In the centre is a bearded horseman wearing a short chiton and carrying two spears. To the right and facing right is Hermes with his winged boots and caduceus, turned, however, back towards the horseman. On the right edge and facing left is a himation-wearing figure carrying a spear.

  • 66 Roma, Musei Capitolini 51: CVA Musei Capitolini di Roma 1, III J pl. 44, 1-2; ABV, p. 525, 10; Beaz (...)
  • 67 Rückert 1998, pp. 199-202, see also Kossatz-Deissmann 2005, p. 398. A group of three herms usually (...)

38A white-ground black figure oinochoe of the “Sèvres Class”, dating to 500-490 BC, in the Capitoline Museum,66 can be considered an example of the second category (scenes with one or more hermaic stelai and one or more horsemen). In front of an ithyphallic hermaic stele, moving towards the right, is a young, naked horseman with two spears, accompanied by a dog. The inscription is impossible to make out. In several scenes with herms in vase painting, a specific topographical reference can be inferred, as in the indication of the area of the Herms in the Ancient Agora, especially when there is more than one hermaic stele in the same scene.67 In this example, with only a single hermaic stele, the reference is completely theoretical.

  • 68 Athens, National Archaeological Museum inv. 530 (from Corinth): ABV, p. 54, 57 (C Painter); CVA Ath (...)
  • 69 Scherer 1886-1890, cols. 2367-2368; Eitrem 1913, col. 778; Harden 2015, p. 265 and n. 22.

39An early example of the third category, vases on which Hermes is depicted in one zone and a scene of horsemen in another, is provided by a Siana cup, ca. 560 BC, by the Taras Painter in the National Archaeological Museum in Athens.68 While young horsemen galloping to the left are depicted on the two outer faces, in the interior of the cup is Hermes with winged boots and holding his caduceus in his left hand, running in the same direction. The speed and power69 of Hermes known from mythology (a typical passage is mentioned above from the Homeric hymn to Demeter) appears here to equate to the parallel momentum of the horsemen.

  • 70 London BM 1849.11-22.1 (B 144, from Vulci): ABV, p. 307, 59; Addenda2, p. 82; CVA British Museum 1, (...)
  • 71 E.g. Zanker 1965, p. 69; Shapiro 1989, p. 32 pl. 12 a. Interpretation as Zeus: see Kefalidou 1996, (...)
  • 72 Immerwahr H. R. 1990, p. 57 no. 298 pl. 15, 70.
  • 73 Shapiro 1989, p. 32; Valavanis 2009, p. 301.

40The decorative theme of a Panathenaic amphora in the British Museum in London, is associated with equestrian games and is perhaps the work of the Swing Painter (J.D. Beazley) or the circle of the Princeton Painter (E. Böhr), dating to around 530 BC.70 On the front (A) Hermes is depicted facing right with his left hand raised in greeting, while towards the left is Athena, and a bearded figure with a long robe and staff (or spear), which either represents Zeus or Dysneiketos, the owner of the winning horse, who is named on the other side (Β).71 The composition on side Β consists of a naked young man with a tripod who holds in his extended left hand a wreath, clearly another sign of victory, a young horseman in a short chiton, and in front a bearded figure with a long robe. To the right of the last figure is the inscription Δυ(σ)νεικέτ(ο)υ ἵπ(π)ος νικᾶι,72 perhaps indicating a herald or Dysneiketos himself. Although it is doubted by some scholars, it is very likely that this scene relates to a victory in the Panathenaia.73

  • 74 Nadal 2005, p. 112 figs. 1; 2 a; p. 124 fig. 9; p. 124 fig. 10 a-b (Apulian). Stating the opposite: (...)

41Hermes then, is frequently depicted in scenes with chariots, in contrast to scenes where there are individual horses or horsemen, where he appears rarely. This fact is not, however, an argument against his responsibility for cavalry, because the same applies to Poseidon Hippios: he is only rarely depicted in Attic vase painting with a ridden horse, which, in most cases, he is riding himself.74

Conclusions

42The literary sources clearly refer to a special relationship between Hermes and horses, where on most occasions he is either associated with a chariot or acts as charioteer.

  • 75 See also Tillios 2010, p. 64.
  • 76 Tillios 2010, p. 64, believes that monuments for victory in the Anthippasia, a contest which was he (...)

43Hermes with the epithet Ἵππιος is testified to only once, namely in Ionia at Erythrai, during the Hellenistic period. There is no testimony in Athens for the cult of the god with this epithet, although in his role as lord of horses and horsemen, it appears that he was worshipped by members of the cavalry in particular. This is documented not only by the votive offerings and finds in the north-west area of the Agora, an area known as the Herms, but also at other places outside the city. It should not escape our notice that obviously until now no equestrian victory dedication from the Agora mentions Hermes explicitly as the recipient.75 Therefore, no one should automatically assign all the relevant monuments to him.76 The main reason for setting up those monuments in this area must, therefore, not necessarily be sought in a cult of Hermes, but perhaps relates to the prominent position of this space. There is only one direct testimony for the worship of Hermes in the north western area of the Agora by members of the cavalry, and it specifically relates to the dedication of an altar in the 5th century BC by the Hipparch Kallistratos, in front of the statue of Hermes Agoraios. Consequently, the references in Xenophon (ππαρχικός 1.1-2; 3.1), to the Hipparch’s devotional duties, sacrifices to the gods, must also have been directed to Hermes, since they were celebrated at the altar of Hermes Agoraios.

44Additional information concerning the responsibility of the god, particularly over horses and their riders, comes from the names and the scenes primarily on black figure vases. Inscriptions and other archaeological evidence shows that in Attica Hermes also had a connection with equestrian games, particularly chariot races. As Ἐναγώνιος or Ἀγώνιος he was the patron not only of athletic but also equestrian games.

45Even though the references to horses spread beyond Attica to other regions such as Ionia, one should not consider Hermes as the sole “master” of the horse. He should much rather be classed as one amongst other deities responsible for the equestrian world, including, especially in Athens, the most important deities Poseidon Hippios and Athena Hippia.

Notes

1 See Eitrem 1913, cols. 757-759, 775-776.

2 Scherer 1886-1890, cols. 2377-2379; Eitrem 1913, cols. 757-759, 775-776; Chittenden 1947; Herter 1976, pp. 224-225, 239; Vernant 1983, p. 152; Simon E. 1998, pp. 258-259; Burkert 2011, pp. 243-244. Chittenden’s view (Chittenden 1947), that Hermes functioned as a “master of animals” in the early period (following by Siebert 1990, p. 380), has usually rightly been rejected by research: e.g. Herter 1976, p. 225; Simon E. 1998, p. 259 and n. 10; cautiously Thomsen 2011, p. 274.

3 For Poseidon Hippios see Graf 1985, pp. 171-172; Mylonopoulos 2003, esp. pp. 365-369, 381-382, 398, 405-406, 412, 438, 439; Nadal 2005; Mikalson 2005, pp. 33-34, 46, 57, 119; Burkert 2011, pp. 215-217; Meyer 2017, p. 303. For the association of Poseidon Hippios with the Athenian cavalry and relevant scenes in Attic vase-painting see Nadal 2005, pp. 115-124. For Poseidon Hippios in iconography see also Manakidou 1994, p. 151; Schäfer 2002, p. 73 n. 423; pp. 130-131 and nn. 728-729; p. 133 and n. 748; pp. 135-136; pp. 156-157 and nn. 915-917; p. 181 and n. 1044; pp. 202, 205 and n. 1182; pp. 212, 222; Meyer 2017, pp. 400-402, 404-405. For Athena Hippia see Mikalson 2005; Nadal 2005, p. 113 and n. 28 (bibliography); Meyer 2017, p. 303. For Athena Hippia in Attic art see Schäfer 2002, pp. 58, 156-157, 165, 176-177, 205 and n. 1181; pp. 212, 216-217, 222; Vlassopoulou 2003, pp. 36, 37-38, 44-50, 68-71; Meyer 2017, pp. 174, 401-402.

4 An exception is Siebert 1990, pp. 380-381, who notes this relationship, in reference to scenes of the god with horses harnessed to chariots; see also Alexandridou 2011, p. 19.

5 Ed. West 2003, p. 158. See also the comments in Vergados 2013, pp. 578-579.

6 For this epithet see Scherer 1886-1890, cols. 2384-2386; Bruchmann 1893, s.v. “Ἀργειφόντης” pp. 104-105; Karayorga-Stathakopoulou 2002, pp. 240-242; Faulkner 2008, p. 194.

7 Ed. West 2003, p. 62.

8 Siebert 1990, p. 287. Homer, Iliad 24.442: … ἐν δ᾿ ἔπνευσ᾿ ἵπποισι καὶ ἡµιόνοις µένος ἠύ (ed. Murray 1999, p. 594). – Homer, Iliad 24.690-691: τοῖσιν δ’ Ἑρµείας ζεῦξ’ ἵππους ἡµιόνους τε, / ῥίµφα δ’ ἄρ’ αὐτὸς ἔλαυνε κατὰ στρατόν… (ed. Murray 1999, p. 614).

9 Davies M., Finglass 2014, p. 99 no. 2a. Based on the restored reading by Bergk 1914, p. 205 (Stesichorus fr. 1 D).

10 Race 1997, p. 140. For Hermes Agonios/Enagonios at Athens see Rückert 1998, pp. 135-139.

11 Commentary on Apollonius Rhodius, 1.752 (Wendel 1935, p. 65 [752-58 a]), and Hyginus, Fabulae 224.5 (Marshall P. K. 1993, p. 174). – In the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite (210-213), in agreement with Olson 2012, pp. 240-241 (comments on ll. 210-211 and 212-214), he perceives also a responsibility for chariot horses.

12 Graf 1985, p. 272. On Myrtilos see Heinze 2000, col. 606.

13 Since the deities, who had altars in the hippodrome, were frequently associated with horses –e.g. the Dioscuri (Pausanias, 5.15.5-6)–, this special role could here also have been attributed to Hermes. Thus some suggest (see Gropengiesser 1988, p. 125; Mylonopoulos 2003, p. 139), that the altar of Artemis at the hippodrome, to which Pausanias, 5.15.6-7, refers, was the same as an altar of Roman Imperial date, which was found to the south of the “Villa of Nero” and bears an inscription to Artemis Hippia or Hippike.

14 IK II, pp. 347-350 no. 207 (between 189 and ca. 150 BC) pl. 38; see also Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1909, pp. 48-56 no. 12; Sokolowski 1955, pp. 74-79 no. 26; Graf 1985, pp. 171-173; Hermary et al. 2004, p. 91 no. 252.

15 Graf 1985, p. 171; IK II 348 (birthday of Hermes).

16 Graf 1985, pp. 172, 271.

17 Graf 1985, p. 172.

18 IK II 324 in no. 201 (d, l. 31) pl. 32.

19 Harpocration, s.v. “Ἑρµαῖ” (Wycherley 1957, pp. 105-106 no. 305); see also Suda, s.v. “Ἑρµαῖ”. For the area of the herms and relevant written sources see Harrison 1965, pp. 108-114; Osanna 1999, pp. 492-493; R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, pp. 945-949.

20 Aeschines, 3.183; Plutarch, Cimon 7.3-5; 8.1 (Wycherley 1957, pp. 103-105 no. 301; p. 107 no. 309); Di Cesare 2012, pp. 142-143, 147.

21 Rückert 1998, pp. 94-95. “The herms” were included among the sanctuaries of the Agora: see Rückert 1998, p. 105.

22 Herter 1976, p. 208. For the altar see also R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, pp. 1051-1055.

23 Wycherley 1957, p. 105 no. 303.

24 Rückert 1998, pp. 88, 122-123.

25 For the Stoa of the Herms (also called the “Thracian Stoa”) see Wycherley 1957, pp. 104-105 (no. 301); Harrison 1965, pp. 108-111, 114; Osanna 1999; Camp 2010, p. 82; Di Cesare 2012, p. 140 n. 22; pp. 141-148 figs. 1-2; p. 160; R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, pp. 947, 956-959. The stoa must have been built before 476/5 BC, the year in which the herms of Cimon were erected: Osanna 1999, p. 491; see also Di Cesare 2012, pp. 142-143, who believes obviously that this monument group of three herms was the occasion of its construction. It is likely that the stoa was built after other herms had already been erected in the area (Harrison 1965, p. 110), a practice which had already begun earlier in the Late Archaic period (Osanna 1999, p. 494). For the herms from the Agora see Harrison 1965, pp. 108-134; Siebert 1990, pp. 295-297, 374-378; Rückert 1998, pp. 87-89, 92-111; Camp 2010, pp. 80-83 figs. 49-50; Kossatz-Deissmann 2005, pp. 397-398; R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, p. 945 fig. 563 a-b.

26 E.g. Di Cesare 2012, pp. 141, 144-147 fig. 1; R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, pp. 947, 952, 958. For the date of the “Stoa Poikile” see Camp 2010, pp. 96-97 (475-460 BC).

27 Robertson N. 1999, pp. 171-172.

28 For the Hipparcheion see Habicht 1961, pp. 138-141; F. Longo, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, pp. 875, 882; R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, pp. 947, 959-960, 989.

29 Camp 1998, p. 38.

30 Camp 2010, p. 108; Tillios 2010, pp. 55-58, 63, 64, 87.

31 See Camp 1998, pp. 31-38; Tillios 2010, pp. 53-54, 64; R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, pp. 945-947.

32 See R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, p. 947.

33 See also Lucianus JTr. 33. For Hermes Agoraios in Athens see Pervanoglu 1868; Scherer 1886-1890, cols. 2348, 2397-2398; Wycherley 1957, pp. 102-103 nos. 296-300 (written sources); Harrison 1965, pp. 109, 112; Siebert 1990, pp. 376-377; Osanna 1992; Osanna 1999, pp. 495, 499, 500; Kansteiner 2014. – Several scholars believe that the statue –even if it was bronze– took the form of a hermaic stele (e.g. Rückert 1998, p. 105), similar to the Hermes Agoraios in Pharai (Pausanias, 7.22.2); in contrast Harrison 1965, p. 112 and n. 34, argues persuasively for a sculpture in the round (as also Wycherley 1957, p. 103 no. 299; Siebert 1990, p. 376; Osanna 1999, p. 495). Rückert 1998, pp. 106-109, suggests that Hermes Agoraios and Aphrodite were worshipped together in the north western area of the Agora and interprets the late Archaic altar, which was found west of the Stoa Poikile (Shear T. L. 1984, pp. 24-33, 37-40 figs. 13-16 pll. 6-7, 8a) as an altar at which both Hermes and Aphrodite were worshipped. Osanna 1992, pp. 218-221; Osanna 1999, pp. 499, 500, proposes that this altar was for Hermes Agoraios and that the area around it was his sacred space, i.e. his sanctuary.

34 See Camp 1986, pp. 164-165 figs. 135-138; Gawlinski 2014, p. 155 fig. 94, who interprets it as a statue of Demetrios Poliorketes (see, however, R. Di Cesare, in Topografia di Atene 3, 2, pp. 1075, 1076 Abb. 658). Winter 2006, p. 40, argues against the interpretation as the gate mentioned by Pausanias, but for two separate statue bases; see also Di Cesare 2012, p. 146 and n. 57.

35 Habicht 1961, pp. 136, 138. Rückert 1998, pp. 122-123, stresses that cavalry parades were particularly closely tied to the herms in the Agora and to the cult of the herms.

36 See recently also Mikalson 2016, p. 223.

37 Osanna 1992, p. 220; Rückert 1998, p. 107 n. 366; Osanna 1999, p. 495.

38 3rd Ephorate, inventory no. M 3118: IG II/III3 4, 1, 327 pl. 46.

39 Traill 1986, p. 81 n. 7, pl. 6; IG II/III3 4, 1, 328 pl. 46. According to J.S. Traill the deme of the Phylarch was Kettos.

40 Braun 1970; Kroll 1977; Camp 1998, p. 37 fig. 51 a-b. Two were found in recent excavations in the well of the round bathhouse in the Kerameikos (information kindly provided by J. Stroszeck).

41 Braun 1970, p. 217 no. 240 fig. 6; p. 258 Z 18 pl. 85, 7.

42 See Braun 1970, pp. 256-267.

43 Kroll 1977, pp. 86, 88; Braun 1970, p. 259 (Z 18), 266. For other interpretations see Braun 1970, pp. 265-267; Maul-Mandelartz 1990, pp. 109, 127 with n. 518.

44 Braun 1970, pp. 258-259 Z 18; 267. For the brand in general see Kroll 1977, pp. 86-88 and St. Fritzilas in this volume, pp. 307-321.

45 Braun 1970, p. 265. The speed of the horse is also symbolised according to Borgeaud 1988, p. 135.

46 Braun 1970, p. 267.

47 Acropolis Museum NA 57 Aa 1154: ARV   2 1013, 12; Tsoni-Kyrkou 1988, pp. 226-230, pll. 41-43 (brand: pll. 41, 3; 42); Laurens 1988, p. 461 no. 35; C. Isler-Kerényi, Gnomon 70 (1998), p. 446 n. 19.

48 IG II2 895, l. 5 = IG II/III3 1281, l. 40; see also Habicht 1961, p. 140. For the Hermaia see Eitrem 1913, cols. 787, 742; Rückert 1998, pp. 132-135, 272 nos. 11-16; Aneziri 2012, p. 88.

49 LGPN 2, s.v. “Ἕρµιππος”, p. 158. – LGPN 2, s.v. “Ποσείδιππος”, p. 377. For names which are compounds of the word ἵππος see Dubois 2000.

50 LGPN 5A, s.v. “Ἕρµιππος”, p. 165. For compounds including a divine name in general see Parker 2000.

51 Figure H (British Museum + Acropolis Museum 5676): Despinis 1982, pp. 7-8 no. 1.8; p. 9 pll. 7-11; Despinis 1984, p. 294; vol. 2 pl. 39, 1-5; Siebert 1990, p. 324 no. 451; p. 380; Choremi-Spetsieri 2004, p. 142 fig. 100.

52 Pausanias, 1.27.1. Zanker 1965, p. 69; Siebert 1990, p. 295 no. 8 a. – On the theme generally of the frequent representation of Hermes with Athena in Attic vase-painting see Zanker 1965, p. 65 (for related scenes see Zanker 1965, pp. 65-70; Siebert 1990, pp. 342-343 nos. 665-687 and passim). – The god also appears with Athena on clay plaques of the late Archaic period, in one case in an iconographically equivalent manner with the goddess, namely in a cult scene, in front of a temple: Zanker 1965, p. 65; Karoglou 2010, pp. 20, 82 no. 59 fig. 46. Several plaques from the Acropolis show Hermes in front of Athena’s chariot: Karoglou 2010, pp. 21, 87 no. 78 fig. 48; pp. 90-91 no. 92 fig. 169. Other plaques from the Acropolis with Hermes: e.g. Karoglou 2010, pp. 79-80 no. 51 fig. 50; p. 94 no. 105 fig. 73; pp. 94-95 no. 106 fig. 53; p. 68 no. 7 fig. 61a; p. 70 no. 12 fig. 62; p. 71 no. 17 fig. 63. – For Hermes on the Acropolis see recently Gagliano 2014; Kokkinou 2014, esp. pp. 246-248, 250-251, 253-254.

53 Athens, National Archaeological Museum 1783: Wulfmeier 2005, pp. 61-63, 128-131 WR 19; Despinis 2013, pp. 155-167 figs. 96 (side A), 97 (side B), 98-106; Vikela 2015, p. 87 and n. 599; p. 195, 210 AR 19 (side B); p. 223 R 21 (side A) pl. 27 (side B).

54 See the statement by A. Matthaiou in this volume pp. 64-67. For the location of the sanctuary see also Vikela 2015, p. 9 n. 51.

55 See Manakidou 1994, p. 169.

56 See Vikela 2015, p. 87 pl. 27.

57 Manakidou 1994, p. 142 n. 150; p. 158 nos. 48-54; p. 159 nos. 56-62; pp. 165, 166; Malagardis 2014, pp. 165, 167 fig. 1 b, pl. 5; p. 168 figs. 3-4; p. 169 fig. 6 a; p. 170. For Hermes in Geometric and Archaic Attic art see Alexandridou 2011, pp. 15-26.

58 Siebert 1990, pp. 287, 322-324 nos. 409-451, believes implausibly, that the Hermes propompos acted in specific farewell scenes –in which he stood before the horses– as a groom. For Hermes in chariot scenes see Manakidou 1994, pp. 151, 165-166, 169.

59 Madrid, Museo Arqueologico Nacional 10919: ABV, p. 247, 92; Addenda2, p. 64; CVA Madrid, Musée Archéologique National 1, ΙΙΙ ΗΕ, p. 4 pll. 8, 1; 9, 1-2; Mommsen 1975, pp. 51, 106-107 no. 90 pl. 98; Manakidou 1994, p. 157 no. 34 pl. 31 a; Muth 2008, p. 461 Abb. 336.

60 For Hermes’ nebris see Harden 2015, pp. 263-266, 268.

61 Scherer 1886-1890, col. 2402, believes that the sword generally represents his identity as a god of contest and battle.

62 See Eitrem 1913, col. 760.

63 Auktion 51 (Basel, Münzen und Medaillen AG), 14.-15. März 1975, no. 126 pl. 24; Moore 1971, p. 98 no. 666; Böhr 1982, p. 65 n. 229 pl. 190.

64 Leiden, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden PC 62 (from Vulci, Ex Canino 314): ABV, p. 426, 3; Addenda2, p. 110; CVA Leiden, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden 2. Attic Black-Figured Vases, III H, pp. 30-31 pll. 78, 1. 3; 79, 3.

65 Paris, Louvre F 19 (formerly the Campana Collection): ABV, pp. 241, 28; Addenda2, p. 61; Mommsen 1975, pp. 60-63, 89 no. 18 pl. 26 B; CVA Paris Louvre 3, III H e, pp. 10, 11 pll. 12, 1. 4. 7; 13, 1; Rodríguez Pérez 2010, p. 5 pl. 1, 3.

66 Roma, Musei Capitolini 51: CVA Musei Capitolini di Roma 1, III J pl. 44, 1-2; ABV, p. 525, 10; Beazley 1971, p. 263; Zanker 1965, p. 97; Siebert 1990, p. 305 no. 160 pl. 215.

67 Rückert 1998, pp. 199-202, see also Kossatz-Deissmann 2005, p. 398. A group of three herms usually represent the herms of Cimon: Rückert 1998, pp. 199-200.

68 Athens, National Archaeological Museum inv. 530 (from Corinth): ABV, p. 54, 57 (C Painter); CVA Athènes - Musée National 3, p. 21 pl. 10, 1-4; Kaltsas 1988, p. 118 no. 36 with fig.

69 Scherer 1886-1890, cols. 2367-2368; Eitrem 1913, col. 778; Harden 2015, p. 265 and n. 22.

70 London BM 1849.11-22.1 (B 144, from Vulci): ABV, p. 307, 59; Addenda2, p. 82; CVA British Museum 1, III H e, p. 4 pl. 6, 2 a-b; Böhr 1982, p. 110 no. P 4 pll. 170-171; Valavanis 2009, pp. 298, 301 fig. 5.

71 E.g. Zanker 1965, p. 69; Shapiro 1989, p. 32 pl. 12 a. Interpretation as Zeus: see Kefalidou 1996, p. 226 I2 pl. 8; cf. also Valavanis 2009, p. 303 n. 16.

72 Immerwahr H. R. 1990, p. 57 no. 298 pl. 15, 70.

73 Shapiro 1989, p. 32; Valavanis 2009, p. 301.

74 Nadal 2005, p. 112 figs. 1; 2 a; p. 124 fig. 9; p. 124 fig. 10 a-b (Apulian). Stating the opposite: Manakidou 1994, p. 151.

75 See also Tillios 2010, p. 64.

76 Tillios 2010, p. 64, believes that monuments for victory in the Anthippasia, a contest which was held at the Olympieia and at the Panathenaia, could have been dedicated to Zeus and Athena.

Table des illustrations

URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/6697/img-1.png
Fichier image/png, 219k
Titre Fig. 1 — Athens, northwest side of the Ancient Agora, ca. 400 BC.
Crédits Reproduced from Camp 2010, fig. 4, courtesy of the Agora Excavations, American School of Classical Studies at Athens.
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/6697/img-2.png
Fichier image/png, 2,2M
Titre Fig. 2 — Lead tablet of Hierokleides from the well near the Dipylon gate, Athens, Kerameikos.
Crédits Reproduced from Braun 1970, pl. 85, 7; photographer: J. Höfer, courtesy of the German Archaeological Institute at Athens.
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/6697/img-3.png
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Titre Fig. 3 — Loutrophoros by the Persephone painter, Acropolis Museum Na 57 Aa 1154.
Crédits DAI Inst. Neg. 1983/ 555, photographer: G. Hellner; photo courtesy of the German Archaeological Institute at Athens and the Acropolis Museum.
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/6697/img-4.png
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Titre Fig. 4 — Hydria, Madrid, Museo Arqueológico Nacional 10919.
Crédits Photographer: Á. Martínez Levas; photo 10919-ID006 courtesy of the Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid.
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/6697/img-5.png
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Titre Fig. 5 a, b — Neck amphora, antiquities market.
Crédits Reproduced from Auktion 51, Basel, Münzen und Medaillen AG, 14.-15. März 1975, no. 126, pl. 24).
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/6697/img-6.png
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Titre Fig. 6 — Oinochoe of the Keyside Class, Leiden, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden PC 62.
Crédits Photo courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden, NL.
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/6697/img-7.png
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