Version classiqueVersion mobile

Les royaumes de Chypre à l’épreuve de l’histoire

 | 
Anna Cannavò
, 
Ludovic Thély

Partie IV – Vers une nouvelle époque ? La transition classique/hellénistique

The Transition from the Classical to the Hellenistic Period at the Settlement of the Hill of Agios Georgios, Nicosia

Despina Pilides

Résumé

Le matériel des fouilles de la colline d’Agios Georgios à Nicosie offre la possibilité d’étudier les changements qui se sont produits à la fin du ive siècle. L’établissement semble avoir attiré l’attention des nouveaux gouvernants, qui ont souhaité investir dans sa réorganisation. Sa position géographique au centre de l’île, sa qualité de centre commercial entre Salamine et Soloi, son emplacement dans une plaine fertile et son importance en tant que centre religieux ont pu être des facteurs déterminants qui ont influencé une telle politique. L’étude de la céramique, des monnaies, des terres cuites et de la sculpture en pierre sont en train de montrer qu’un établissement existant et économiquement viable a été repris et exploité de la manière la plus efficace. Son caractère est resté essentiellement le même, mais avec l’introduction de nouveaux éléments religieux et symboliques.

Texte intégral

  • 1 Bakalakes 1988.

1What was the role of inland Cyprus in the transition from the Classical to the Hellenistic periods, from kingdom to koine, and how was the centre of the island affected in that process? An attempt will be made here to give some answers to this question on the basis of the evidence from the excavations at the hill of Agios Georgios. It is a fact that, with the exception of Idalion and Tamassos, little is known about the kingdoms in inland Cyprus – Chytroi was never excavated and only a small part of Golgoi was –,1 and our knowledge of them depends on a synthesis of material and written evidence rather than on excavation data.

2What I propose to do here is to investigate whether the settlement at the hill of Agios Georgios in Nicosia, situated in the heart of the island, was affected by the historical events that took place in the years of the above transition and to attempt to understand what the function and significance of the site may have been to the new rulers of Cyprus. In order to achieve this, the following parameters will be examined in as far as they provide evidence for continuity or disruption:

  • the architectural remains;
  • the finds such as coins, ceramics, cultic objects;
  • the language;
  • the associated cemeteries;
  • the resources and the economic organization.

The Architectural Remains

  • 2 Collombier 1993, p. 121.

3In general, urban and maritime centres were considered to be the arenas that reflected political or social change, and rural areas were thought to be less affected and to have thus maintained stability and continuity.2 Such urban centres were the city-kingdoms, at one time ten in number as commemorated in the prism of Esarhaddon in 672 B.C. In this list, the kingdom of Lidir, traditionally associated with a location in the vicinity of Nicosia, and its king Onasagoras are included.

  • 3 Pilides 2003, p. 190-193.

4The remains relevant to the chronological brackets of this conference, on the hill of Agios Georgios, Nicosia, go back to the Cypro-Archaic period. They were mostly preserved in the deeper layers of the downslope as a result of the morphological traits of the landscape, but the remains, even though interrupted by later interventions, were extensive. A relevant point that requires interpretation is the large number of pits which contained material of the same period. The pits were obviously purposefully filled in,3 their content consisting of workshop debris, tools, figurines and other occupation material, as if it was decided that the site was to be cleared and the material to be buried for this purpose. An ongoing process is the assessment of the chronological range of the content of the pits, as this will indicate exactly when this process of clearing up took place and the date of a possible reconstruction.

  • 4 Pilides 2004, p. 171, fig. 10.
  • 5 Pilides, Olivier 2008, p. 346, fig. 1, and p. 348, dr. 2.
  • 6 Pilides, Olivier 2008, fig. 6.
  • 7 Perhaps a local version of a closed Greek lamp, cf. nos 88-90 in Oziol 1977.

5To illustrate the subject of my paper, I will take as an example a small part of the building in the south part of the site, at the corner of Road 6, the central road from N-S and Road 13 (fig. 1); it is a building enclosed by these streets and associated with the complex of cisterns4 of rectangular shape and made of a mixture of concrete or cement. The uppermost layer consisted of rubble representing the destruction of its latest phase. Below this layer, a floor, partially preserved, was made of the same mixture of concrete as the cisterns mentioned above.5 A coin associated with this layer, although corroded, is dated to 332-300 B.C. Below this level and thus slightly earlier, two inscribed Black Glaze fragmentary cups were found as well as other ceramic material of the same period.6 One of the cups is inscribed with a Cypro-syllabic inscription reading (F)άναξ Τιµάς εἰµί. Stone built cisterns, rectangular and circular, one with a depression in the centre, in which a small clay lamp was found (fig. 2),7 were associated with this phase of the building. A coin of Alexander III, 336-323 B.C., within the fill of Cistern 8, confirms that the stone-built cisterns may have been constructed at a slightly earlier period than the cement basins

Fig 1 — Plan of Areas IX and X.

Fig 1 — Plan of Areas IX and X.

Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.

6 

Fig 2 — Clay lamp found in the base of Cistern 8.

Fig 2 — Clay lamp found in the base of Cistern 8.

Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.

  • 8 Satraki 2012, p. 414.
  • 9 Pilides, Olivier 2008, p. 340; Masson 1983; Traunecker, Saut, Masson 1981.
  • 10 Iacovou 2006, p. 329.
  • 11 Pilides, Olivier 2008, p. 341.

7It is evidently of some consequence that the Black Glaze cup mentioned above was found in this particular building. An imported cup, inscribed after firing with the inscription “I belong to wanax Timas” in the Cypro-syllabic script, could hardly be regarded as accidental or as of no significance. To the contrary, it may be providing a hint as to the use of the building, which as already noted, is of better construction and larger in size than others and associated with the concentration of produce within its limits or at least in its close proximity. The term “wanax” appears in more or less contemporary inscriptions at Soloi,8 Idalion, Golgoi, Akanthou, Marion and at Karnak.9 The Iron Age survival of the word has been interpreted as the legacy of the Greek speaking population elements reaching Cyprus at the end of the Bronze Age, but its use is considered to be purely Cypriot, denoting a blood relation between the basileus and the wanax or wanassa.10 The anthroponym itself is known throughout the Greek world11 and it is not surprising that it is found in the syllabic script. It thus provides information on the contacts and affiliation of the settlement in the Late Classical period, related to political and social aspects. If indeed the concentration and management of a particular product was associated with this building, control over it continued to be exercised in the same way from the Classical into the Hellenistic period, but perhaps no longer by the same power.

The Finds

  • 12 It was not part of the hoard as it was found further to the north of the same area, but it is of a (...)
  • 13 Michaelides, Pilides 2012, p. 3-9.
  • 14 Bekker-Nielsen 2004, p. 185.

8Relevant to the above discussion is the silver coin hoard found on the site dating to 500-498 B.C, the time of the Ionian Revolt, which bear inscriptions with the name of a basileus. The hoard of silver coins from the eastern extension of the site, 36 in number (to which should be added one more coin: fig. 3),12 during the excavation for the supports of the shelter of the site, are unquestionably Cypriot royal issues. Almost all were struck with the same dies, an indication that, most probably, they would not have circulated far from the mint where they were struck. The traces of cloth on their surface indicate that they were kept in a pouch, probably put away or hidden at a time of turmoil. Their high value insinuates that they were not for the use of a private individual but of an institution, possibly a sanctuary. The finds in the area, particularly the limestone thymiaterion in the form of a bearded male figure, found at a small distance, supports the presence of a cultic establishment. The inscriptions on the reverse are in the Cypro-syllabic script and denote the name of a king and, possibly the name of an unknown mint. The number of known coins of this type has increased from one to twenty-four. They are the oldest coins found on the site and very few have been found dating to the rest of the 5th century B.C. It is also worth noting that no inscriptions of any kind are known mentioning the kingdom of Ledra until the 4th century B.C.,13 and, for this reason, it was assumed that this kingdom lost its civic status and was absorbed into another more powerful neighbouring kingdom.14 It is not, therefore, unlikely that this evidence in conjunction with the clearing up of the material of the previous phase into pits and the ensuing reconstruction of the settlement would be implying some kind of disruption followed by the decision to reorganise the settlement.

Fig 3 — Silver coin.

Fig 3 — Silver coin.

Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.

  • 15 Destrooper-Georgiades 2008, p. 85 and p. 89-90.

9Coins of the 4th century, found in stratified contexts on the site, are much more numerous and clearly reflect the situation that prevailed in the rest of the island. A considerable number has been assigned to Soloi, struck in their majority by Stasias or Stasikrates, after 350 B.C. and are regarded to have been the same types as those comprising the hoard found to the east of the theatre at Soloi.15 However, as Destrooper-Georgiades remarks, it is still far too premature to assume that Ledra was at this time under the sphere of power of Soloi.

  • 16 Destrooper-Georgiades 1993, p. 87-96.
  • 17 Cf. Helly 1970, p. 241-256; Satraki 2012, p. 255.
  • 18 Destrooper-Georgiades 2008.

10As well known, the 4th century is a transitional period in which traditional monetary policy was abandoned in favour of a unified system. Royal issues cease from 332 B.C. and reappear, only briefly, after Alexander’s death in 322 B.C. Local mints declined and disappeared with the local kingdoms around 312-310 B.C.16 Cyprus was incorporated into Alexander’s kingdom and the Cypriot kings offered Alexander their allegiance at Sidon in 332 B.C.; more than thirty coins of Alexander III were identified, dating from 336-323 B.C. The occurrence of a substantial number of coins assigned to the Salaminians (321-312 B.C.)17 and only a single coin that could be assigned to Paphos, seem to point to the tentative conclusion that the settlement may have acted as an intermediary link between the two cities, Soloi and Salamis. Perhaps the fact that communication is more straightforward, unhampered by physical barriers such as mountain ranges, was one of the contributing factors. The 4th century Black Glaze cup inscribed with the name of a prince must also coincide with this period, when the local elite are said to have been temporarily back in power.18

  • 19 Bakalakes 1988, p. 93-94; Chavane 1975, nos 328-331, pl. 31; Macdonald 1992, p. 50-51 and p. 54-69.
  • 20 Bakalakes 1988, p. 143.

11Coins of Ptolemy I, Antigonos Monophthalmos and Demetrios Poliorcetes, also occurring in stratified contexts, indicate that the settlement at the hill of Agios Georgios was not too far inland or too insignificant to have escaped the fate of the rest of the island. That times were not peaceful is, moreover, well attested by the occurrence and the need to manufacture in the metalsmithing workshops of the site, spearheads and arrowheads in bronze, iron and lead in a variety of types and throughout a relatively long period – also found on other contemporary sites.19 At Golgoi, the conflict between Demetrios Poliorcetes and Ptolemy I (306-294 B.C.) is said to have caused the destruction of the settlement, which was thereafter only partially reoccupied.20

12Within the chronological contexts of the Hellenistic period, the settlement is organised on a clear town plan with workshop, sacred, commercial and domestic activities. The loomweights are amongst the small finds that might bear witness to the change that occurred at the beginning of the 3rd century. Weaving and cloth production was one of the major preoccupations of the inhabitants of the settlement, perhaps not unrelated to the need for the supply of rigging (tow yarns and canvas) for the Ptolemies’ ship-building industry.

  • 21 Davidson 1952, p. 153; Pilides 2004, p. 159.
  • 22 Davidson 1952, p. 158.
  • 23 Davidson, Thompson 1943, p. 77-78.
  • 24 Davidson, Thompson 1943, p. 75 and fig. 33.
  • 25 Chavane 1975, p. 76-79, pl. 24-26.

13Loomweights were discoid, with one or two perforations at the top; occasionally they were stamped with gems or the bezels of metal rings by the maker during manufacture; in other cases the owners incised letters after firing. Some stamps are highly stylized designs and include a variety of images, as for example an ant, a male figure holding a rod and a fish or a weapon, a kneeling figure, a female figure resembling Nike etc. The iconography of stamped loomweights bears similarities with those utilized in the rest of the Hellenistic world, even though the shapes of the most common forms differ. The practice of incising letters and stamping with gem or ring impressions is said to have started in Greece in the middle of the 5th century B.C.21 It was surmised that the prospective purchaser left her signet ring with the loomweight maker to stamp her weights so as to indicate ownership as well as to decorate them.22 With regard to the inscribed loomweights, it is important to note that one conical weight from Corinth with the stamp reading ΜΕΛΙΣ was found at Delphi23 and many of the types inscribed with the letters ΓΛΥΚ were found imported to Athens and Asia Minor; perhaps this is an indication that the inscription does not signify the name of an individual but a trade mark. The rows of impressed dots, another type of decoration noted on the discoid loomweights, also occurs on the pyramidal loomweights found at the Pnyx.24 The deliberate removal of the stamps, by scratching or attaching a blob of clay to cover it, has not been reported from other sites outside Cyprus as far as I know. Clay loomweights occur at Salamis25 but are of a different type and no stamps are mentioned. There may have been different reasons at play for removing stamps or inscriptions. Perhaps the new individual owners may have wished to obliterate a symbol produced with the ring of the previous owner, which was meaningless to them. Concurrently, if the marked loomweights were linked with specific workshops for large scale production, it could mean that the change was an imposed requirement by those responsible for controlling production and managing the economics of religious establishments, and thus symbols referring to the previous state of affairs were no longer acceptable.

  • 26 Pilides 2007, p. 138, fig. 5 and fig. 6, cat. nos 14 and 23. See also Georgiou G. 2005, p. 143, pl. (...)
  • 27 Pilides 2007, p. 137, fig. 3 and 4.
  • 28 Berlin, Pilacinski 2003, p. 203-208, fig. 1-10.
  • 29 Hadjicosti 1993, p. 182, fig. 5 and Georgiou G. 2005, pl. 5:41.
  • 30 Cf. Pilides 2007, p. 138, fig. 5; Sparkes, Talcott 1970, pl. 3:58.
  • 31 Berlin, Pilacinski 2003, p. 203-205; Pilides 2007, p. 136-137 and fig. 4.

14The ceramics comprise a vast body of material; on completion of its study, it will fill in the large lacuna now observed in our knowledge of the ceramics of this period in northeastern Cyprus. The table ware includes types that are peculiar to the northeastern part of the island and some must have been manufactured in the vicinity of the site. A particularly important observation is that the local types retain a fondness for the Classical period shapes in all categories: the perseverance of shapes such as the column crater in Plain Ware is worthy of note.26 The table vessels also retain the same transitional shapes of Attic or even earlier types in Plain Ware; a series of bowls with incurving, out-curving or flattened rim are most characteristic27 as well as plates with hanging rims, calyx cups, skyphoi, kyathoi, olpai, large jugs and chytrai. The West Slope ware with more elaborate decoration, found on the site, were most probably imports but some were also made on site as indicated by the occurrence of wasters in this ware.28 The continued adherence to Classical shapes of all types in the early Hellenistic period does not seem to be a result of insularity, nor the result of lack of contact with the outside world. To the contrary, it seems to be by choice, as contact with the coastal centres and the external world is attested throughout from the Cypro-Archaic period onwards. A Chian amphora in the tombs of Agioi Omologites, imported East Greek pottery29 as well as copies, occurring both in the settlement and the tombs, the preference for locally made column craters in Plain Ware already mentioned,30 followed by Attic Black figured and Red figured vases, provide ample evidence for external contact, whether direct or indirect. Black Glaze imported vases and West Slope vessels31 point to a lively exchange in ceramics while the relatively large number of stamped amphora handles must have been related to the trade of olive-oil and wine from the islands of the Aegean Sea. At the same time, the long use and imitations of certain ceramic shapes betray that a certain way of life was already adopted by the local population.

15The settlement at the hill of Agios Georgios was, indisputably, a centre of production of cultic objects as well as a sacred area, with one or more sanctuaries. Its location as a connecting point with coastal centres, favoured the establishment of worship places and, of course the manufacture of the paraphernalia needed for worship. The local manufacture of limestone figurines, almost continuously, from the Archaic into the Hellenistic periods, is made evident by the occurrence of unfinished examples (fig. 4), the diversity of types and the unique nature of some of the specimens found. The same is true for the terracotta figurines (fig. 5), their local production witnessed by the occurrence of moulds, accidents and the repeated use of distinguishable moulds (fig. 6).

Fig 4 — Limestone figurine (possibly unfinished).

Fig 4 — Limestone figurine (possibly unfinished).

Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.

16 

Fig 5 — Head of a moulded figurine.

Fig 5 — Head of a moulded figurine.

Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.

17 

Fig 6 — Moulded draped terracotta figurine.

Fig 6 — Moulded draped terracotta figurine.

Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.

  • 32 Michaelides, Pilides 2012, p. 6, fig. 7.
  • 33 Pilides 2003, p. 186, pl. 1:1.
  • 34 Anastassiades 2000-2001, p. 50-51.
  • 35 Hauben 1987, p. 217.
  • 36 Anastassiades 2000-2001.

18As far as the rest of Cyprus is concerned, the paramount religious centres, such as Palaepaphos, Amathous and the sanctuary of Apollo Hylates at Kourion were retained and enhanced in the Hellenistic period. If continued use of well-known and profitable sanctuaries was a conscious policy, the sacred landscape at the hill of Agios Georgios must have had its rewards. It is in this context that the dedicatory inscription found in 1953 at the Bedestan in Nicosia in secondary use32 acquires particular significance, as it reveals the importance of the religious role that Ledra had to play. The dedication of a statue for the Paphian king Nikokles to the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Ledroi implies the importance of the sanctuary. The dedicatory inscription to Arsinoe Philadelphus33 found on site, supports the establishment of the Ptolemaic ruler cult and testifies for the desire of the Ptolemies to keep the religious establishments under their control.34 Arsinoe II is believed to have influenced her husband and brother Ptolemy II Philadelphus and the maritime expansion of the Ptolemaic empire was one of her major concerns. After her death she was deified, received divine honours and identified with Aphrodite Euploia. Dedicatory inscriptions in her honour were for the most part said to have been found in harbour cities35 but, on the present evidence, in inland Cyprus as well. The link, therefore, between the worship of Aphrodite and Arsinoe seems not to have been so unrelated after all36 and to have been rooted in largely economic factors.

  • 37 Collombier 1993, p. 147.
  • 38 Pilides 2004, p. 172, fig. 13-15.

19Major interventions on the part of the Ptolemies have been noted as far as language and writing are concerned that touched upon the identity of the Cypriots.37 Until the 4th century, inscriptions on ceramic vessels, coins and other objects were in Cypro-syllabic. In the 3rd century B.C. they are replaced with alphabetic writing and, within this context, it is intriguing to note that humble objects such as the clay loomweights and ceramic utilitarian vessels in Plain Ware,38 with inscriptions before or after firing can be of importance as indicators of change.

The Associated Cemeteries

  • 39 Hadjicosti 1993, p. 173, fig. 1.
  • 40 Flourentzos 1986, p. 156, fig. 4.
  • 41 Amongst the iron objects there were two strigils, considered to be of symbolic significance with ti (...)
  • 42 Pilides 2009, p. 63-64.
  • 43 Ibid., p. 63-65. Unfortunately the table was not printed in its entirety.
  • 44 Ibid., p. 61-66.

20The cemeteries of Agioi Omologites as the associated cemeteries of the settlement, which fully coincide in chronological terms as well as in the concordance in the nature of the material, are an important source of evidence. The study of the unpublished tomb material in the Cyprus Museum will most certainly enhance our understanding of the spatial distribution of the tombs of the periods concerned and will, in addition, contribute evidence as to a possible disruption. Tomb 24 was dated to an advanced stage of Cypro-Archaic II. Tombs 29, 33, 34 and 35 were used from the Cypro-Archaic II to the early stages of Cypro-Classical I.39Only one tomb located in the same area (T.23), is said to have extended into Cypro-Classical II. Similarly, it seems that amongst the published tombs, only one tomb, T.25, of the early Hellenistic period (310-146 B.C.), of a different shape from the rest, was located in this area of the cemetery.40 Apart from its more regular shape, it contained a small number of bronze41 and gold objects42 in contrast to all the rest, implying perhaps its relative importance. It is interesting that all of the above tombs were found east of Demosthenis Severis ave. A GIS application with relation to the location of the tombs of each period is likely to be a fruitful exercise in establishing whether the river was at this time flowing a little further to the east of its present location (along what is now Demosthenis Severis ave., or, alternatively, whether the riverbed was wider then) and whether the cemetery of the Hellenistic period was constructed in a separate location, consciously avoiding continuity with the Cypro-Archaic and Classical period. The on-going study of the recently excavated tombs nos 47-49 will also provide important information. They seem to date to the end of the Hellenistic and the beginning of the Roman period. Without doubt they are larger and more monumental than their counterparts of the Archaic and Classical period and contained a larger number of objects, including glass, bronze and ivory objects.43 The evidence, although preliminary at present, seems to indicate the presence of a more populous distinct class by this time, under the influence of the customs of the wider region, possibly consisting of already well-established foreign elites who, nevertheless, appear to have been still in need of maintaining their supremacy, through the demonstration of differential access to imported prestige goods.44

The Resources and the Economic Organisation

  • 45 Hauben 1987, p. 215.
  • 46 Plassart 1921.

21Cyprus, on its annexation by Ptolemy I in 294 B.C., was unified for the first time and remained in the hands of the Ptolemies until 58 B.C., when it became a Roman province. The city kingdoms ceased to exist and, for the first time, there was an island wide government, under the strategos, who was directly accountable to the king in Alexandria. Studies on Ptolemaic Cyprus seem to consent that Cyprus was a valued possession to the Ptolemaic kings for its geographical position as a natural entrepôt for maritime trade with the Aegean, for its natural resources – copper and timber – and, for these reasons, remained in Ptolemaic hands even after other territories were lost. Its geopolitical importance for the ambitious rulers of Egypt was paramount and they were prepared to go to lengths to maintain Cyprus under their control. The island retained its significance through the 2nd century on account of the constant dynastic rivalries and the gradual loss of Egypt’s foreign possessions.45 After the mid-2nd century, Cyprus was the only Ptolemaic territory left outside Egypt, which naturally increased its strategic importance even further. On the evidence of written sources rather than excavation, it is assumed that there was an increase in the number of urban centres. In the 2nd century B.C. list of theorodokoi at Delphi46 nine cities are mentioned (Salamis, Karpasia, Chytroi, Keryneia, Lapithos, Soloi, Tamassos, Ledra and Arsinoe) and Nea Paphos, itself a new foundation, was intended to fill in for the absence of a port and to become the capital city of Cyprus. The series of Ptolemaic coins from the settlement of the hill of Agios Georgios, ranging from Ptolemy I to Cleopatra VII and Ptolemy XV, 315-310 B.C. to 47-44 B.C. is continuous with a particular increase of coins assigned to Ptolemy IV Philopator and Ptolemy VIII Evergetes II. Although it may not be unlikely that the increased occurrence of coins of the 2nd century is fortuitous, it may, alternatively, indicate an intensification of commercial activity at this time. Thus within this wider context, the settlement at the hill of Agios Georgios was not only not allowed to decline but continued its function as before, both as a production centre, a religious centre and an intermediate entrepot between coastal destinations. Its location was of course a major factor in its longevity. The use of coastal cities at this time as ports even when they were not endowed with natural port facilities has already been noted. As a natural stopping point en route to these ports, it was further exploited through maintaining its religious function.

22The occurrence of the same materials and types of objects throughout the lifespan of the settlement confirms that the function and nature of the settlement was not altered. Perhaps for the same reasons that it continued down to the Roman period, it was not allowed to disappear like Marion, Lapithos and Keryneia during the struggles of the diadochoi.

23In conclusion it can be said that, however hazy and inconclusive the picture might appear, the above evidence bears important connotations for the identity of the site, its disruption and reconstruction and it seems that, while other major cities eclipsed, this settlement was maintained and remained inhabited almost throughout, with only short interruptions. The same factors that ensured its continuity at the time, that is its strategically placed geographical position that allowed easy access to coastal centres, the water sources and fertile agricultural land, were in part those that led to its establishment many centuries later as the capital of Cyprus.

Notes

1 Bakalakes 1988.

2 Collombier 1993, p. 121.

3 Pilides 2003, p. 190-193.

4 Pilides 2004, p. 171, fig. 10.

5 Pilides, Olivier 2008, p. 346, fig. 1, and p. 348, dr. 2.

6 Pilides, Olivier 2008, fig. 6.

7 Perhaps a local version of a closed Greek lamp, cf. nos 88-90 in Oziol 1977.

8 Satraki 2012, p. 414.

9 Pilides, Olivier 2008, p. 340; Masson 1983; Traunecker, Saut, Masson 1981.

10 Iacovou 2006, p. 329.

11 Pilides, Olivier 2008, p. 341.

12 It was not part of the hoard as it was found further to the north of the same area, but it is of a similar type.

13 Michaelides, Pilides 2012, p. 3-9.

14 Bekker-Nielsen 2004, p. 185.

15 Destrooper-Georgiades 2008, p. 85 and p. 89-90.

16 Destrooper-Georgiades 1993, p. 87-96.

17 Cf. Helly 1970, p. 241-256; Satraki 2012, p. 255.

18 Destrooper-Georgiades 2008.

19 Bakalakes 1988, p. 93-94; Chavane 1975, nos 328-331, pl. 31; Macdonald 1992, p. 50-51 and p. 54-69.

20 Bakalakes 1988, p. 143.

21 Davidson 1952, p. 153; Pilides 2004, p. 159.

22 Davidson 1952, p. 158.

23 Davidson, Thompson 1943, p. 77-78.

24 Davidson, Thompson 1943, p. 75 and fig. 33.

25 Chavane 1975, p. 76-79, pl. 24-26.

26 Pilides 2007, p. 138, fig. 5 and fig. 6, cat. nos 14 and 23. See also Georgiou G. 2005, p. 143, pl. VI:48, and p. 125 for a note on the distribution of column craters in tomb contexts.

27 Pilides 2007, p. 137, fig. 3 and 4.

28 Berlin, Pilacinski 2003, p. 203-208, fig. 1-10.

29 Hadjicosti 1993, p. 182, fig. 5 and Georgiou G. 2005, pl. 5:41.

30 Cf. Pilides 2007, p. 138, fig. 5; Sparkes, Talcott 1970, pl. 3:58.

31 Berlin, Pilacinski 2003, p. 203-205; Pilides 2007, p. 136-137 and fig. 4.

32 Michaelides, Pilides 2012, p. 6, fig. 7.

33 Pilides 2003, p. 186, pl. 1:1.

34 Anastassiades 2000-2001, p. 50-51.

35 Hauben 1987, p. 217.

36 Anastassiades 2000-2001.

37 Collombier 1993, p. 147.

38 Pilides 2004, p. 172, fig. 13-15.

39 Hadjicosti 1993, p. 173, fig. 1.

40 Flourentzos 1986, p. 156, fig. 4.

41 Amongst the iron objects there were two strigils, considered to be of symbolic significance with ties in Classical Athens, as pointed out in Georgiou G. 2005, p. 128 and Raptou 2001, p. 202.

42 Pilides 2009, p. 63-64.

43 Ibid., p. 63-65. Unfortunately the table was not printed in its entirety.

44 Ibid., p. 61-66.

45 Hauben 1987, p. 215.

46 Plassart 1921.

Table des illustrations

Titre Fig 1 — Plan of Areas IX and X.
Crédits Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/3056/img-1.png
Fichier image/png, 842k
Titre Fig 2 — Clay lamp found in the base of Cistern 8.
Crédits Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/3056/img-2.png
Fichier image/png, 1,8M
Titre Fig 3 — Silver coin.
Crédits Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/3056/img-3.png
Fichier image/png, 5,8M
Titre Fig 4 — Limestone figurine (possibly unfinished).
Crédits Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/3056/img-4.png
Fichier image/png, 1,3M
Titre Fig 5 — Head of a moulded figurine.
Crédits Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/3056/img-5.png
Fichier image/png, 879k
Titre Fig 6 — Moulded draped terracotta figurine.
Crédits Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.
URL http://books.openedition.org/efa/docannexe/image/3056/img-6.png
Fichier image/png, 1,2M

© École française d’Athènes, 2018

Conditions d’utilisation : http://www.openedition.org/6540

Rechercher dans OpenEdition Search

Vous allez être redirigé vers OpenEdition Search