The Sanctuary of Messana: Organization of the Sacred Space
p. 51-62
Résumés
The sanctuary of the goddess Messana holds a commanding position over the agora of Messene, and represents the centre of socio-political and economic life in the new capital, closely connected to the early Bouleion, the Prytaneion, and the Treasury chamber. Members of the Messenian elite defined themselves as Messenian Dorians, with their own value system, in contrast to the Laconian Dorian identity. The erection of decrees along the north side of the Temple, of statues of emperors along its south side, and of bronze riders to the east, is the manifestation of a particular dedicatory pattern in the buildings that surrounded the sacred place. Around a century later, in the sanctuary of Asklepios, designed as part of a new ambitious building programme in order to assert the distinctive ethnic status of the inhabitants of Messenia within the Peloponnese, this idea of combining the religious with the social and political function of the architectural unit of the Sanctuary of Messana in the town plan was passed down and brought to fruition. For the same reason, they invented and illustrated stories about the deep roots of Messenian history in the pre‑Dorian and Dorian past, in the murals painted by Omphalion in the Temple of Messana and in the sculptures that decorated the rooms of worship in the Asklepieion that feature extensive work by the sculptor and architect Damophon. The study of these projects highlights the decisive influence of historical factors on the monumental and votive landscape.
Le sanctuaire de la déesse Messana occupe une position dominante sur l’agora de Messène, définissant le centre de la vie socio-politique et économique de la nouvelle capitale en lien étroit avec l’ancien Bouleion, le Prytaneion et la chambre du Trésor. Les membres de l’élite messénienne se définissaient comme des Doriens messéniens créant leur propre système de valeurs en contraste avec l’identité dorienne laconienne. L’érection de décrets le long du côté nord du temple, de statues d’empereurs le long de son côté sud et de cavaliers de bronze sur son côté est manifeste un modèle dédicatoire particulier dans l’environnement bâti du lieu sacré. L’idée de combiner le religieux avec la fonction sociale et politique de l’unité architecturale du sanctuaire de Messana dans le plan de la ville trouve sa réalisation environ un siècle plus tard avec le sanctuaire d’Asclépios, dans le cadre d’un nouveau programme de construction ambitieux affichant la singularité et l’unité ethnique des habitants de Messénie dans le Péloponnèse. À cette fin, l’histoire messénienne est renouvelée par des récits qui lui prêtent de profondes racines dans le passé pré‑dorien et dorien, illustrées par les peintures murales d’Omphalion dans le temple de Messana et la décoration sculpturale des salles de culte de l’Asclépiéion, à laquelle a largement contribué le sculpteur et architecte Damophon. L’étude de ces projets souligne l’influence décisive des facteurs historiques sur le paysage monumental et votif.
Texte intégral
1The urban landscape of Messene was constructed in the Early Hellenistic era, according to certain architectural and town-planning principles of spatial organization, which reflected the political and social values of the period applied to the demands of this programmatic city founded by the Thebans in 369 BC on the south slopes of mount Ithome. The city was famous for its mighty fortification walls, the monumentality of its public buildings and the hippodamian town‑plan.1 Pax Romana had distinguished Messene, particularly since the age of Augustus, as a city with a high level of social and economic status. It retained its size and urban plan until the end of the 4th century AD.
2The sanctuary of Messana and the adjacent buildings in the agora of Messene form an architectural complex of religious and political character, most appropriate for the study of the organization of the sacred space and the dedicatory patterns during the Hellenistic and Roman periods (fig. 1). To the north of the goddess’s temple is situated the Bouleion (the Council House), to the south the subterranean Treasury House and to the west an enigmatic building tentatively identified with the Prytaneion or House of the Priests. Curiously enough, Pausanias does not refer to the temple of Messana while being in the agora as he should do, but when he was describing the buildings and the statues in the Asklepieion. That is the reason of confusion and disagreement among scholars in respect to the exact location of the Messana temple. Florens Felten and me had supported the view that the temple of the Goddess Messana should be located inside the precinct of the Asklepios sanctuary.2 Yvet Morizot recognized the early temple of Artemis Orthia as the Messana temple, other scholars looked vaguely in the agora in their search for the same temple.3
Fig. 1 — Ground plan of the agora area.

3The sanctuary of Messana comprises a peripteral Doric temple, 11.016 × 22.536 m, with six columns on the short and twelve on the long sides dedicated to the deified mythical queen of the land who gave her name to the capital of liberated Messenia (Paus. 4.32.1) (fig. 2). The temple of the goddess was founded in the late 4th century BC and continued to function to the late 4th century AD as a sacred place of great importance for the social, political and economic life of the new city. It was excavated during the years 2002 to 2012 while its architectural study was published in 2016.4 On the west front of the temple a podium of five preserved steps of a high crepis, rather unusual for Doric temples, was constructed to adjust the difference of the temple floor level to the ground level on the west.5
Fig. 2 — Arial view of the Messana temple and the buildings around.

4A row of at least seven stelae was brought to light along the north side of the temple looking to the north; they are inscribed on both sides and are contemporary with the temple. Their content is extremely important related to the establishment of the new Messenian State in the early 4th century BC; it deals with distribution of land to inhabitants of Messene according to the five early Dorian tribes of Messenia (Aristomachis, Hylis, Kleolaia, Daiphontis, and Kresphontis).6 Along the south side of the Messana temple eight more inscribed limestone bases have been brought to light; they carried bronze statues erected in honor of the emperors Claudius, Germanicus, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Faustina the Elder and Galerius according to the inscriptions. Two of them, written in Latin and honoring Marcus Aurelius and his wife Faustina the Elder, were dedicated by the brothers of a well‑known, financially and politically powerful Messenian family which kept close ties to the Roman imperial House: Saithidas Caelianus II and Tiverius Claudius Kyrina Frontinus Nikeratus (figs. 3a–b).7 Saithidas Caelianus II was High Priest of the Sebastoi for life and Helladarch of the Province Achaia, candidatus of Antoninus Pius (138–161) and Lucius Verus (161–169), Questor of the Province Sicilia, Augur, Tribunus Plebis and Patronus Coloniae Abelinattum.8 Frontinus Nikeratus was Questor and Praetor of Achaia and Chiliarch of the 4th Legio Flavia.9 The dedication of the imperial statues by the two ambitious brothers was a medium for displaying their wealth and political power, they tried to equal with the success and fame of Herodes Atticus.10
Fig. 3a — Base for the statue of Marc Aurel.

Fig. 3b — Base for the statue of Faustina the Elder.

5No traces of a sacrificial altar were uncovered to the east of the temple and it remains unclear if the absence is due to destruction caused by the deep erosion of the soil observed in this area, or was an altar not indispensable for the non‑bloody rituals offered to the deified queen.11 In this respect we must take into account the fact that the cult of Messana was a new one established in connection with the foundation of the new capital city, not included in the old traditional cults of the land.
6The “chrysolith” cult statue of the goddess Messana was made of gold and Parian marble, according to Pausanias; fragments of the garment and the head were brought to light (fig. 4). On the back wall of the cella (5.175 m wide) was a painting made by the painter Omphalion, pupil of the famous Athenian painter Nicias whose floruit dates to the late 4th century BC.12 In the painting the following figures were represented: Kresphontes, one of the leaders of the Dorian invasion who, according to legend, had gained Messenia by lot, and thirteen figures of the Messenian pre‑Dorian royal house. According to the local “messenian story”, Asklepios was depicted as son of Arsinoe, one of the daughters of king Leukippos, not as son of Koronis, daughter of Phlegyas;13 Asklepios appeared primarily as a Messenian king, as a “Messenian citizen”, a political figure which accords well with the character of the Asklepieion complex which functioned not only as a sacred precinct but also as a political agora.14
Fig. 4 — Lower part of the marble head of Messana’s cult statue.

7A rectangular building, 20 × 40 m, identified on epigraphic evidence with the first Bouleion (Council House) of the city has been brought to light to the north of the Messana temple (fig. 5). The Bouleion of the agora, “τό Βουλεῖον ταῆς ἀγορᾶς καί ἡ ποτ’ αὐτῶι στοά”, is mentioned in the inscription SEG 23, 205, line 19, dealing with repairs of buildings damaged by an earthquake during the Augustan period.15 The roof of the Bouleion was supported by sixteen large piers, free-standing rectangular supports having the function of a column in carrying a wooden entablature; seven of the piers are placed along the long sides and three along the short sides of the building defining an oblong central area with a corridor around it. The piers are built with small irregular stones covered with stucco. There are two entrance doorways at the south wall of the hall and a colonnaded vestibule open to the south front of the building. The oblong central area was probably covered with a lantern projecting above the roof or an opaion giving adequate light to the interior. The architectural design of the Bouleion apparently derives from the type of the Hypostyle Halls which had a cultic character like the Eleusis Telesterion or a political one like the Thersilion of Megalopolis.16
Fig. 5 — Aerial view of the Bouleion.

8A row of six bases for the support of inscribed stelae were uncovered along the south colonnaded vestibule of the Bouleion, opposite the north side of the Messana temple (fig. 5). Two of the stelae carry decrees of 61 and 93 verses respectively edited by the cities of Smyrna and Demetrias in Thessaly paying honors to Messenian judges. They date to the middle of the 2nd century BC.17
9In a short distance to the south of the temple of Messana a subterranean chamber came to light (fig. 2). It is built with well carefully worked limestone blocks.18 The cover is composed of perfectly well joined large stone plaques and blocks with elaborated cuttings at their edges. The square opening left in the middle of the cover is hermetically closed with a large stepped stone lid, weighing more than 1.5 tones. The chamber obviously functioned as the Treasury house of the city. The most important testimony for this subterranean Treasury chamber comes from Plutarch (Philopoimen, 19): “They brought him (Philopoimen) to the so‑called Treasury, a subterranean structure without doors, receiving no sunlight and no air from the outside, closing with a heavy stone placed on top.” Plutarch’s description applies to this unique architectural construction of great historical value, which is related to the tragic death, the poisoning of Philopoemen of Megalopolis, the famous general of the Achaean League. This cruel act of the Messenian officials which took place in 183/2 BC signified the end of the city’s independence.19
10The adjudication of an extremely significant case of boundary dispute between Messene and Megalopolis took place in 182/1 BC inside the Carnasian grove of the sanctuary at Andania, according to an inscription brought to light close to the northeast corner of the Messana temple. It is written on the base of a large equestrian dedication and extends to 191 lines arranged in four columnae that give the impression of an open papyrus scroll. The Megalopolitans together with the inhabitants of the town of Kalliai (Kalliatai) claimed ownership of the district referred to as Ἐνδανίκα (district of Andania) and Πυλανίκα (district of Pylana), and also as Ἀκρειάτις and Βιπειάτις. The Megalopolitans had persuaded seventeen leaders of the Achaean League, headed by the Sikyonian general Apollonidas, that a body of 147 judges should assemble at the Carnasian grove of Andania to investigate the case20. The Messenians showed to the officials of the League and the judges the boundaries of their territory which extended from the river Neda to the area called Kleolaia and succeeded in winning the case with 140 votes in their favor and only 7 for the Megalopolitans and the Kalliatai. Appolonidas, son of Etearchos from Sicyon, was general of the Achaean League in 182/1 BC when the trial took place. The demos (the assembly of the citizens) at Messene decided, according to lines 89–92 of the decree, to write the judgment on the base “on which the horsemen were erected near the Bouleion (Assembly Hall) and in the sanctuary of Messana”.21
11A well, oval in form with two mouth openings, dating to the Late Classical period was excavated close to the Bouleion, a few meters to the north of the Messana temple (fig. 6). At a depth of 4 m, a great number of pointed amphorae of local manufacture, human and dog bones were uncovered.22 The counting of human bones resulted in a minimum number of 262 non-adults of various age categories.23 The microscopic and radiological examination revealed no observable signs of long‑term disease or trauma that could have contributed to their death. Human bones in wells are a relatively common feature of ancient Greek mortuary practices, frequently representing an atypical form of disposal of socially excluded individuals.24 The closest parallels are the Hellenistic wells at the Athenian Agora (G 5:3) and at Eretria containing the remains of infants and dogs.25 Recent results are suggestive of a primary deposit, as infants were first buried in pots and consequently deposited into the well.26 For our immature remains is suggested that the risks of pregnancy and childbirth (affecting the mother and/or the infant) should be considered as the most plausible explanation.27 Scholars suggest different social attitudes towards the burial of infants associated with the time that children are accepted as full members of the society at the age of 3.28 It can be argued that the non‑adults recovered from the well were initially buried in pots and amphorae at a specific burial ground, which presumably at a point changed its use and the pot burials were transported and re‑deposited into the well.29 Of importance is the association of dogs with childbirth.30 The mythical dog seems to be a medium on the border between the living and the dead and in all likelihood the archaeological material reflects this important symbolic-mythological meaning in the transformation from life to death.31
Fig. 6 — General view of the central agora area.

12Closely connected with the temple of Messana is the building to the west with a colonnaded Doric porch on its front identified with the Prytaneion of the city on the evidence of its architectural form location and finds (figs. 1 and 2). It comprises two main rooms; the north one with a non-axial door would have been used as the dining room of the Prytaneion.32 The great number of animal bones found inside the small room attached to its west side comes in support of the function of the room with the non-axial door opening. The second room to the south of the first one would then be the residence of the perpetual flame burning on the common hearth.33 Limestone bases of inscribed stelae placed on both sides of the entrance to the rooms underline their significance. The building was used as a workshop in the late Roman period and paved with terracotta plaques.
Conclusion
13The sanctuary of Messana holds a commanding position over the agora;34 it defines the core of the early city in a close connection with the Bouleion, the Prytaneion, the subterranean Treasury chamber, and the important decrees displayed along its north side. The whole architectural unit was part of the original concept of the town plan. The function performed by this building ensemble was extremely important for the life of the polis. The sacred space functioned as center of the socio-political and economic life of the new capital of Messenia. The decision of the demos (the assembly of the citizens according to lines 89–92 of the decree) to write the adjudication of the significant case of boundary dispute between Messene and Megalopolis on the base “on which the horsemen were erected near the Bouleion and in the sanctuary of Messana” is certainly related to the socio-political and economic aspect of the sacred space. The addition of the high west staircase (crepis) to the temple is related to the monumental layout of the architectural design as part of the Hippodamian city planning. The large number of non-adults remains might be also suggestive that the well, situated inside the precinct of Messana’s sanctuary, continued to receive dead infants as a known to mothers and local midwives sacred place of disposal of infants who died under the age of two and a half to three years before being recognized as members of the society.
14The introduction of Messana’s cult was born together with the political decision for the foundation of the homonymous city state by the Thebans and their allies, a decision certainly taken with the consent and to the satisfaction of the local Messenian elit who had returned home. The establishment of Messana’s sanctuary was in a way due to the need of contrast of the new Messenian society to the Laconian dominance of their recent past. The upper Messenians classes sharpened their identity; they defined themselves as Messenian Dorians and created their own value system by forming a contrast to Sparta.35 Omphalion’s wall painting representing the 13 dominant figures of the royal genealogy before the Epaminondas’ city, underlines among others the political character of the sacred space and the importance of the glorious past. The buildings created connections with the past. The erection of decrees along the north side of the temple, of Roman emperors along its south and of the monumental base with the bronze riders, most probably representing the Dioscouroi, to its east side is the manifestation of a particular dedicatory pattern. Statues were an essential and integral part of the cityscape (of the urban environment), having a role to play in the built environment of the sacred place.36
15The idea of combining the religious with the social and political function of the architectural unit in the town planning design was inherited by and realized about a century later in the sanctuary of Asklepios (fig. 7), conceived as part of a new ambitious building program to declare that the inhabitants of Messenia were a distinctive ethnic unity in the Peloponnese.37 To this purpose stories about the deep roots of Messenian history in the pre‑Dorian and Dorian past were invented and illustrated in the wall paintings of the Messana temple mentioned above and in the sculptural decoration of the rooms around the stoas of the Asklepieion. Damophon’s contribution as sculptor and architect to this project was decisive.38 His statues were contemporary with the structures, and represented deities, personifications and heroised mortals referring to the glorious past of the land, and the historical event of the founding of the city by the Thebans.39 The influence of the historical factors on the monumental and votive landscape was decisive.40
Fig. 7 — Ground plan of the sanctuary of Asklepios.

Notes de bas de page
1 Müth 2007, pp. 223–228.
2 Felten 1998, p. 64.
3 Themelis 1994, pp. 101–122; Morizot 1994, pp. 399–405; Maggi 1996, pp. 260–265; Deshours 2004, pp. 115–127; Zunino 1997, pp. 139–142 and pp. 281–285.
4 Themelis 2002, pp. 34–46; Themelis 2003, pp. 25–44; Themelis 2004, pp. 29–47; Themelis 2005, pp. 29–47; Themelis 2006, pp. 49–52; Themelis 2007a, pp. 509–528; Themelis 2008a, pp. 31–50; Themelis 2009, pp. 61–98; Themelis 2010a, pp. 53–64; Themelis 2011, pp. 35–40; Themelis 2012a, pp. 53–61; Themelis 2010c, pp. 105–125; Themelis 2012b, pp. 37–47; Yasi, Ito 2016; a decree (inv. no. 1983) found in 1990 northeast of the Asklepieion was erected “in the sanctuary of Messana”, as stated in the text of the inscription: Themelis 1990, pp. 56–103.
5 The number of the crepis steps was originally about seven.
6 Themelis 2004, p. 41, pl. 17b (according to the text of 41 verses preserved on the lower part of one of the stelae).
7 Themelis, Sidiropoulos 2016, pp. 203–231; Lucius Verus visited Athens in 162 AD and made an ex‑voto at Eleusis on his way to the East against the Parths; Kienast 1990, pp. 143–145; Clinton 1999, pp. 97–98. A monument was erected in 166 AD at Eleusis by Herodes Atticus in honour of Marc Aurel and Lucius Verus: IG II2, 4779; Clinton 1999, pp. 97–99; Oliver 1970, passim.
8 IG V 1, 512, 533, 1451; IG IV, 588; PIR2 C 873; CIL III, 49; PIR2 C 1004a; Pausanias makes reference to this Saethidas (4.32,2), stating that heroic honors were paid to him by the people of Messene at his mausoleum south of the Stadium; cf. Luraghi 2008b, pp. 309–316. His senatorial rank: PIR2 C 872; Halfmann 1979, p. 174, no. 93: RP II, MES *142; for the office of the Helladarch: Puech 1983, pp. 15–43; Spawforth 1994, pp. 211–232.
9 Reconstructions of the family tree of the Saethidae family have been first proposed by Tod 1905, p. 43 and W. Kolbe, IG V 1, 1451, 1455a, and 512; RP II, MES stemma XVI; cf. Baldassara 2007, pp. 25–46; cf. Spawforth 2002, pp. 101–107; Luraghi 2008a, pp. 318–322; Ma 2006, pp. 325–338; Luraghi 2008b, pp. 191–202; Themelis, Sidiropoulos 2016, pp. 203–231.
10 Herodes Atticus (103–178 AD) was closely relate to Hadrian; after Hadrian’s death he was one of the tutors of the young crown-princes Marc Aurel and Lucius Verus: Opper (ed.) 2008, pp. 188–189; cf. Mylonopoulos 2006, pp. 69–110.
11 Themelis 2000, passim.
12 Themelis 1993, pp. 24–40. On Omphalion’s life and activity: Conticello 1963, p. 690; Themelis 1996, pp. 154–187.
13 Also delivered in the “Catalogues of Women” (Scholia to Pindar, Pythionikos iii, 14).
14 Themelis 1993, pp. 24–40; Felten 1983, pp. 84–105; Papachatzis 1967–1968, pp. 363–365; Themelis 2010b, pp. 5–25; Sineux 1997, pp. 1–24; Droste 2001, pp. 69–101; Melfi 2007, pp. 247–281; Sioumpara 2006, pp. 142–148 with Bibliography; Sève 2008, pp. 117–128.
15 It was Nikeratos son of Theon who promised to cover the expenses of the building’s repair: Migeotte 1985, pp. 597–607.
16 Dinsmoor 1949, pp. 195–196; Lauter, Spyropoulos 1998, pp. 426–438.
17 Bardani 2015.
18 Themelis 2006, pp. 32–37, fig. 27.
19 Themelis 2010c, pp. 105–125.
20 On the Carnasian groove, the sanctuary of Apollo Karneios and the Great Goddesses: Deshours 2006; Themelis 2007a, pp. 509–528.
21 Themelis 2008b, pp. 211–222; Steph. Byz. s.v. Καλλίαι, πόλις µία τῆς ἐν Ἀρκαδίαι Τριπόλεως, ὁ πολίτης Καλλιεύς, ὡς Παυσανίας; cf. Pikoulas 1988, pp. 198–227; Arnaoutoglou 2009–2010, pp. 181–201.
22 Bourbou, Themelis 2010, pp. 111–125.
23 According to the terminology of Scheuer, Black 2000, p. 468.
24 Papadopoulos 2001, pp. 96–118.
25 Rotroff 1999, pp. 284–285; Little 1999, p. 284; Snyder 1999, p. 284.
26 Personal communication of Susan Rotroff to Chryssa Bourbou in 2008; cf. Chenal-Velarde 2006, pp. 24–31.
27 Corpus Hippocraticum with Treatises such as Nature of Women, Diseases of Women, Epidemics; Soranus’ Gynecology; Aristotle, Hist. an. 588a8; Stele of Hediste from Demetrias-Pagasai, ca. 200 BC: Liston 2004, pp. 31–32; Demand 1994, pp. 121–134.
28 Agelarakis 2000, pp. 13–24; Malama, Triantaphyllou 2002, pp. 127–136.
29 On the funerary monument K3 situated to the west of the Gymnasium stoa: Themelis 2000b, pp. 124–136, fig. 114; Themelis 2000a, pp. 97–99, pls. 41–68.
30 Wapnish, Hesse 1993, pp. 55–80.
31 Gräslund 2004, pp. 167–176.
32 Miller 1978, p. 78.
33 Miller 1978, pp. 13–14.
34 Cf. Dickenson 2012, pp. 122–123.
35 Cf. Pakkanen 1996, pp. 20–21.
36 Jacobs 2010, pp. 267–303; Stewart 2003, pp. 121–122; Stewart 2008, p. 153: “art, religion and identity are not as easily separated as these labels imply”.
37 The construction of the Asklepieion complex was accomplished in the late 3rd–early second c. BC, according to the study of the architects H. A. Hlepa, P. Birdahas, J. Ito, E. Sioumpara.
38 Themelis 2013, pp. 53–64.
39 Ithomi, the site chosen by the Thebans for the foundation of the new city, was fixed in Messenian tradition by its part in the revolt of 464 BC and its association with Zeus Ithomatas.
40 Arafat 1996, pp. 10–11; Polignac 1995; Morgan 2003, pp. 107–163; Melfi, Bobou (eds.) 2016, Introduction page v and esp. articles nos. 1, 3 and 8.
Auteur
-
Petros Themelis
University of Crete, President of the Society of Messenian Archaeological Studies.
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