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Socialismes en Afrique

 | 
Françoise Blum
, 
Héloïse Kiriakou
, 
Martin Mourre
, 
et al.

Deuxième partie : socialismes en actes. 2 : pratiques esthétiques et propagande

Imposing Culture in Post-Liberation Mozambique

Arianna Huhn

Texte intégral

1On an evening in 1964, in a small village in the Mozambican province of Manica, a celebration was underway. A Portuguese trader passed by the batuque and, attracted by the light of the bonfire and the rhythm of the drums, he parked his vehicle and approached the scene. The dancing and music suddenly stopped, and the village chief stepped forward. He said in his own tongue, “White man, you came to a batuque. At a batuque, everybody has to dance. Dance!” From the tone of the chief’s voice, the Portuguese man knew that he was being ordered to do something, but not what. The chief signaled for drumming and he pointed to the trader’s feet. “Dance, Portuguese man,” he implored. The man understood and he began to “dance” by jumping up and down, unable to coordinate his movements. The crowd laughed at him, a guffaw impregnated with the impending fall of the Portuguese overseas empire. The Portuguese man fled to his car and drove away into the night. An account of the event appeared in the Portuguese-run newspaper Diario de Moçambique several weeks later as follows:

  • 1 Frelimo, “Accident at a Batuque,” Mozambique Revolution, no. 11, October 1964: 8–10.

When witnessing a batuque, Sr. Artur Agostinho Pacheco was violently thrown into the fire by an African. He was seriously burned on both knees and had to go to hospital, where, due to the seriousness of his condition, he had to remain. The police are investigating the occurrence.1

  • 2 Frelimo, a contemporary political party in Mozambique, was originally established as the guerilla m (...)
  • 3 Tempo, “Programa da Frelimo,” Revista Tempo, no. 333, 20 February 1977: 26.

2FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique)2 published these two versions of events side-by-side in its English-language journal and political mouthpiece Mozambique Revolution. The foreigner’s incompetence, humiliation, and fear in the face of local solidarity in the FRELIMO version, juxtaposed with the Portuguese portrait of the native population as savage (and thus unfit for self-rule), reflects contemporaneous power dynamics at the dawn of the war for Mozambican independence. Happenstance (and perhaps fictional) as this batuque encounter was, it also starkly anticipates the invocation of “culture” in Mozambique as a battleground for revolutionary ideals. This is particularly true of the years of Frelimo’s official Marxist-Leninist orientation (1977–1989), but there are also clear roots in the preceding War for Independence era (1964–1975). In this twenty-plus-year stretch Frelimo developed, deployed, and eventually retreated from a battle against tribalism and the constraint that “tradition” was understood to impose on the nation’s proletariat revolution. The martial language here is intentional—Frelimo overtly labeled culture a “weapon” in the country’s social and economic transformation to socialist statehood.3

3This chapter outlines what Frelimo meant when it cast culture as a weapon with which a revolution not only could, but inevitably would be staged, and how culture was deployed in the transformation from colonialism, imperialism, and capitalism to self-sovereignty, national unity, and a fledgling socialist state. I pieced together this historical examination of Frelimo’s ideological stance on culture by reviewing magazine articles, political speeches, and secondary sources. It is, admittedly, a very small case study, but one none-the-less that raises important issues. I focus my analysis on 1977, the year in which Frelimo declared itself a Marxist-Leninist vanguard party and, in calling culture a “political weapon,” sparked considerable discussion on the role of arts and of traditional ethos in the nation’s ideological revolution and development of nationalist sentiment. Frelimo convened a conference to discuss these matters that same year, and implemented programs to collect, disseminate, and make the means for creativity in the arts available to the proletariat masses. In 1977, the nation was further presented an opportunity to showcase “national culture” on the world stage through participation in the second annual Festival de Arte e Culture Negro-Africano (World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture), or Festac, where the Mozambican delegation marched in the opening ceremonies led by a uniformed military formation. These events combine to qualify 1977 as an exceptionally active year for the development of Frelimo’s ideological stance on culture, a “departure point,” as Carlos Jorge Siliya put it, and an “opening of a new phase for the augmentation and knowledge of theoretical questions about culture in Mozambique” (1996: 23).

4Attending more fully to the ideological underpinnings of Frelimo’s early cultural policies and programs accomplishes three things. First, it suggests that the party’s Marxist-Leninist positioning was more than rhetoric. Even if socialist affect was never embodied by the masses (and perhaps even by party elites), it still served as a policy directive. A second advantage to the revisit is the insight it provides for understanding the interface of culture and politics in Africa. Frelimo’s stance on tradition, foreignness, and the nature of culture is distinct from other socialist amalgamations, and these divergences merit interrogation. A third impact is broadening extant analyses of Frelimo’s cultural decrees, which tend to focus on the suppression of “tradition” without considering the theoretical underpinning of these policies or Frelimo’s more formative directives.

Socialisms in Africa

5The socialist turn in Mozambique was neither unprecedented nor unusual. During Africa’s long and varied battles for independence from colonial rule, many activists and political leaders found an ideological connection with the works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Edmond Keller writes, populist socialism came to represent “an almost essential ingredient in some magical political potion” for independence and self-rule in Africa (1987: 2). Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, Julius Nyerere in Tanzania, Ahmed Sékou Touré in Guinea, and Jomo Kenyatta in Kenya, among others, ardently proselytized socialist philosophy in association with African independence movements.

6A second wave of socialist-inspired politics swept the continent in the late 1960s through the early 1980s. While still founded in the works of Marx and Engels, African political leaders of this era focused on the interpretations of Vladimir Lenin, who crucially declared that the proletariat revolution could not be passively awaited. It would, instead, need to be actively made. Less utopian than the previous generation of populist socialists, and proclaiming the need for a vanguard party to lead education of the working class in order to bring about revolution, Marxist-Leninism contributed to a blossoming of “Afro-Marxist” states. Marien Ngouabi declared Congo to be a People’s Republic in December 1969. One year later the military regime in Somalia did the same. Benin followed in 1974, Madagascar in 1975, Mozambique and Angola in 1977, and Ethiopia in 1987 (Keller 1987: 4).

  • 4 See also Machel (1976).

7Scholars sometimes point to the alignment of Marxist principles with traditional African cultural values (e.g., communalism, egalitarianism, unity) as evidence for an indigenous basis for African socialist thinking (Sprinzak 1973; Alofun 2014: 8). Julius Nyerere’s “ujamaa,” in fact, overtly incorporated these ideas into political philosophy. But in tracing Frelimo’s journey to develop a post-independence political ideology, it would seem that the party took Marx’s writings on historical materialism to heart. For Marx, the consciousness of a people, the “superstructure,” was a product of their mode of production and the relations between resultant classes (Marx, Engels 1976). As such, equal distribution in the means of production and the profits of labor, and the resultant elimination of class differences, would result in the eradication of cultural differences. The incipient “new man” (homem novo) who would initiate the proletariat revolution was slated to be not an amalgamation of existing cultural traits, reflective of the past, or merely a manifestation of nationalist sentiment, but a genuine product of revolution (Barnes 1978; Machiana 2002: 85–86).4

  • 5 Tempo, Programa da Frelimo (333): 26.
  • 6 Tempo, “Explicação das Palavras de Ordem,” Revista Tempo, no. 329, 23 January 1977: 52.

8Furthermore, according to Leninism, proletariat revolution would have to be cultivated by the vanguard party. Frelimo took as its charge to not only eradicate all cultural forms that might inhibit revolution, but also to provide the venue and materials with which the masses could develop, build, and express emerging socialist values. This explains the party’s declaration of culture as “a weapon of grand valor in the revolutionary education […] and for this same reason, the ideological battle”5 and the inconsistent proclamation “Impôr cultura!” (Impose culture!) amidst a chorus of vivas (long lives) and abaixos (down withs) that more typically characterized Frelimo rallying cries.6 The sections that follow outline the codification of this positioning on culture, as well as its policy and program implications.

The National Culture Meeting (1977): defining a stance on culture

9Frelimo was concerned with culture long before Samora Machel officially declared Mozambique to be a “people’s republic” guided by socialist principles in 1977. Factionalism along ethnic lines, both internally produced and externally instigated by the Portuguese, threatened to break the organization apart from the very beginning of the guerrilla movement (Alpers 1974: 42). In a speech at the National Culture Meeting in 1977, a former Frelimo military leader recalled that during the war for independence the soldiers were forced to dance and sing music that was not from their home region so as to promote a sense of Mozambican nationalism and unity. At first the practice was resisted, he explained, but it eventually took hold.

  • 7 Tempo, “Reunião de Cultura – Dança,” Revista Tempo, no. 359, 21 August 1977: 38. The event was flan (...)

After the process of political education and the practice of collective life, of the battle side by side, the same combatants were taking in the content of the music that they sang, in their new music they were abandoning their old values and conceptions, there were new values corresponding to their new life and their new conceptions. All of the dances from each region began to be danced by everyone.7

10In addition to combatting tribalism and racism, Frelimo sought in its early years to tease out the “positive” and “negative” aspects of Mozambique’s traditions in order to select those that were viable to begin building a future, amalgamated Mozambican culture. A first “Cultural Seminar” was held in Tanzania in 1971/1972 to this aim. It resulted in a series of prohibitions and restrictions, including bans on polygamy and bridewealth so as to encourage gender equality, the outlaw of Traditional Authorities (who had in many cases enabled abuse under the colonial system), and a campaign against “obscurantist” beliefs demanding faith without scientific inquiry (implicating traditional healing, witchcraft, and indigenous as well as world religions) (Basto 2012).

  • 8 Tempo, “Reunião Nacional de Culture: Abertura,” Revista Tempo, no. 356, 31 July 1977: 55.

11Frelimo’s epistemological stance on the role of culture in relation to a Marxist-Leninist agenda was, however, articulated only after independence. A National Culture Meeting (Reunião Nacional de Cultura), organized by Graça Machel, wife of President Samora Machel and minister of education and culture (MEC), was held 25–30 July 1977 in Maputo and convened in order to discuss and debate questions previously unattended to but of primary import to the new regime—“What is culture?” and “What is the role of culture in the revolutionary process?”8

  • 9 Tempo, “O Papel da Cultura no Processa Revolutionário,” Revista Tempo, no. 357, 7 August 1977: 60–6 (...)

12Records of the discussion and debate of these topics provide a clear indication of the party’s application of Marxist-Leninist platforms to define official positioning and policy on culture. Specifically, extant documents suggest a stance that: 1) Per historical materialism, culture is reflective of contemporaneous material (and economic) conditions; 2) It follows that unsubstantiated assertion of the positive value of “traditional” cultural forms is unacceptable; and 3) Rejection of foreign cultural forms (or foreign people) simply because of their origins is shortsighted. True to the Marxist-Leninist platform, culture was said to result from the influence of environment and surrounding problems, and to be based upon economic realities. Fernando Ganhão, rector at Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, summarized, “The general consensus is that there is a confrontation of man and nature. In this confrontation is born society, and evolves man, and they build ideological superstructures.”9 Some went as far as to propose that there were really only two cultures: proletariat and bourgeois.

  • 10 Ibid.: 62.
  • 11 Tempo, “Reunião Nacional de Cultura – Sobre a Tradicão Oral,” Revista Tempo, no. 358, 14 August 197 (...)
  • 12 Ibid.: 37.

13The topic, and the socialist sentiment, carried over into a lecture given by Gideon Ndove, director of the Ministry of Education and Culture, who proposed culture as flexible—changing with the character of the society it is serving, and the social class in question.10 “Our culture is not static, it is dynamic, it evolves. And, especially, it integrates itself in the battle of classes. Culture has the personality of the class, an ideological content and it has the problem of society where it itself enters.”11 A series of three photos of elders, printed alongside the summary of events in Tempo magazine, evokes the same sentiment. The caption reads, “Culture of a people is not their history. It is principally their experience, and how their thinking and relations with nature determine everyday life.”12 This notion of culture as evolving, changing, and contemporary, a product of experience as opposed to a byproduct of the past, is reflective of the delegates’ attention to Marxist-Leninist historical materialism for approaching cultural policy.

  • 13 Tempo, “Reunião de Cultura – Musica,” Revista Tempo, no. 360, 28 August 1977: 40, 45.
  • 14 Tempo, “Reunião de Cultura – Artes Plásticas,” Revista Tempo, no. 361, 4 September 1977: 32.

14Delegates to the meeting showed their positioning also through disdain and mockery of lecturers who demonstrated uncritical praise of ancestral traditions or dismissal of foreign cultural forms. When a speaker on music claimed that he could “affirm that our present song is the heritage of the musical values made by our ancestors,” this position was fiercely criticized by delegates who countered that revolution changed culture, and thus cultural forms were not static or necessarily rooted in the past.13 The lecture on plastic arts created a similar confrontation. As an “obsessive theme,” according to one journalist, the speaker repeatedly put into conflict African and European cultures, and uncritically asserted the valor of the former over the latter. In the debate that followed, delegates espoused that there had always been an exchange of influences between cultures, so that to reject European culture was to reject a part of Mozambique. Cultural exchange, they added, had the capacity to enrich a culture, and would not necessarily weaken it.14

Enemies of the state: manifestation of Frelimo’s stance on culture

  • 15 Tempo, Untitled Xiconhoca cartoon, Revista Tempo, no. 343, 1 May 1977: 2.
  • 16 Tempo, Untitled Xiconhoca cartoon, Revista Tempo, no. 328, 16 January 1977: 4.
  • 17 Tempo, Untitled Xiconhoca cartoon, Revista Tempo, no. 335, 6 March 1977: 2.
  • 18 Tempo, Untitled Xiconhoca cartoon, Revista Tempo, no. 344, 8 May 1977: 2.
  • 19 See Buur (2010) for an extended discussion of the cartoon character as a “stable figure with fluid (...)

15Frelimo’s theoretical positioning on culture additionally manifested in the character of Xiconhoca, who appeared in a series of state-sponsored political cartoons beginning in 1976 (Buur 2010: 24–47). The infamous “Xico the Snake” and his friends Joe and Pita represented the “enemy of the people” by embodying and enacting positions opposite to the revolutionary values advocated by Frelimo (Siliya 1996: 190–199). The trio accomplishes this in a way that, without background, may seem contradictory. Xiconhoca exhibited in some instances, for example, the decadent cultural traits of a “bourgeoisie” lifestyle, and in others an uncritical reliance on tradition. He parrots colonial racist attitudes of superiority over the native population, commenting on a performance of native song and dance to a European stander-by, “This is culture? These are the dances of primitives!!! True culture is European culture! Nothing else!”15 Xico elsewhere suggests “culture” to be smoking cigarettes, drinking beer, playing guitar, or otherwise mindlessly imitating Western cultural forms.16 But in other instances Xico embodies African traditions. Xico is a polygamist, for example, and in the face of detrimental flooding he implores his fellow villagers to not leave their homes for the government’s planned communal settlements, shouting, “Stop! […] We cannot abandon the land of our ancestors!”17 Xico further believes in a strict separation of “traditional” and “outsider” values, for example boycotting the May Day International Day of the Worker as a “foreign celebration.”18 In the form of Xiconhoca, then, traditionalism, Europeanism, and racism operate in unison to prevent the emergence of a proletariat revolution.19

16The Mozambican position toward culture thus conflicts with Negritude, Pan-Africanism, and other positivist and populist philosophies lauding the resurrection of traditional African values systems and uniting of black people around the world through common traditions and heritage as essential to liberation. Negritude focused specifically on fighting colonial racism and reclaiming as “positive” those elements of traditional African cultures debased as “primitive” and “backward” under colonial rule. “Mother Africa” also loomed large for Pan-Africanists, who focused on reevaluating history from an African perspective, rejecting assimilation as a political strategy, and returning to “traditional” African values. Frelimo’s stance, on the other hand, rejected uncritical praise for traditions and cultural forms, saw culture as rooted in present experiences rather than the past, and considered wholesale rejection of things European (or assumption of Black brotherhood) to be unacceptably racist.

  • 20 Tempo, “Festival de Arte e Culture Negro-Africano (II),” Revista Tempo, no. 335, 6 March 1977: 26.

17This contrast led to palpable conflict at the 1977 Festac celebration, where Mozambique’s artistic contributions were impregnated with martial imagery. At the opening ceremonies, for example, where each country’s representatives participated in a colorful parade of music, costume, and dance, the Mozambican delegation was led by a uniformed military march. They also began each performance by singing the Mozambican national anthem, and had no qualms performing songs and dances with origins outside of Mozambican borders. The delegation specifically included artistic forms from Zimbabwe in recognition of important links between the two countries and to underscore the benefits of cross-cultural exchange.20

  • 21 Tempo, Festac II (336): 23.
  • 22 Ibid.: 25. Further similarities between Mozambique and Guinea can be found in the writings of Amílc (...)
  • 23 Ibid.: 23.

18Only Guinea joined Mozambique in explicitly rejecting Festac’s proclamation that culture and politics should be kept separate.21 When Nigeria’s delegation put on a play where typical colonial power dynamics were reversed (the black man full of dignity and the white man a clown, the black man fighting with spears and the white man with ineffective rifles because he had been bewitched, and so forth), delegates from the two socialist nations walked out of the theatre.22 The alternative “revolutionary culture” proselytized by Mozambique was not, however, received uniformly well. Diametrically opposite Festac’s focus on “traditional cultures associated with specific ethnic groups and historic kingdoms” within the “elevated framework of the modern African nation” (Apter 2005: 5), the Nigerian press criticized that the Mozambican delegation had little color or rhythm. A Tempo journalist countered, “In reality […] what our country lost in terms of spectacle […] they made up for in political definition, in terms of defining a new African culture.” The journalist later suggested that other nations appreciated Mozambique’s passion and values, awarding the nation’s performances with vigorous applause “not only because they were impressed with the beauty of performance but for its significance.”23

  • 24 Tempo, Tradicão Oral (358): 34; Tempo, “Offensiva Cultural das Classes Trabalhadores,” Tempo, no. 3 (...)

19The intertwining of culture and military strategy additionally underscored Frelimo’s “Cultural Offensive of the Working Classes” or Ofensiva initiative. The program aimed to collect and record songs, artistic works, oral histories, and mythologies from across the country. The goal of the Ofensiva initiative was not, however, a codification or formal documentation of traditional forms in danger of disappearance. Rather, because culture was considered a reflection of a people’s values and material conditions, Frelimo could expect revolution to be echoed in cultural ethos and the plastic and performing arts and expected to be able to use these forms as a sort of gauge for revolutionary progress. Economic and cultural revolutions, in other words, were understood to be inseparable and to reflect one another, and the evolution of one could serve as a sort of barometer for the other.24

  • 25 Ibid.: 24.
  • 26 Tempo, “Cultura O Que Vão Ser as Casas de Cultura,” Revista Tempo, no. 330, 30 January 1977: 46.
  • 27 Ibid.: 47-49.

20Change, apparently, was slow going on both fronts. And so, in addition to documentation, part of the Ofensiva initiative charge became kickstarting artistic, and so political, revolution through the development of regional “Cultural Houses” (Casas de Cultura) where artistic knowledge could be shared and artistic productions inspired by revolutionary values.25 The idea of Cultural Houses was first presented at a meeting of provincial representatives of the Ministry of Education and Culture, and then elaborated by Rui Nogar, a representative of the National Department of Culture.26 The network of venues would keep in stock art supplies and employ established artists as teachers, essentially socializing the arts by making them available to the masses. The Cultural Houses were, in other words, envisioned to foster a new revolutionary culture not only “of everyone” but “for everyone.” Nogar, envisioning the results, explained, “Like this, we will transform our culture; like this, we will determine our new society; like this, we will constitute socialism.”27

  • 28 Tempo, “Teatro Popular,” Revista Tempo, no. 343, 1 May 1977: 57.
  • 29 Frelimo, “What is the Mozambican Culture,” Mozambique Revolution, no. 50, January–March 1972: 15; T (...)
  • 30 Tempo, Teatro Popular (343): 57.

21Of particular import to the Cultural Houses were the performance arts, and specifically theatre—a form that can be undertaken by anyone, regardless of financial position, artistic skill, or level of literacy. “[Y]ou can put on a play in any room, on the open land in a communal village, in a public plaza in a city. Scenery can be made with simple materials,” a National Institute of Culture (INAC) representative explained in a summary piece on the Ofensiva project.28 Theatrical performance is also easy to impregnate with revolutionary messages. At the first Cultural Seminar, held in 1971/1972, for example, the delegation wrote and performed several theatrical pieces with overt political messages, such as valorizing Mozambican self-rule (“Monomatapa” about the c. twelfth- to eighteenth-century empire of central Mozambique and “Third of February” about the life of Eduardo Mondlane), lambasting laziness (“The Teacher Who Did Not Prepare His Lessons,” about irresponsible teachers who improvise instruction with clear detriment to students), and supporting Frelimo’s more restrictive cultural policies (“The Witchdoctor,” which exposed the evils of superstition and nefarious motivations of traditional healers).29 Through the arts, then, the masses were envisioned as being guided toward feeling revolutionary values, in mind and in spirit, a prerequisite for the expected proletariat revolution.30

22While a mass of oral histories preserved by Arquivo do Património Cultural (ARPAC) evidence some of the activities that may have been inspired by the Cultural Offensive, documenting the implementation, reception, and results of the initiative are beyond the scope of the present paper. Suffice to conclude with the observation that the Ofensiva initiative provides additional, clear evidence of Afro-socialist-inspired policy, the close marriage of culture and martial imagery, and the Marxist-Leninist-based theoretical positioning of culture as an ever-changing reflection of material conditions, of critical importance to the success of the fledgling socialist state.

Conclusions

  • 31 Tempo, O Papel da Cultura (357): 64; Tempo, Artés Plasticas (357): 37.

23Suppression, (re)definition, and controlling of culture and artistic forms, or at least the attempt to do so, have long been tools for political regimes seeking to consolidate power, ensure stability, and build a sense of allegiance and unity. In the short history of Frelimo, traditional culture has been valorized, condemned as obscurantism, and most recently, through the requirement of consultation with community leaders for foreign investors and the recruitment of traditional healers in the fight against HIV/AIDS, culture has been lauded as a tool for promoting development, democracy, and health. Culture for Marxist-Leninist Frelimo was a “fundamental weapon for liberation of man from colonial heritage and capitalism,” a “weapon in the battle against class and an instrument in the construction of a new society.”31 Frelimo’s ideology envisioned that with the proletariat revolution would come the disappearance of class and extant cultural divisions among Mozambique’s many ethic heritages, and the organic materialization of national unity through the emergence of a “New Man” espousing a uniquely emergent culture reflective of socialist conditions and values. Those who stood in the way were, like Xiconhoca, an enemy of the state.

24But the revolution never came, and these understandings and expectations quietly began to dissipate. Prohibitions on traditional cultural forms were relaxed beginning in 1984, and the ban on traditional healing lifted in 1989. Other restrictions followed suit as Marxist-Leninism faded from official Frelimo ideology. Crucially, the traditional cultural forms impacted by socialist-era policies never did disappear. Their lingering presence, in addition to the anticipated proletariat revolution being slow to arrive, may have even contributed to the rise of the Renamo insurgency (a movement that embraced traditional leadership and cultural elements). Culture, as such, proved to be more imposing (in the sense of being formidable) than had been predicted by those who sought to interject revolutionary values into artistic forms and impose (in the sense of forcing) change. This one, small and limited case study—a preliminary glimpse into a single year in the formulation of Mozambique’s Afro-Marxist ideology based primarily on published and state-linked primary sources—is particularly useful for broadening perspectives on how culture was variously integrated into African socialist ideologies, and this into both policy and material cultural forms, and for suggesting that there is as much to be gained from interrogating how culture is practiced and regulated as there is from considering how culture is epistemologically conceived by political regimes.

Acknowledgments

25I wish to thank Jeanne Penvenne for her guidance in conceiving this paper, and for providing the lived experience with which to always be cognizant of the distinctions between Frelimo rhetoric and practice. I also thank the conference organizers for making these proceedings accessible.

Bibliographie

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Notes

1 Frelimo, “Accident at a Batuque,” Mozambique Revolution, no. 11, October 1964: 8–10.

2 Frelimo, a contemporary political party in Mozambique, was originally established as the guerilla military force FRELIMO.

3 Tempo, “Programa da Frelimo,” Revista Tempo, no. 333, 20 February 1977: 26.

4 See also Machel (1976).

5 Tempo, Programa da Frelimo (333): 26.

6 Tempo, “Explicação das Palavras de Ordem,” Revista Tempo, no. 329, 23 January 1977: 52.

7 Tempo, “Reunião de Cultura – Dança,” Revista Tempo, no. 359, 21 August 1977: 38. The event was flanked by a First and Second Conference of the Department of Education and Culture, held in 1970 and 1973. See also Barnes (1978) and Siliya (1996: 142–150).

8 Tempo, “Reunião Nacional de Culture: Abertura,” Revista Tempo, no. 356, 31 July 1977: 55.

9 Tempo, “O Papel da Cultura no Processa Revolutionário,” Revista Tempo, no. 357, 7 August 1977: 60–61.

10 Ibid.: 62.

11 Tempo, “Reunião Nacional de Cultura – Sobre a Tradicão Oral,” Revista Tempo, no. 358, 14 August 1977: 35.

12 Ibid.: 37.

13 Tempo, “Reunião de Cultura – Musica,” Revista Tempo, no. 360, 28 August 1977: 40, 45.

14 Tempo, “Reunião de Cultura – Artes Plásticas,” Revista Tempo, no. 361, 4 September 1977: 32.

15 Tempo, Untitled Xiconhoca cartoon, Revista Tempo, no. 343, 1 May 1977: 2.

16 Tempo, Untitled Xiconhoca cartoon, Revista Tempo, no. 328, 16 January 1977: 4.

17 Tempo, Untitled Xiconhoca cartoon, Revista Tempo, no. 335, 6 March 1977: 2.

18 Tempo, Untitled Xiconhoca cartoon, Revista Tempo, no. 344, 8 May 1977: 2.

19 See Buur (2010) for an extended discussion of the cartoon character as a “stable figure with fluid content” teaching the nation “what not to be” through embodiment of attitudes perceived as needing to be constrained and transformed by the “New Man.”

20 Tempo, “Festival de Arte e Culture Negro-Africano (II),” Revista Tempo, no. 335, 6 March 1977: 26.

21 Tempo, Festac II (336): 23.

22 Ibid.: 25. Further similarities between Mozambique and Guinea can be found in the writings of Amílcar Cabral (1979).

23 Ibid.: 23.

24 Tempo, Tradicão Oral (358): 34; Tempo, “Offensiva Cultural das Classes Trabalhadores,” Tempo, no. 341, 17 April 1977: 26–28.

25 Ibid.: 24.

26 Tempo, “Cultura O Que Vão Ser as Casas de Cultura,” Revista Tempo, no. 330, 30 January 1977: 46.

27 Ibid.: 47-49.

28 Tempo, “Teatro Popular,” Revista Tempo, no. 343, 1 May 1977: 57.

29 Frelimo, “What is the Mozambican Culture,” Mozambique Revolution, no. 50, January–March 1972: 15; Tempo, “Teatro: A Mulher Moçambicana e o Seu Engajiamento na Reconstrução Nacional,” Revista Tempo, no. 368, 23 October 1977.

30 Tempo, Teatro Popular (343): 57.

31 Tempo, O Papel da Cultura (357): 64; Tempo, Artés Plasticas (357): 37.

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