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Dossier : Des vases pour les Athéniens

Dossier : Des vases pour les Athéniens (vie-ive siècles avant notre ère)

Fine Ware Pottery from a Late Archaic House near the Athenian Agora

Kathleen Lynch

Résumé

Un puits de maison rempli des débris provenant d’un déblaiement, suite à la destruction d’Athènes par les Perses, fournit un témoignage sur les activités liées à la boisson dans une maison athénienne de la période archaïque récente. La poterie utilisée pour boire le vin représente presque la moitié du dépôt. Trois ou quatre ensembles de coupes témoignent de différentes manières de boire le vin, incluant le symposion. L’iconographie sur ces vases figurés est simple – on ne rencontre ni scène mythologique ni scène érotique – quelques images néanmoins n’ont pas de parallèles. Considérées dans leur ensemble, les images peuvent refléter les intérêts du propriétaire. Ce contexte archéologique fournit de nouveaux aperçus sur la pratique du symposion dans une maison athénienne.

Texte intégral

  • 1 I would like to thank Marie-Christine Villanueva Puig, CNRS and EHESS for inviting me to participat (...)
  • 2 Cf. Lynch 2011, fig. 9, 10 and discussion p. 29-39.
  • 3 See Shear 1993 for the other 21 deposits, and fig. 1 for their locations.
  • 4 Lynch 2011, p. 41-48.

1In 1994 and 1995 the ASCSA Excavations of the Athenian Agora explored a household well filled with pottery and debris resulting from the Persian destruction of Athens.1 The house was located north of the Agora square (Fig. 1). The foundations of a Roman podium temple cut through it, and a Roman latrine obliterated the western portion of the house. Nevertheless, several rooms on the eastern side of the house survive, and two domestic phases are preserved.2 The house was built around 525 B. C. and underwent a renovation after the Persian destruction of Athens in 480 B. C. The well, Well J 2:4, is the 22nd deposit excavated by the Agora excavations filled with debris collected during the clean up following the Persian sack of the city in 480 B. C.3 Homeowners filled in and closed the well during the renovation after 480 B. C. Unlike the other 21 similar deposits, Well J 2:4 was excavated to its bottom and all pottery was kept, even coarse ware sherds. In addition, Well J 2:4 seems to be the debris from a single household, not several houses, and not from a mix of household and commercial origins.4 Thus, a full study of the contents of Well J 2:4 provides us with our most thorough view of an Athenian household’s ceramic assemblage at the end of the Archaic period. This paper will focus on the figured pottery from Well J 2:4 and the information it reveals about sympotic practice and image selection in an Athenian household.

  • 5 Shear 1993, p. 393 rightly states that much of the pottery in Persian destruction clean-up deposits (...)
  • 6 Shear 1993, p. 393.
  • 7 Methodology for counting Minimum Number of Vessels (MNV) followed that of Rotroff, Oakley 1992, p. (...)

2Because excavators kept every fragment of pottery, for the first time we can characterize the entire household assemblage for a single Athenian house (Table 1).5 Previously, excavators discarded body sherds or kept only a representative selection of pottery in the interest of saving storage space.6 Based on minimum number of vessel counts, almost 50% of this house’s ceramic assemblage was made up by fine ware vessels associated with wine service and drinking (Fig. 2a).7 This is an enormous amount of pottery devoted to drinking activities. Only 23% of the household’s pottery was for table service (bowls and the like), 18% for cooking and household utility, and 10% for miscellaneous votive, toilet, and other functions. Athenian fine ware production certainly favored shapes used in the symposium and wine drinking activities, but never before has it been possible to see how much a single household’s pottery was directed to drinking activities. In the Late Archaic and early Classical periods, Athenian potters made few shapes explicitly for food consumption. Bowls, plates, and saucers became much more popular in the late Classical and Hellenistic periods. Food bowls may have been made of perishable materials such as wood or gourds, but the evidence shows that pottery production and household use of pottery focused on wine drinking.

Table 1: Assemblage belonging to the house of Well J 2:4; data from LYNCH 2011, table 6

Table 1: Assemblage belonging to the house of Well J 2:4; data from LYNCH 2011, table 6

1. Does not include water jars found at the bottom of the well. Most were broken during the period of use of the well

3Of the wine drinking equipment, drinking vessels accounted for the greatest amount. Almost half of the drinking vessels were kylikes (Fig. 2b). The majority of the kylikes were plain black-gloss, and no black-figured kylikes met the minimum number of vessel criteria for counting. The red-figured kylikes are a set, discussed below. Concave lipped kylikes were more frequent than plain rimmed (two concave for every one plain). The second most common shape was the cup-skyphos, most are black-figured, and there are few one-handlers and Corinthian-type skyphoi. Fine ware serving shapes such as oinochoai are few; however, the house had more pitchers in household fabric, which presents the possibility that a coarse ware pitcher could be used for serving wine.

4Notably absent among the vessels for wine service is a krater. Although three fragments of kraters were found in the well deposit, none met the criteria for minimum number of vessels in the household assemblage. The absence of kraters is perplexing because the abundance of cups and utensils for wine service implies the presence of a krater. Perhaps the krater was metal and salvaged by the homeowners or looted by the Persians. Even a ceramic krater, if it survived in reparable condition, could continue in service. As the largest of the decorated shapes, the krater probably cost the most, and thus an owner may wish to extend its use if possible.

5The deposit contained three or four different sets of drinking vessels united by shape and decorative technique: kylikes in red-figure and black-gloss (Fig. 3); kylikes in red-figure and with intentional red; cup-skyphoi in black-figure and black-gloss; and a possible set of black-figured large skyphoi. Each of these sets may represent different modes of communal drinking from the formal symposion with kylikes to more casual group drinking with the cup-skyphoi. That the house owned multiple sets of drinking vessels indicates that each set represented a distinct drinking activity and social occasion. The kylikes with their tall stem were designed for use while reclining, a feature of formal symposia. The cup-skyphoi, on the other hand, are stout vessels that are not distinctly designed for use in the symposion. Practical use of the vessels may have resulted in the mixing of sets, but similarities of painting and potting indicate that the homeowner purchased each set at one time.

  • 8 Red-figure: P 32420, P 32417, P 32419, P 32422, P 32421, P 32411. Black-gloss kylikes P 32475 and P (...)
  • 9 In Plato’s Symposium, Socrates encourages Aristodemos to attend Agathon’s dinner uninvited (174 5a- (...)

6The red-figured kylikes were most likely used in a symposion. The set includes six red-figured members, and several of the plain, black-gloss kylikes match the profiles of the red-figured cups (Fig. 3).8 A single potter made cups for decoration in both black-gloss and red-figure, all date to ca. 500 B. C., and they come from stylistically inter-related workshops, so it is likely that the homeowner bought both red-figured cups and black-gloss cups at the same time. Perhaps the plain black-gloss kylikes were used to enlarge the set and accommodate a flexible number of guests.9 There is no evidence that the homeowner built his set over time or replaced broken cups with new ones, which would produce a set of kylikes with different dates. Instead, he bought the set at one time, about 20 years before the Persians sacked the city.

  • 10 P 32411, Lynch 2011, no. 95, p. 238-239, color ill. 1, 9, fig. 92.
  • 11 Böhr 2009 proposes that some small cups were philotēsia, love-gifts given by an erastēs to his erom (...)

7Five of the kylikes have a similar size ranging around 600-700 ml, but a sixth is smaller with a volume of 250 ml.10 This smaller cup also has scenes on the exterior as well as the interior tondo. The remaining five, on the other hand, are only decorated on the interior tondo. Their exteriors are undecorated. The purpose of the smaller cup is not completely clear.11 It bears scenes of youths fighting with shields, but without weapons. In the tondo, a youth hunts with a throwing stick.

  • 12 P 32420, Lynch 2011, no. 89, p. 230-232, color ill. 1, 3, fig. 86.
  • 13 P 32417, Lynch 2011, no. 90, p. 232-233, color ill. 1, 4, fig. 87.
  • 14 See Lynch 2011, p. 81; Jeffery 1990, p. 67.

8The other five cups are more clearly a set, and two are by the same painter, the Ambrosios Painter. The first cup features a man walking with a skyphos, a cloak over his shoulder.12 The second cup shows a youth running with strips of meat.13 The same inscription appears around both figures: “ΗΟ ΠΑΙΣ ΚΑΛΟΣ”. Even the two dot–as opposed to three dot–punctuation is characteristic of the Ambrosios Painter.14

  • 15 P 32419, Lynch 2011, no. 91, p. 234-235, color ill. 1, 5, fig. 88.
  • 16 Lynch 2012.

9The third cup is a boy treading grapes in a lekane in the Manner of the Euergides Painter.15 The sticks in his hands would have been connected by a rope to a beam or tree to keep his balance in the round bottomed vessel, especially as carbon dioxide built up from fermentation.16 The inscription around the youth says, “ΠΡΟΣΑΓΟΡΕΥΟ”, I welcome you. Whether the wine, the cup, the boy, or the host is welcoming the viewer/drinker is ambiguous, but the greeting reflects the inclusiveness of the symposion.

  • 17 Unattributed, P 32422, Lynch 2011, no. 92, p. 235-236, color ill. 1, 6, fig. 89.
  • 18 Dinsmoor 1934; Johnson 1955; Kreuzer 1999.
  • 19 For discussion of the inscription and possible readings, see Lynch 2011, p. 87-88.
  • 20 Cf. use of owl on coins in last decades of 6th century B. C., Kreuzer 1999, Kroll 1993, p. 5 and no (...)
  • 21 Cf. Kyoto, inv. no. 8, a red-figured amphora with a frontal owl. A post-production graffito below t (...)

10The fourth cup has a frontal owl in the tondo.17 This owl resembles the type of owl on owl skyphoi, glaukes, but those do not begin for another 25-30 years.18 The kylix depiction may be the predecessor of the glaux design. Although unattributed, it does have an enigmatic inscription: “ΕΓΟΧΟΣΕΝ” (ἐγὼ χοῦς ἦν) which translates roughly to “I was being a chous”.19 This may be a humorous statement. By 500 B. C. the owl was already being used as a symbol of the state (appearing on coins and official measures),20 so it may be a mock state certification with the humorous meaning, “My contents are so potent that drinking one cup of me is like drinking one whole chous of wine!” The chous of the inscription may also be a onomatopoetic pun because chous sounds like kooo, the sound owls made according to the ancient Greeks.21

  • 22 Unattributed, P 32421, Lynch 2011, no. 93, color ill. 1, 7, fig. 90.
  • 23 See Lynch 2011, p. 89-90, for discussion of the inscription.

11The fifth cup is also enigmatic. An eight-spoked wheel decorates the tondo.22 I could find no parallel for the image. In each of the triangular segments there is a single letter, however, only ghosts survive and the handwriting is so poor that it is impossible to decipher.23

  • 24 Lynch 2011, p. 100.
  • 25 P 32418, Lynch 2011, no. 84, p. 224-227, color ill. 12, fig. 82.

12The iconography of the set of red-figured kylikes from this house is worth considering as a whole, especially if the homeowner purchased them all at once or in a short time.24 Surprisingly, there are no overt references to mythology–unless the owl refers to Athena–no erotic scenes–although the ho pais kalos inscriptions refer to sexual relationships that prospered in the symposion–and no elaborate depictions of the symposion itself. Instead, the images are reflective of drinking and the symposion without citing it directly. The boys treading grapes and bringing meat both refer to preparation for the symposion and the preceding meal; the man with the skyphos is on his way to or from a symposion; the owl’s joke refers to imminent drunkenness; and arguably, the wheel may be a visual joke designed to amplify the “spinning” effects of too much wine. In this house’s drinking equipment, a red-figured pelike for bringing wine or water to the room echoes the humor of the owl and the spinning wheel.25 On one side is a male on his way to a symposion. He strums a barbiton and sings. A fragmentary, barely visible inscription extends out from his open mouth beginning “IKI[”. On the other side a youth is on his way home from a symposion. He leans on his walking stick and vomits. A complete but barely visible inscription descends vertically from his mouth “EIOI”. This contrast of temperance and intemperance must have been both didactic and humorous to the symposiasts.

  • 26 A distinct exception with figured decoration on interior and exterior kylix signed by the potter Go (...)
  • 27 E.g., P 1274, Moore 1997, no. 1572, p. 342, pl. 148.
  • 28 E.g., P 24116, Moore 1997, no. 1574, p. 342, pl. 149.
  • 29 E.g., P 24110, Moore 1997, no. 1514, p. 333, pl. 143.
  • 30 Nude woman walking with shoes: P 24131, Moore 1997, no. 1554, p. 339, pl. 146; nude woman sacrifici (...)
  • 31 P 2574, Moore 1997, no. 1411, p. 319, pl. 132.
  • 32 La Genière 2009; Lynch 2009.

13The imagery on red-figured kylikes from other Persian destruction clean-up deposits parallel those from Well J 2:4. Most have decoration in the tondo only,26 and mythological and erotic scenes are rare. Scenes do include sympotic snapshots, such as a game of kottabos (Fig. 4a),27 a maenad,28 who refers to the effects of the wine of Dionysos, and athletes.29 Two kylikes by the Painter of the Agora Chairias Cups with nude women, one about to bathe (Fig. 4b) and one sacrificing at an altar,30 and a hetaira with dwarf31 are the most erotic scenes from Agora contexts. This last is an important observation because Athenian vase painters did paint cups with gods and erotic scenes, but these were exported.32 In sum, this study of the figured kylikes from the Persian destruction clean-up deposits illustrates that the iconography on pottery used by Athenians in their homes was very different from that on vases made in Athens but exported, especially those vases exported to non-Greek consumers.

  • 33 P 32344, Lynch 2011, no. 87, p. 228-229, color ill. 10, fig. 84; P 33231, Lynch 2011, no. 88, p. 22 (...)
  • 34 Cohen 2006, p. 49 proposes that figural cups with intentional red may have also been philotesia, lo (...)

14A second set of red-figured kylikes differs from the previous by having surfaces covered in intentional red (also called coral red).33 Red-figure scenes decorate the tondos. Both cups have extensive ancient mends, and the profiles of the cups and style of the drawing suggest a date around 520 B. C., about 20 years earlier than the other red-figured kylikes, and 40 years before the Persian destruction. The two kylikes both show scenes from the gymnasium (Fig. 5).34 One preserves the feet of a boy sitting on a stool, an aryballos and sponge hanging from his wrist (Fig. 5a). The feet have led scholars to attribute this cup to Euphronios. The second cup, unattributed, is a long jumper with halteres, jumping weights, swung behind his back, and a discus in a bag hangs in the field by his head (Fig. 5b).

  • 35 Meetings such as the betrothal agreement (Oakley, Sinos 1993, p. 10) or marriage symposion where a (...)

15There are only two members of this set, and the cups distinguish themselves as both heirlooms and extraordinary in their decoration. It is possible that these cups represent more intimate drinking activities between the homeowner and a guest, perhaps nuptial negotiations or the like.35

  • 36 Dionysos: P 32474, Lynch 2011, no. 47, p. 208, color ill. 2, fig. 55; lyre player: P 32424, Lynch 2 (...)
  • 37 P 32423, Lynch 2011, no. 45, p. 206-207, color ill. 2, 12, fig. 53.
  • 38 Art Market, New York, Royal Athena Galleries, HFU59, May 2004; Reading, Ure Museum, 29.11.5, CVA 1, (...)
  • 39 P 32482, Lynch 2011, no. 124, p. 254-255, color ill. 2, fig. 107.

16Turning to the black-figure, the largest set of black-figured drinking cups from Well J 2:4 are cup-skyphoi mainly by the CHC Group and the Haimon Painter’s workshop (Fig. 6). These late black-figure products often have very sketchy imagery, which assumes a pre-existing understanding of the schematic scenes. Most of the examples from J 2:4 are the standard types, for example Dionysos (Fig. 6a) and a lyre player.36 One cup, however, has unusual iconography, although it is drawn in the same hasty style and is by the same group (Fig. 6b). It features two cattle on both sides.37 I have found few other examples like it.38 As with the red-figured kylikes, there are plain, black-gloss versions of the cup-skyphoi that match the profile of the black-figured examples.39 Again, this is evidence for potters producing vessels for decoration in either black-gloss or black-figure at the same time.

  • 40 For the type: Ure 1927, p. 59-62. P 32413, Lynch 2011, no. 28, p. 110-118, 197-200, color ill. 8, f (...)
  • 41 Personal communication, 1999.
  • 42 Cf. a comparable, standard scene with a reclining symposiast: P 1140 + P 1160, Moore 1997, no. 1588 (...)

17A larger type skyphos has some very strange iconography (Fig. 7). Normally, this shape, called a Heron Class Skyphos, was decorated with standard imagery of Amazons or dancing figures.40 The example from Well J 2:4 depicts an outdoor symposion on both sides. On a long mattress placed on the ground, two men and a female musician recline. Arrayed around them are numerous birds, which Elke Böhr identified as vultures.41 In addition, three of the drinkers wear horned headdresses. The meaning of these headdresses is unclear, and there are no parallels for this imagery. The attribution is to the CHC Group, and normally their designs are standard and repetitious. In fact, there are examples of symposia scenes something like this, but none have the vultures or headdresses as on the J 2:4 skyphos.42 These unique details suggest that the skyphos was likely commissioned by the homeowner. The meaning of the imagery is uncertain. The symposion certainly occurs outdoors and probably in a rural setting as is indicated by the flying swallow and the stumps. It may be a rural festival, and the headdresses may signal membership in a particular group, although we have no contemporary literary evidence for costumes used by religious or political groups.

  • 43 Lynch 2011, no. 29, p. 200, fig. 45.
  • 44 Eg., in Menander, Dyskolos 401-405 and 446-448 preparations for a rural sacrifice to the Nymphs inc (...)

18There are fragments of three other similar sized large skyphoi, one of which fits the criteria for the household assemblage,43 but they have the standard imagery for the CHC Group. Since this size skyphos holds over three liters of wine, the cups may have functioned as small mixing bowls for a pair or trio of drinkers. If we can speculate from the imagery itself, perhaps these “mini-kraters” were used for extra-urban symposia so that the large krater would not need to be transported.44

  • 45 P 32414, Lynch 2011, p. 195, no. 23, color ill. 14, fig. 39.
  • 46 P 32415, Lynch 2011, p. 183-185, fig. 23.
  • 47 Perhaps the homeowner was the owner of a herd (unlikely, see McInerney 2010, p. 181) or a βοώνης, c (...)

19There are two other examples of cattle in the imagery from this household. A phiale in Six’s technique features a parade of cattle alternating red with white spots and white with red spots (Fig. 8).45 The barely visible inscriptions say “ΚΑΛΟΣ” in the field above. There is no parallel for this object either. And finally, the only developed mythological scene from the deposit is on this black-figured oinochoe by the Acheloos Painter (Fig. 9).46 Herakles wrestles the Cretan bull while Athena and Hermes observe nearby. The homeowner may have selected this bull-themed labor to complement the other bull-themed images. What this convergence of bulls means is unclear.47

  • 48 Pottery from the Dema House (Jones et alii 1962) and the Vari House (Jones et alii 1973) are a help (...)
  • 49 Tsakirgis 2005.
  • 50 E.g., Athens, National Museum, Acropolis Collection 2.293, kylix with Circe and Odysseus in tondo a (...)
  • 51 E.g., Athens, National Museum, Acropolis Collection 2.336, kylix with fight in front of an altar in (...)
  • 52 Cf. Munich, Antikensammlungen J411, an amphora with warriors departing by the Kleophrades Painter, (...)

20This study is the first to be able to characterize objectively the importance of fine wares in an authentic Athenian house. The study would be strengthened if it were possible to compare the assemblage from this house to others of similar or different status with equal preservation. Unfortunately, comparable sets of data do not exist;48 thus, it is difficult to determine the status of this household. It is likely to be “middle class” because many of the Classical houses encircling the Athenian Agora contained evidence for small scale commercial activities.49 We can, however, compare the shapes and iconography of the pottery from Well J 2:4 to other, less completely preserved deposits of the same period from the Agora excavations likely to have been domestic in origin. As seen above, very clear patterns of domestic preference emerge. There are few mythological scenes; there is no overt eroticism; and most cups are decorated with simple compositions in the tondo only. The painters and workshops represented are not the first rank, but less creative or less skilled ones. These observations are notable in comparison to contemporary pottery dedicated on the Acropolis or exported from Athens. On the Acropolis, there is more mythology, the vessels have more complex imagery, and first rank painters such as the Brygos Painter50 and the Kleophrades Painter51 do appear. Similarly, contemporary pottery exported from Athens featured a greater variety of image types by a larger range of painters.52

21In conclusion, the owner of the house of Well J 2:4 selected pottery for use in household drinking activities according to cultural expectations that are becoming clearer to us. The large proportion of the household ceramic assemblage devoted to drinking equipment reflects the importance of hosting symposia and other communal drinking activities. For domestic symposia, it seems that simple, “genre” scenes were preferred. Different expectations governed what was good to dedicate on the Acropolis and what was likely to sell abroad. Use context is critical to establishing the relationship of the vase and its viewer, and in turn, the message the viewer took from the images. In the house of Well J 2:4 the pottery seems to reflect the interests of the homeowner – the importance of cattle, whatever that meant, and the projection of a good humored, enjoyable evening. In the future, I hope we will be able to compare the sympotic practices of this one house to others in order to understand better how typical it was.

Fig. 1: Plan of the northern side of the Athenian Agora, state plan. Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations

Fig. 2a: Above: Pottery assemblage for the house of Well J 2:4, see Table 1. Fig. 2b: Below: Drinking vessels shapes in the assemblage, see Table 1

Fig. 3: Red-figured and black-gloss kylikes from Well J 2:4.
Top
row: P 32420, P 32411, P 32470, P 32419; bottom row: P 32421, P 32422, P 32417
(After L
YNCH 2011, color ill. 1. Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)

Fig. 4: Examples of red-figured kylikes from other Persian destruction clean-up deposits.
a. P 1274, from deposit G 6:3,
kottabos player;
b. P 24131, from deposit Q 12:3,
hetaira.
(Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)

Fig. 5: Two red-figured cups with intentional red surfaces from Well J 2:4.
a. P 32344, youth in gymnasium;
b. P 33231, long jumper. (Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)

Fig. 6a: Examples of black-figured cup-skyphoi from Well J 2:4. P 32474, Dionysos.
Fig. 6b: P 32423, cattle. (Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)

Fig. 7: P 32413, Heron Class Skyphos from Well J 2:4, detail side A.
(Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)

Fig. 8: P 32414, phiale in Six’s technique with cattle, alternating red and white, from Well J 2:4. (Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)

Fig. 9: P 32415, black-figured oinochoe with Herakles and the Cretan bull from Well J 2:4. (Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)

Bibliographie

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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de La Genière 2009: Juliette de La Genière, « Les amateurs des scènes érotiques de l’archaïsme récent », in Athéna Tsingarida (ed.), Shapes and Uses of Greek Vases (7th – 4th centuries B. C., Brussels, 2009, p. 337-346 (Études d’archéologie 3).

Lang 1964: Mabel Lang, Weights, Measures, and Tokens, The Athenian Agora: Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. 10, Princeton, 1964.

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Lynch 2011: Kathleen M. Lynch, Pottery from a Late Archaic House near the Athenian Agora, Princeton, 2011 (Hesperia Suppl. 46).

Lynch 2012: Kathleen M. Lynch, “Winemaking Scenes on Attic Red-figured Cups: Not Crushing but Pigeage, Punching down the Cap”, BABESCH 87, 2012, p. 151-157.

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Shapiro 1994: H. Alan Shapiro, Myth into Art: Poet and Painter in Classical Greece, London, 1994.

Shear 1993: T. Leslie Shear, Jr., “The Persian Destruction of Athens: Evidence from Agora Deposits”, Hesperia 62, 1993, p. 383-482.

Tsakirgis 2005: Barbara Tsakirgis, “Living and Working around the Athenian Agora: A Preliminary Case Study of Three Houses”, in Brad Ault, Lisa Nevett (ed.), Ancient Greek Houses and Households: Chronological, Regional, and Social Diversity, Philadelphia, 2005, p. 67-83.

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Notes

1 I would like to thank Marie-Christine Villanueva Puig, CNRS and EHESS for inviting me to participate in this workshop. The data presented in this paper originate in Lynch 2011, where the pottery is described and quantified in full. Preliminary report: Camp 1996, p. 242-252, but note that Lynch 2011 revises some vase attributions and inscription readings. All “P” inventory numbers refer to the collections of the Athenian Agora Excavations.

2 Cf. Lynch 2011, fig. 9, 10 and discussion p. 29-39.

3 See Shear 1993 for the other 21 deposits, and fig. 1 for their locations.

4 Lynch 2011, p. 41-48.

5 Shear 1993, p. 393 rightly states that much of the pottery in Persian destruction clean-up deposits originated in private homes; however, many deposits contain a mixture of household, commercial, and public debris. Well J 2:4 is the first single-source clean-up deposit.

6 Shear 1993, p. 393.

7 Methodology for counting Minimum Number of Vessels (MNV) followed that of Rotroff, Oakley 1992, p. 133; Lynch 2011, p. 49-50. Note that the upper layer of fill in the well did not originate in the household but was brought in from a refuse dump. Similarly fragments at the bottom of the well may have fallen in or been discarded during the use of the well. The count methodology removes single fragments from the assessment of minimum number of vessels that made up the household’s assemblage at the time of the Persian destruction.

8 Red-figure: P 32420, P 32417, P 32419, P 32422, P 32421, P 32411. Black-gloss kylikes P 32475 and P 32470 match the profile of red-figured kylix P 32419.

9 In Plato’s Symposium, Socrates encourages Aristodemos to attend Agathon’s dinner uninvited (174 5a-d).

10 P 32411, Lynch 2011, no. 95, p. 238-239, color ill. 1, 9, fig. 92.

11 Böhr 2009 proposes that some small cups were philotēsia, love-gifts given by an erastēs to his eromenos. See also the discussion of intentional red cups below.

12 P 32420, Lynch 2011, no. 89, p. 230-232, color ill. 1, 3, fig. 86.

13 P 32417, Lynch 2011, no. 90, p. 232-233, color ill. 1, 4, fig. 87.

14 See Lynch 2011, p. 81; Jeffery 1990, p. 67.

15 P 32419, Lynch 2011, no. 91, p. 234-235, color ill. 1, 5, fig. 88.

16 Lynch 2012.

17 Unattributed, P 32422, Lynch 2011, no. 92, p. 235-236, color ill. 1, 6, fig. 89.

18 Dinsmoor 1934; Johnson 1955; Kreuzer 1999.

19 For discussion of the inscription and possible readings, see Lynch 2011, p. 87-88.

20 Cf. use of owl on coins in last decades of 6th century B. C., Kreuzer 1999, Kroll 1993, p. 5 and note 6. Shapiro 1993 argues that a black-figured amphora with frontal owl and inscription “ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΣ” should date to the late 6th century and represents the association of owls and the state. The owl is the mark of the state on official dry measures as early as the first half of the 5th century B. C., Lang 1964, p. 49, DM 4, DM 5, pl. 13, 18, 33.

21 Cf. Kyoto, inv. no. 8, a red-figured amphora with a frontal owl. A post-production graffito below the owl’s beak, “KYYY”. Beazley 1927, p. 348.

22 Unattributed, P 32421, Lynch 2011, no. 93, color ill. 1, 7, fig. 90.

23 See Lynch 2011, p. 89-90, for discussion of the inscription.

24 Lynch 2011, p. 100.

25 P 32418, Lynch 2011, no. 84, p. 224-227, color ill. 12, fig. 82.

26 A distinct exception with figured decoration on interior and exterior kylix signed by the potter Gorgos and possibly painted by the young Berlin Painter, P 24113, Moore 1997, no. 1407, p. 317-318, pl. 129-130.

27 E.g., P 1274, Moore 1997, no. 1572, p. 342, pl. 148.

28 E.g., P 24116, Moore 1997, no. 1574, p. 342, pl. 149.

29 E.g., P 24110, Moore 1997, no. 1514, p. 333, pl. 143.

30 Nude woman walking with shoes: P 24131, Moore 1997, no. 1554, p. 339, pl. 146; nude woman sacrificing: P 24102, Moore 1997, no. 1562, p. 241, pl. 147.

31 P 2574, Moore 1997, no. 1411, p. 319, pl. 132.

32 La Genière 2009; Lynch 2009.

33 P 32344, Lynch 2011, no. 87, p. 228-229, color ill. 10, fig. 84; P 33231, Lynch 2011, no. 88, p. 229-230, fig. 85.

34 Cohen 2006, p. 49 proposes that figural cups with intentional red may have also been philotesia, love gifts from an erastes to his eromenos.

35 Meetings such as the betrothal agreement (Oakley, Sinos 1993, p. 10) or marriage symposion where a special cup is used for the toast, Pindar, Olympian Ode 7.1-6.

36 Dionysos: P 32474, Lynch 2011, no. 47, p. 208, color ill. 2, fig. 55; lyre player: P 32424, Lynch 2011, no. 46, color ill. 2, fig. 54.

37 P 32423, Lynch 2011, no. 45, p. 206-207, color ill. 2, 12, fig. 53.

38 Art Market, New York, Royal Athena Galleries, HFU59, May 2004; Reading, Ure Museum, 29.11.5, CVA 1, pl. 11, 2.

39 P 32482, Lynch 2011, no. 124, p. 254-255, color ill. 2, fig. 107.

40 For the type: Ure 1927, p. 59-62. P 32413, Lynch 2011, no. 28, p. 110-118, 197-200, color ill. 8, fig. 44.

41 Personal communication, 1999.

42 Cf. a comparable, standard scene with a reclining symposiast: P 1140 + P 1160, Moore 1997, no. 1588, p. 290, pl. 105, ABV 620, no. 86.

43 Lynch 2011, no. 29, p. 200, fig. 45.

44 Eg., in Menander, Dyskolos 401-405 and 446-448 preparations for a rural sacrifice to the Nymphs included carrying household equipment such as rugs and cooking pots to the countryside.

45 P 32414, Lynch 2011, p. 195, no. 23, color ill. 14, fig. 39.

46 P 32415, Lynch 2011, p. 183-185, fig. 23.

47 Perhaps the homeowner was the owner of a herd (unlikely, see McInerney 2010, p. 181) or a βοώνης, cattle-buyer for sacrifices (Dem. 21.171); McInerney 2010, p. 177-178; on the importance of cattle for the Athenians, McInerney 2010, p. 179.

48 Pottery from the Dema House (Jones et alii 1962) and the Vari House (Jones et alii 1973) are a helpful check, but their agricultural functions and later dates make them less comparable than a contemporary urban house in Athens.

49 Tsakirgis 2005.

50 E.g., Athens, National Museum, Acropolis Collection 2.293, kylix with Circe and Odysseus in tondo and Circe and the companions of Odysseus on exterior, ARV2 369.5, 398; Add2 224; Wegner 1973, pl. 24-25, 37E, 40A.

51 E.g., Athens, National Museum, Acropolis Collection 2.336, kylix with fight in front of an altar in tondo and warriors departing and arming on exterior, ARV2 192.105; Add2 189; Shapiro 1994, p. 92, fig. 62-63.

52 Cf. Munich, Antikensammlungen J411, an amphora with warriors departing by the Kleophrades Painter, ABV 405.2, 3; ARV2 182.4, 1631; Para 340; Add2 186, CVA 4, pl. 173.1-2, 174.1-2, 175.1-2, 176.1-2, 177.1-4, 188.7.

Table des illustrations

Titre Table 1: Assemblage belonging to the house of Well J 2:4; data from LYNCH 2011, table 6
Légende 1. Does not include water jars found at the bottom of the well. Most were broken during the period of use of the well
URL http://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/docannexe/image/3140/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 392k
URL http://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/docannexe/image/3140/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 104k
Légende Fig. 1: Plan of the northern side of the Athenian Agora, state plan. Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations
URL http://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/docannexe/image/3140/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 656k
Légende Fig. 2a: Above: Pottery assemblage for the house of Well J 2:4, see Table 1. Fig. 2b: Below: Drinking vessels shapes in the assemblage, see Table 1
URL http://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/docannexe/image/3140/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 80k
Légende Fig. 3: Red-figured and black-gloss kylikes from Well J 2:4.Top row: P 32420, P 32411, P 32470, P 32419; bottom row: P 32421, P 32422, P 32417(After LYNCH 2011, color ill. 1. Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)
URL http://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/docannexe/image/3140/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 352k
Légende Fig. 4: Examples of red-figured kylikes from other Persian destruction clean-up deposits.a. P 1274, from deposit G 6:3, kottabos player;b. P 24131, from deposit Q 12:3, hetaira.(Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)
URL http://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/docannexe/image/3140/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 516k
Légende Fig. 5: Two red-figured cups with intentional red surfaces from Well J 2:4.a. P 32344, youth in gymnasium;b. P 33231, long jumper. (Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)
URL http://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/docannexe/image/3140/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 360k
Légende Fig. 6a: Examples of black-figured cup-skyphoi from Well J 2:4. P 32474, Dionysos.Fig. 6b: P 32423, cattle. (Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)
URL http://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/docannexe/image/3140/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 300k
Légende Fig. 7: P 32413, Heron Class Skyphos from Well J 2:4, detail side A.(Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)
URL http://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/docannexe/image/3140/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 412k
Légende Fig. 8: P 32414, phiale in Six’s technique with cattle, alternating red and white, from Well J 2:4. (Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)
URL http://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/docannexe/image/3140/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 200k
Légende Fig. 9: P 32415, black-figured oinochoe with Herakles and the Cretan bull from Well J 2:4. (Courtesy ASCSA Athenian Agora Excavations)
URL http://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/docannexe/image/3140/img-11.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 304k

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