URL originale : https://books.openedition.org/editionsehess/29512

Aspects of Female Euergetism in the Ancient Greek World
Endowments Offered by Women
Un aspect de l’évergétisme féminin dans le monde grec : les donations offertes par des femmes
p. 103-122
Résumés
Women appear frequently as donors in the Greek antiquity, an action that emphasizes their presence in the public sphere. The endowments of movable or landed property, which were undertaken in order to furnish a permanent income for the perpetual support of a specific purpose, constitute an interesting category within the wide category of female donations constitute. This epigraphic evidence offers rich information about the founder, the recipient of the endowment, the endowment assets or their administration. Moreover, it allows us to ask questions on female agency and the purposes of the endowments, on the role of family as well as the perception of the endowments in the respective societies. The numerous cases in which men act as donors can be used for reference, especially regarding potential differences due to gender.
Dans l’Antiquité grecque, les femmes apparaissent fréquemment comme donatrices, une fonction qui souligne leur présence dans la sphère publique. Dans la vaste catégorie des donations féminines, un ensemble intéressant est constitué par les dons de biens, mobiliers ou fonciers, offerts dans le but de fournir un revenu permanent qui sera destiné à la réalisation perpétuelle d’une action précise (fondations sous condition). Les données épigraphiques fournissent de riches informations sur le donateur, le destinataire de la fondation, les biens mobilisés pour la fondation ou sur leur mode d’administration. Davantage, elles autorisent à poser la question de l’agentivité féminine et des objectifs de telles fondations, du rôle des familles et de la manière dont ces fondations étaient perçues par les sociétés concernées. Les nombreux cas où les hommes agissent en tant que donateurs seront utilisés en guise de référence, tout particulièrement pour examiner les différences éventuelles qui seraient liées au genre.
Entrées d’index
Mots-clés : culte public, culte familial, investissement financier, période hellénistique, époque impériale
Keywords : public cult, family cult, financial investment, Hellenistic period, Roman Imperial period
Texte intégral
1The presence of women in the various facets of ancient Greek life has been systematically researched in recent years.1 Particular interesting is the action of women in the context of euergetism during the Hellenistic and Imperial period.2 Euergetism was a significant socio-political phenomenon that marked the Greek world from the 4th century on. Acts of female euergetism highlight the presence of women in public life and give them social visibility. They also signal women’s capacity to own property and to act on the legal and economic plans.
2This study will examine the presence of women in a particular kind of financial benefactions: the perpetual endowments sub modo. These endowments are transfers of land or movables effected in the ancient Greek world via donations, dedications or testaments, by private or public persons, to poleis, koina, sanctuaries or associations, to fund a specific purpose on a regular basis.3 Like all the actions falling within the broad spectrum of euergetism, the endowments sub modo have a reciprocal character and offered benefits not only to the community but also to the donor. These gifts differ from ordinary donations or bequests in that they require the transferred property to be invested in order to achieve a permanent financing of the purpose. In general the number of such benefactions increased from the 3rd century BC on, and the practice bloomed spectacularly in the Roman Imperial period. Almost all the evidence we have for endowments sub modo is inscriptional.4
3This kind of benefaction provides an ideal framework for grasping the patterns of women’s presence in the public sphere, and particularly of female actions in Greek societies during the Hellenistic and Roman period. This study takes into account the evidence of the Hellenistic period and, less systematically, that of the Roman period. The cases are presented by region against their concrete historical and local background and further used for some quantitative assessments. The questions asked concern both the frequency of such donations and their precise content and character. In the frame of this gender-related evaluation, women's endowments are examined in relation to those created by men. Thus, the numerous cases in which men act as endowers serve as reference material for exploring potential differences due to gender, or vice versa to exclude the gender factor.
The Hellenistic Evidence
4Among the Hellenistic endowments there are two offered by queens. They were addressed to the important sanctuaries of the Muses in Thespiai and Apollo in Delos. The endowment in Thespiai was offered by a royal couple, most probably Ptolemy IV and Arsinoe III, who sent the sum of 25,000 drachms for the purpose of buying plots of land, described as temenē, the income from which would support the cult of the Muses.5 Similarly, on Delos Queen Stratonike offered to the sanctuary a sum to finance (probably through the income from its investment) annual dances and phialai presented to the Delian triad in her name.6 Prominence was undeniably important for the Hellenistic dynasties and this explains generally the many royal donations offered to sanctuaries during the Hellenistic period, far more numerous than these two endowments involving queens.7
5The sanctuary of Delos also received endowments from non-royal women.8 These women were Echenike, who circa 250 BC gave 3,000 drachms the interest of which was to pay for a festival called Echenikeia and for sacrifices to Apollo and Aphrodite,9 and Philōnis, who circa 233 BC gave a sum estimated at 8,700 drachms, the income from which was to pay for a festival called Philōnideia and for offerings of vessels.10 While nothing more is known of Philonis than the mere fact of her gifts, we do have some interesting information about Echenike: she was the daughter of Stesileos, who had been archōn in 304 BC as well as chorēgos in the festivals of Apollonia in 284 and of Dionysia in 280 BC11 Stesileos also had an active role in the cult of Aphrodite to which (along with Apollo) his daughter Echenike dedicated her endowment.12 This cult being clearly separate from the public cult of the goddess in the island, Echenike’s endowment was part of a private family tradition.
6Another woman who offered an endowment sub modo, in Korkyra this time, was Psylla: in the early 2nd century BC, Psylla together with Aristomenes gave the city of Korkyra 120 Corinthian mnai, to be lent out at interest and, once the sum had grown to 180 mnai, used to generate income from which to pay the actors and musicians for the festival of the Dionysia.13 The stone displays both the deed of donation and the decree of acceptance by the city of Korkyra. About the donors, however, it tells us nothing more than their names, and we are not even certain of their relationship; it is merely assumed that they were husband and wife. We learn nothing further of them in any other inscriptions from Korkyra, but the gift itself and the role played by the city council as its administrator leave no room for doubt that Aristomenes belonged to the higher ranks of local society, and may have been a member of the city council. He is perhaps identified with the homonymous magistrate appearing on certain coins.14 It is particularly interesting that Aristomenes and Psylla each gave 60 mnai, what means that the money did not come from a common household purse.15
7We have two testimonies from another island, Thera. Ιn a well known endowment, which dates to the late 3rd or early 2nd century BC16 Epikteta bequeathed money and founded a family association charged with conducting a family cult honouring the Muses, the deceased members of her family (husband and two sons) and herself.17 She named as sole heir to the family fortune her only surviving child, her daughter Epiteleia, binding her to pay the sum of 210 drachms to the association annually for the performance of the rites (l. 35-41) and appointed Epiteleia’s son Andragoras as priest of the Muses and after him the oldest of Epiteleia’s male descendants (l. 57-61), attempting in this way to cover the succession’s gap, caused by the deaths. The case does not leave the slightest doubt that Epikteta and her family belonged to the upper strata of the society in Hellenistic Thera. It is also clear that, apart from the properties belonging to the family, Epikteta herself owned other property (l. 32-33: τοῖς ὑπάρχουσί μοι αὐτοκτήτοις χωρίοις τοῖς ἐμ Μελαιναῖ[ς]). Epikteta’s daughter, Epiteleia, became the sole heir to the family fortune after the deaths of her brothers, Kratesilochos and Andragoras.18 Epiteleia’s approval of her mother’s testament (l. 4-5: συνευαρεστούσας καὶ τᾶς θυγατρὸς [Ἐ]πιτελείας), as the sole heir, seems necessary, all the more so since part of the estate is specifically committed to the purposes of the above mentioned family association19.
8An association is also the recipient of the other endowment in Thera: in the late 3rd - early 2nd century BC a woman called Argea offered 500 drachms, the income of which was to be used to hold a meeting of the association (συναγωγή) on the seventh day of each month, which would be a celebration for herself and her daughter Isthmo.20 Here it is not a case of a new established family association, but of an already existing cult association, namely that of Anthistēr puthochrēstos.21 The connection of the otherwise unknown Argea with the association is not specified; she was probably a member of it, and may perhaps have served in some official, possibly cultic, capacity.
9On an other island, that of Amorgos, in the city of Minoa, Hegesarete, wife of Hermokrates and daughter of Ainesikrates (identifying her by both names was clearly intended as promotion for both families), gave in the late 2nd/early 1st century BC a gift of money, the interest from which was to be used to pay for the annual sacrifice of an ox at the Mētrōia, the feast dedicated to the Mother of the Gods.22
10From the island of Kalaureia (today’s Poros) come two further endowments. Nikagora and Agasikles, a married couple, made an offering of land (χωρίον) and money to Poseidon and Zeus Soter at the end of the 3rd century BC.23 The purpose of this offering was to pay for an annual sacrifice to the two gods on an altar erected in front of the statues (εἰκόνες) of the donors near the city council building (l. 23-24). This specification suggests that there may have been other statues of Agasikles and Nikagora in public places in the city–a common phenomenon at that time for citizens who belonged to the upper class.24 Contemporary with this, again in Kalaureia, we have a record of a similar endowment made by Agasikratis, who gave the sum of 300 drachms on behalf of herself, her husband Sophanes, and their children Sosiphanes, Nikagora and Aristokleia, to pay for a biennial sacrifice to Poseidon and Zeus Soter on an altar erected before the statue of Sophanes.25 The fact that Sophanes does not appear as co-sponsor or co-endorser of the gift leads us to assume that Agasikratis had already been widowed when she made the donation. This endowment has so much in common with the preceding one that we assume they refer to members of the same family or at least to closely connected members of the little town’s upper crust.26
11Just across Kalaureia, in the Peloponnese, shortly after the middle of the 1st century BC, Phaena, priestess of Demeter, after the end of a priesthood during which she had spared no expense, she gave the association (sunodos/koinon) of priestesses of Demeter an endowment (φιλανθρωπίαν αἰώνιον) to cover, in perpetuity, the costs of the cult, and engaged her daughter and granddaughter to continue this everlasting service after her death.27
12In Central Greece and more specifically in Lokrian Opous, in the 2nd century BC, Soteles, son of Sosinos, and Xenola, daughter of Ameinias, were honoured by a branch of the association of artists of Dionysοs of Isthmos and Nemea for having made a joint offering, presumably of land, to provide income to pay for a sacrifice to Apollo, Hermes and the Muses.28 They were certainly a married couple, but we know nothing more about them than what is revealed by the decree.29
13In Aigosthena, a polis which was for a long time dependent on Megara, in the second half of the 3rd century BC, a woman called Arete assigned to the koinon of the Aigosthenitans half of a garden worth 1,000 drachms that she had bought from them, to be used for the construction of a precinct (temenos) called Poseidōnion, the income from which would go towards a sacrifice and contests in honour of Poseidonios.30 This Poseidonios was a male member of her family, possibly her deceased husband.
14In Asia Minor we record two testimonies from the Hellenistic period. In Syrna in Rhodian Peraia at the end of the 2nd century BC, Euagis assigned land and a capital sum of 500 drachms to provide an income from which to pay for an annual sacrifice to Asklepios and the gods associated with him, as well as a feast for the Syrnians.31 There is reference to a guardian (l. 3-4: κύριος), while her father Kleusthenes is mentioned in connection with the offered land (l. 8: κτ̣ῆ̣μ̣α [ὧι] Κλευσθένης), although the fragmentary condition of the text precludes a clear understanding of the precise situation.
15The other testimony comes from Kyme of Aiolis and concerns Archippe, a zealous benefactress with a wide sphere of action, probably around the middle of the 2nd century BC. Her activity is known from eight civic decrees, the chronological order of which is not absolutely clear.32 Apart from her other benefactions, Archippe offered to the city two endowments sub modo: 1) 1,000 copper staters, the interest from which was to be given to generals and councillors so that sacrifices could be made at the council twice a year (SEG 33: 1039, l. 51-62), and 2) one talent, to be given by her heir after her death, the interest from which was to be used to purchase, feed, clothe and pay four slaves and to carry out any necessary repairs to the council building (SEG 33: 1039, l. 8-77). Both endowments, as also some other benefactions of hers, focused on the city’s council (bouleutērion); the endowment of the copper staters had an inherently cultic character as well. In response, the city honoured both Archippe and her father with statues, which were paid for by her brother Olympios.33
The Evidence from the Roman Imperial Period
16Women’s endowments during the Imperial period are more numerous.34 The evidence from the islands, the Peloponnese and Central Greece is however limited. In the Peloponnese Phainia Aromation, who may have been the only child or the widow of a freedman, gave the city of Gytheion a perpetual endowment to pay for the oil of the gymnasium.35 In Central Greece and specifically in Delphi, during the consulship of Constantine and Licinius, Aurelia Ioulia Sotia and Lucius Gellius Menogenes (her husband?) created an endowment for the operating needs of the baths.36
17Rich is the material coming from Macedonia and Asia Minor. In these areas flourished the endowments whose income was destined to pay for posthumous honours, often in the form of rites (ῥοδισμός, στεφανωτικόν) performed at the tomb.37 Such cases are for example those of the priestess Eueia in Thessalonike, Aurelia Markiane in Hierapolis of Phrygia and Heliodora alias Polychronia in Laodikeia of Phrygia, who offered endowments for posthumous honours for themselves.38 Similar cases are probably those of Melitine and Aurelia Phronteina in Hierapolis of Phrygia, who bequeathed a stephanōtikon (“wreath fund”) to the priestesses of the gerousia and to an association of bakers respectively.39 In other endowments the posthumous honours funded by the female donors concern members of their family. So, for example, in Philippi Valeria Montana provided for a rhodismos in memory of her husband at his request and Manta a rhodismos in memory of her son.40 Ιn Laodikeia on Lykos Aurelia Ammiane made perpetual provision for wreaths for her son’s grave.41
18Repairs to the pronaos of the Nemeseion and other public buildings were covered by funds assured to the city of Ephesos by Ioulia Potentilla.42 Eternal stephanophoria was the object of an endowment of 20,000 denarii in Synaos in Phrygia made by Demosthenes Telephianos and his wife Ammion,43 with the involvement of their children.44
19Numerous endowments of Asia Minor finance also further purposes, such as contests, distributions and the gymnasion. Frequent are the endowments offered by women for contests.45 A special category of contests, common in southern Asia Minor, were the “themides”.46 Although in most cases we do not have enough prosopographical information, there is no doubt that the women, who funded these contests, belonged to the elites of their cities.47 In some cases the contest is gifted by multiple members of the same family.48 The family is present also in other ways: for example, in one contest sponsored by a couple the husband acts as agōnōthetēs,49 in another the donor’s husband and children are appointed agōnōthetai,50 and in a third case a grandson is honoured as victor of a contest sponsored by his grandparents.51 Other contests were offered in the name of the donor’s husband or children.52
20Many women’s endowments also covered the cost of distributions (of grain or money) addressed to members of the council, the assembly of citizens, freedmen or sojourners in the city.53 In Pisidia the daughter of Magnianos Xenon and wife of Gaios Oualerios Eugenes, financed distributions to the members of the council and the assembly of Selge, and the dēmiourgos Septimia Armasta offered money for the dēmiourgia.54 Again in Pisidia, in Termessos, Markia Aurelia Polykleia and her husband provided for a distribution to be made to the councillors, citizens, sebastophoroi and mastigophoroi during the contest they instituted.55 Distributions to the citizens were also objects of the endowments of Klaudia Anassa in Patara in Lycia and Aurelia Ammia Myrton in Aphrodisias in Karia.56 In the Lycian city Tlos, where Lalla offered an endowment for the gumnasiarchia, the interest from her gift was also to pay for an annual distribution of one denar to the 1,100 sitometroumenoi on the first day of the election of magistrates.57 It is particularly interesting that the occasions of the distributions are often related to the members of the donor’s family. Thus, in Philadelphia of Lydia a woman called Kornelia offers land, the revenues from which are to finance distributions to the councillors on her brother’s birthday,58 while more often distributions were offered on behalf or in memory of a donor’s children59 or husband.60
21As for the gymnasion, oil to anoint citizens, foreigners and slaves during a festival was the object of an endowment of 10,000 Attic drachms created by Phlaviane Philokrateia in Parthikopolis of Macedonia in honour of her husband Ioulianos Alexandros and herself.61 What the gift of Klaudia Anassa for the office of gymnasiarch in Patara (Lycia) was intended to fund, is less clear.62 This is also the case in the endowment “ἀντὶ γυμνασιαρχίας νέων”, which Lalla offered in addition to her above mentioned donation for the distribution to the sitometroumenoi.63
Evaluation of the Material
22Some female endowers were widows or childless.64 We are not concerned here, however, with matters relating to the legal status of the women, the provenance of the property transferred or their capacity to engage in such acts with or without the consent of their relatives.65 The diverse and particular nature of the evidence we have (see above n. 4) renders this type of approach difficult, while questions relating to the legal capacity of women in the Greek world must always be analysed against a concrete historical and local background, since they depend on geographical, cultural and political factors.
23What is possible, and useful, is a general assessment of the presence of women in these endowments, especially in correlation with the information we have for men.66 First of all we can easily see that there are fewer endowments sub modo made by women than by men, both in the Hellenistic and in the Roman Imperial period. For gifts of this type made exclusively by men in the Hellenistic period we have 82 confirmed attestations,67 and around four times that number from the Roman Imperial period.68 The purely female endowments number 11 in the Hellenistic and roughly 40 in the Imperial period. The ratio of endowments made by men to endowments made by women in the two periods is thus approximately 8:1 and 9:1. This finding is consonant with the fact that in general women were far less present in public life and in inscriptions than men, even after the Classical age, when women left the confines of the home and gained an ever stronger presence in the public sphere.69
24Wherever we have any information about the identity of the women who acted as endowers, in both the Hellenistic and the Roman Imperial period, there is no doubt that they were members of the upper classes. And even when such prosopographical information is lacking, the endowments themselves indicate the existence of financial means consistent with the higher social classes, exactly as in the case of other categories of benefactions. The number of women making this type of gift from a position associated with the purpose endowed is, as one would expect, very small in comparison with the corresponding figure for men.70 In the Hellenistic period the only known case is that of Phaena in Mantineia, priestess of Demeter, who after her priesthood created an endowment for the perpetual financing of this cult.71 A case we identified in the Imperial period is that of the dēmiourgos Septimia Armasta in Pisidia, who offered distributions “ὑπὲρ δημιουργίας”.72
25The objects of the endowments sub modo offered by women concern in general sectors that men also supported with gifts. More particularly, women paid for sacrifices, contests, festivals, posthumous honours, distributions, and less frequent for operating expenses of the gymnasium and for the maintenance of public buildings. The fact that many women’s endowments directly or indirectly financed cultic purposes cannot be attributed to women’s close connection with religion and systematic involvement in religious practice, since these are areas that absorb the revenues of the endowments made by many men as well.73 Moreover, distributions, which in the Imperial age become a popular object of funding, occur in both men’s and women’s endowments.74 Nor can concern for commemoration and posthumous honours be considered a privileged field of women’s endowments, since these are equally funded by male endowers both in the Hellenistic and–more systematically–in the Roman Imperial period.75
26Many of the endowments for commemoration and posthumous honours were linked to the donor’s family (including in some cases the donors themselves).76 In the Hellenistic period the ratio of such endowments created exclusively by women77 compared to the total number of women’s endowments is 1:3, while the ratio of such endowments offered by men alone78 compared to the total number of endowments offered by men is approximately 1:20. Therefore, we can say that in the Hellenistic age linking the purpose of an endowment to the family was, apparently, gender-related and women were comparably more active than men in endowments that serve to promote and commemorate the family. The ratios seem to be approximately the same in the Roman Imperial period, although the absolute numbers are higher and the data less clear.79
27Some further points at which the objects of men’s and women’s endowments diverge are the following. Firstly, women’s endowments for the gymnasium–and these are few in number–do not appear until the 1st century AD,80 while those made by men are more numerous and appear earlier;81 secondly, men’s endowments for construction work are clearly more numerous than those made by women;82 and thirdly, for education and the purchase of grain we have some endowments made by men and none made by a woman.83
28Based on the above, the overall proportional assessment of women’s endowments in the several areas leads to observations consistent with what we know about women’s activity in the public sphere, especially in the field of euergetism, and at the same time makes clear the need for careful evaluation of all specific data and avoidance of generalisations.
Bibliographie
Abbreviations
CIG: Corpus inscriptionum graecarum, 4 vols., Berlin, 1828-1877.
CGRN: Jan-Mathieu Carbon, Saskia Peels, Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge, A Collection of Greek Ritual Norms, Liège, 2016-.
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I.Delos: Inscriptions de Délos, 7 vols., Paris, 1926-1972.
I.Didyma: Albert Rehm, Didyma, II. Die Inschriften, Berlin, 1958.
I.Ephesos: Die Inschriften von Ephesos, 8 vols. in 10 parts, Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 11,1-17,4., Bonn, 1979-1984.
IGBulg: Georgi Mihailov, Inscriptiones graecae in Bulgaria repertae, 5 vols. in 5 parts., Sofia, 1958-1970, 1997.
IG: Inscriptiones Graecae, Berlin, 1873-.
IGRR: René Cagnat, Jules F. Toutain, Pierre Jouguet, Georges Lafaye, Inscriptiones graecae ad res romanas pertinentes, 3 vols. Paris, 1901-1927.
IGUR: Luigi Moretti, Inscriptiones graecae urbis Romae, 4 vols. in 5 parts., Roma, 1968-1990.
I.Iasos: Wolfgang Blümel, Die Inschriften von Iasos, Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 28, 2 vols., Bonn, 1985.
I.Ilion: Peter Frisch, Die Inschriften von Ilion, Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 3, Bonn, 1975.
Ι.Kyme: Helmut Engelmann, Die Inschriften von Kyme, Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 5, Bonn, 1976.
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I.Pér.rhod.: Alain Bresson, Recueil des inscriptions de la Pérée rhodienne, Paris, 1991.
I.Philippi: Peter Pilhofer, Philippi II. Katalog der Inschriften von Philippi, Tübingen, 2000.
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I.Rhod.Peraia: Wolfgang Blümel, Die Inschriften der Rhodischen Peraia, Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 38, Bonn, 1991.
IScM Ι: Dionisie M. Pippidi, Inscriptiones Daciae et Scythiae Minoris antiquae. Series altera: Inscriptiones Scythiae Minoris graecae et latinae, I. Inscriptiones Histriae et vicinia, Bucharest, 1983.
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I.Stratonikeia: Mehmet Çetin Şahin, Die Inschriften von Stratonikeia, Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 21-22, 2 vols. in 3 parts, Bonn, 1981-1990.
I.Thespies: Paul Roesch, Les Inscriptions de Thespies, Lyon, 2007.
I.Thess. I: Jean-Claude Decourt, Inscriptions de Thessalie, I. Les cités de la vallée de l’Énipeus, Études Épigraphiques 3, Athens, 1995.
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Jacquemin, Mulliez, Rougemont, Choix: Anne Jacquemin, Dominique Mulliez, Georges Rougemont, Choix d’inscriptions de Delphes, Athens, 2012.
MAMA: William Hepburn Buckler, William Moir Calder, Monuments and Documents from Phrygia and Caria, Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua 6, Manchester, 1939.
Milet I 3: Georg Kawerau, Albert Rehm, Das Delphinion in Milet, Milet. Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen und Untersuchungen seit dem Jahre 1899, I, 3, Berlin, 1914.
Nouveau choix : L’Institut Fernand-Courby, Nouveau choix d'inscriptions grecques, Paris, 1971.
Roman Peloponnese II: Athanasios D. Rizakis, Sophia Zoumbaki, Claudia Lepenioti, Roman Peloponnese II. Roman Personal Names in their Social Context, Meletemata 36, Athens, 2004.
SEG: Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, Leiden, 1923-
Syll.³: Wilhelm Dittenberger, Sylloge inscriptionum graecarum, 3rd ed., 4 vols., Leipzig, 1915-1924.
TAM: Tituli Asiae Minoris, Vienna, 1901-.
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Notes de bas de page
1 See among many others Pomeroy 1975; van Bremen 1996; Bielman 2002; Stavrianopoulou 2006.
2 Gauthier 1985, p. 74-75, deals briefly with the role of women in his work on euergetism.
3 Definition in Aneziri forthcoming; cf. Mélèze-Modrzejewski 1963, p. 89. The same phenomenon is described as “Stiftungen”, “fondations” and “foundations” in earlier literature. See for example Laum 1914 (Stiftung) and more recently Parker 2010 (foundation) and Mélèze-Modrzejewski 1963; Migeotte 2009-2010 (fondation).
4 The texts on stone constitute mostly deeds of donation or bequest (for example IG IV 840; IG VII 43; IG IX 12 4, 798, l. 1-38), decrees with which the community accepts the endowment (for example IG IV 841 l. 11-33; IG IX 12 4, 798, l. 39-146) or decrees honouring the endowers (for example IG V 2, 266; IG ΙΧ 1, 278). There are also cases in which we have only a simple reference to the endowment in a text that provides no further information, such as the accounts and inventories on Delos (for example IG XI 2, 287A, l. 122-123; I.Delos 396A, l. 62-63) or the honorific inscriptions for the winners of the themides in Asia Minor (for example I.Selge 46, 47, 49, 50).
5 I.Thespies 62 (cf. Pernin 2014, p. 130-134, no 27 with discussion on the dating).
6 Phialai consecrated in the festival named Stratonikeia are attested in the following inscriptions: ΙG XI 2, 287B, l. 124-125; I.Delos 298A, l. 88-90; 313a, l. 69-70; 314B, l. 76-77; 320B, l. 34-36; 338 Bc, l. 45-48; 366A, l. 54, 78, 81, 85. This Stratonike was the daughter of Demetrios Poliorketes and Phila, sister of Antigonos Gonatas, wife of Seleukos I Nikator, then of his son Antiochos I Soter. For the other, numerous dedications of this queen on the island, see Constantakopoulou 2017, p. 198-199, Αppendix 5. Unconvincing (Aneziri forthcoming) seems the view that the endowment was not offered by Stratonike herself but by Antigonos Gonatas in commemoration of his sister (so Bruneau 1970, p. 561-562; Bringmann 2000, p. 86; Sosin 2014, p. 142).
7 Generally for the donations of the Hellenistic rulers on Thespiai and Delos see Bringmann, Ameling 1995, p. 134-140, nos 85-89 (Thespiai) and p. 187-231, nos 117-193 (Delos).
8 In general there was a long-existing practice of female dedications on Delos. Especially for Delos in the 3rd c. BC see Constantakopoulou 2017, p. 196-201.
9 Among other testimonies see IG XI 2, 287A, l. 122-123; I.Delos 366A, l. 133-134; 372A, l. 135-138; 407, l. 43. Other gifts of Echenike: IG XI 2, 287B, l. 32, 75; I.Delos 313 fr. a, l. 34; 385A fr. a-e, l. 9-10; 421, l. 27; 439 fr. a, l. 6-7; 442 B, l. 7; 455B fr. a, l. 7; 461B fr. a l. 9; 465 fr. d, l. 8.
10 Among other testimonies see IG XI 2, 124, l. 63-68, 70-72; I.Delos 366A, l. 134; 396, l. 62-63; 399A, l. 122-123. Other gifts of Philonis to the Delian sanctuary that do not fall into the category of endowments sub modo: I.Delos 1423A fra. i, l. 13-15; 1429B I, l. 42-44; 1432 A frb. Ii, l. 19-22; 1441A ii, l. 65-66; 1449A frab. Ii, l. 143-145; 1450 a, l. 162-163.
11 Vial 1984, p. 75, stemma XI.
12 IG XI 2, 287A, l. 123. For this specific cult see Durvye 2006, p. 97-101; Durvye 2009a, p. 199-202; Durvye 2009b, p. 152-160.
13 IG IX 12 4, 798. Mannzmann deals with this endowment in the first part of her book (Mannzmann 1962, p. 25-77).
14 Psoma forthcoming, Nummi Corc. 4 and Prosopography no 91.
15 IG IX 12 4, 798, l. 4-7. Nevertheless, this cannot be taken as evidence that they were not husband and wife, since the legal position of women in Korkyra did not preclude the existence of separate property, nor made the existence of a kurios necessary.
16 IG ΧΙΙ 3, 330 + Suppl. p. 285 (CGRN 152). This inscription is the subject of the monograph of Wittenburg 1990. Different aspects of Epikteta’s case are treated by, among others, Stavrianopoulou 2006, p. 235-236, 292-302; Velissaropoulos-Karakostas 2011, I, p. 250-252, II p. 497-500; Carbon, Pirenne-Delforge 2013, p. 71-73; Le Quéré 2015, p. 230-231, 266-267.
17 Epikteta incorporated into her will the wishes of her husband Phoinix and her younger son Andragoras, both deceased (IG ΧΙΙ 3, 330, l. 9, 13-15, 18-28).
18 Wittenburg 1990, p. 71-72; Sealey 1990, p. 92.
19 Laqueur 1927 (p. 192-193) incorrectly thinks that Epiteleia’s approval does not concern Epikteta’s testament but her posthumous addition to the family cult.
20 Jaccottet 2003, II, p. 279-280, no 170.
21 That is, of Dionysos surnamed Anthistēr whose cult was approved by the oracle of Pythian Apollo.
22 Deshours 2011, p. 248-255, no 22 and CGRN 195.
23 IG IV 841 (Harter-Uibopuu 2011, p. 125-126; CGRN 107).
24 Important citizens of the Hellenistic cities were honoured with statues inside or outside the bouleutērion; most of those so honoured were members of the council (Ma 2013, p. 75-79, 191-193; for the Roman period see Dickenson 2017).
25 IG IV 840 (Bielman 2002, no 2; CGRN 106). Mention is also made of statues on an exhedra, and of a statue of Agasikratis in the temple (presumably of Poseidon), which were to be clean and wreathed at the time of the sacrifice (l. 12-14). For the case see Μa 2013, p. 178.
26 An assumption is that Agasikratis was the mother of the Nikagora of the previous endowment (IG IV 841), since among the three children of Agasikratis there is a Nikagora (IG IV 840, l. 4). Alternatively, Agasikratis may have been the daughter of the Nikagora of IG IV 841, who in that case would have been the grandmother of the Nikagora named here as the daughter of Agasikratis.
27 IG V 2, 266. See also Bielman 2002, no 9; Dignas 2006, p. 83-84; Carbon 2018, p. 364-365.
28 This branch was based in the Lokrian town of Opous, where the inscription was found (Aneziri 2003, p. 59).
29 IG IX 12 5, 1918.
30 IG VII 43 (Rousset 2015, p. 391-393).
31 I.Pér.rhod. 59 = I.Rhod.Peraia 303.
32 SEG 33, 1039. For the sequence and dating of the decrees see Picard 2006, van Bremen 2008 and Meier 2012, p. 342-353.
33 I.Kyme 13, l. 15-18 (SEG 33, 1041).
34 For women and public life in the Roman East see Mantas 1997; Βielman, Frei-Stolba 1998; Kearsley 2005; Destephen 2012.
35 IG V 1, 1208. See Harter-Uibopuu 2004; Harter-Uibopuu 2011, p. 122-125. For the status and the activities of Phainia Aromation and her family see Champlin 1987, p. 197; Roman Peloponnese II, 223-224, no 351; Rizakis 2005; Rizakis 2013.
36 Bousquet 1952, p. 653-660.
37 Characteristic is an inscription from Chios which records the care taken to protect the endowments offered to the gerousia to pay for the celebration of the birthdays of the donors or their children (SEG 56, 1002).
38 IG X 2, 1, 260 (Kloppenborg, Ascough 2011, p. 370-374, no 81); Ritti 2016, no 18; I.Laodikeia on Lykos 85 (Kearsley, Evans 2001, no 96); Heliodora dedicated a “στεφανωτικόν” to provide wreaths for her on the family monument erected by her father.
39 Ritti 2016, nos 4, 40.
40 I.Philippi 133/G441 II/III (Kloppenborg, Ascough 2011, p. 324-329, no 69); I.Philippi 029/G215 II.
41 MAMA VI 42.
42 I.Ephesos 2041, 2042, 3009 (Hellmann, Choix 31).
43 CIG 3847 +Robert 1937, p. 305-306. Herrmann 1980 (p. 352, note 5) doubts whether in the case the stephanēphoria is an office or simply “eine Bekränzung von Festteilnehmern”.
44 Although the upper part of the inscription has been lost, the involvement of the children is evident from the fact that the two donors are mentioned as “mother” and “father” (l. 4-5). Also, at the behest of their children the two parents offer more land to the city (l. 10-19; cf. Zuiderhoek 2009, p. 169, n. 3).
45 Digesta 50.12.10; I.Arykanda 76; I.Selge 46, 47, 49, 50; TAM II 681, 682, 687, 688, 944, 1206; TAM III 148, 160, 178, 179, 180; IGUR I 246; Heberdey, Wilhelm 1896, p. 142-143, nos 234-237, p. 143-144, nos 238-241, p. 145, no 245; Hall, Milner 1994, p. 34-35, no 23; SEG 55, 1474.
46 For the “themides” see Farrington 2008 and Αneziri 2014, p. 148-149. For several themides offered by women we have more than one testimony: I.Selge 46, 47, 49, 50 (offered by Valeria Breiseis); TAM II 681, 682, 687, 688 (offered by Phaniane); TAM III 160, 180 (offered by Aurelia Ge); Heberdey, Wilhelm 1896, p. 142-143, nos 234-237 (offered by Ladike); Heberdey, Wilhelm 1896, p. 143-144, no 238-241 (offered by Aurelia Diodoriane Theodora).
47 The following cases are typical: Aurelia Embromiane (Reizenstein 2011, p. 103, n. 2), Markia Aurelia Polykleia (van Nijf 2004, p. 216-217), Phaniane alias Ammia (Reizenstein 2011, p. 103, n. 2), Aurelia Antiochis (van Bremen 1996, p. 129, 341; Strasser 2001, p. 145-146).
48 TAM III 178; Heberdey, Wilhelm 1896, p. 143-144, nos 238-241, p. 145, no 245; Hall, Milner 1994, p. 34-35, no 23. In the early 4th century AD, the rich family of the Apollonii endowed a fund to the xystic synod in Rome to be used for contests (IGUR I 246).
49 Heberdey, Wilhelm 1896, p. 143-144, nos 238-241. Similar happens also in themides not funded by women. For example, a son or grandson appears as agōnothetēs in a themis sponsored by his father/grandfather (for example SEG 41, 1343-1354) or a son as archiereus at a themis funded by his father (TAM III 145, 149, 162, 177, 183).
50 Digesta 50.12.10: ἀγωνοθετοῦντος καὶ προκαθεζομένου τοῦ ἀνδρός μου, ἐπ’ αὖθις δὲ τῶν ἐξ ἐμοῦ γεννηθησομένων τέκνων (cf. Evans Grubbs 2002, p. 75-76).
51 TAM III 178, l. 4-14.
52 See, for example, I.Selge 46, l. 6-8 (cf. I.Selge 47, 49, 50); TAM III 148, l. 7-9; 160, l. 7-9 (cf. TAM III 180).
53 Distributions were generally a very widespread form of benefaction, used by the elite for the benefit of various social groups in the Greek cities of the Roman Imperial period. For Asia Minor see Zuiderhoek 2009, p. 89-90, 99-108; for Lycia, Kyrousis 2019; for Italy, Mrozek 1987.
54 I.Selge 17; Bérard 1892, p. 424-425, no 54.
55 SEG 44, 1187 (see n. 66). This endowment provided also the prizes for the contest.
56 SEG 44, 1212; I.Aphrodisias 15.333.
57 See n. 63. For the sitometroumenoi in Lykian cities, see Dirscherl 2000, p. 23-27.
58 TAM V 1475.
59 I.Aphrodisias 12.534, 15.321; TAM ΙΙ 189; IGRR III 800, 801, 802; CIG 3094.
60 In Hierapolis Aurelia Ammias created an endowment for distributions in memory of her husband (cf. Ritti 2016, no 39).
61 IGBulg IV 2265 (Nouveau Choix 34). According to a council decree any surplus from the interest would be given to the ephebes (l. 17-21).
62 Adak 1996, p. 129-132, nos 1-4 (SEG 44, 1212). Klaudia Anassa also financed distributions to the citizens (see above n. 56). For this woman see Adak 1996, p. 132-140.
63 Naour 1977, p. 265-271, no 1 (SEG 27, 938). See also Chankowski 2010, p. 526, no 373.
64 Arete (IG VII 43; cf. above with n. 30), Agasikratis (IG IV 840; cf. above with n. 25, 26) and Epikteta (IG ΧΙΙ 3, 330; cf. above with n. 16-19) were widows. For Archippe (SEG 33, 1039; cf. above n. 32, 33), daughter of a good family, van Bremen 1996 (p. 13-19) suggested that she may have remained childless and unmarried, but later she revises this opinion (van Bremen 2008, p. 375-386).
65 In a very few cases women offering an endowment are accompanied by a kurios. A kurios accompanies Euagis in the endowment she made for cultic purposes in Syrna in 240-225 ΒC (I.Pér.rhod. 59 = I.Rhod.Peraia 303; cf. n. 31), and a “φροντιστὴς καὶ κύριος” is joined with Phainia Aromation in the endowment offered to the gymnasium in Gytheion in 41/2 AD (IG V 1, 1208; cf. above n. 35). Here we should also mention the case of Eudia in Mantineia, who had her husband’s consent for the endowments she offered to the priests of Asklepios and those of Zeus Epidotes (IG V 2, 269, 270, 1st c. AD).
66 Some endowments offered jointly by a male and a female associate, both in the Hellenistic and in the Roman Imperial period, are obviously gifts of couples and thus fall outside the parameters for gender-based numerical assessment. From the Hellenistic period such are: at Thespiai Arsinoe III with Ptolemy IV (Pernin 2014, p. 130-134, no 27; cf. n. 5), in Kalaureia Nikagora with her husband Agasikles (IG IV 841; cf. n. 23), in Lokrian Opous Xenola with her husband Sosinos (IG IX 12 5, 1918; cf. n. 28, 29), in Korkyra Psylla with Aristomenes (IG IX 12 4, 798; cf. n. 13-15). From the Roman Imperial period see for example Bousquet 1952, p. 653-660; Robert 1937, p. 305-306; Heberdey, Wilhelm 1896, p. 143-144, nos 238-241; SEG 44, 1187. Cf. n. 36, 43, 55.
67 Aneziri (forthcoming).
68 The material assembled by Laum 1914 has since increased considerably and the number of endowments from the Imperial period is certainly in excess of 350. This increase is due to a number of factors, which cannot be analysed in the framework of this paper. In any case the exact number of endowments in the Roman Imperial period is not easy to determine, because in many cases we have more than one record for the same endowment.
69 This observation is confirmed even in fields where one would not expect such disparity, for example in the usual dedications (see Jacquemin 2009, p. 69-79 and Constantakopoulou 2017, p. 196-201).
70 Of the male endowers an office related to his endowment was held by Louson, priest of the Muses at Thespiai (Pernin 2014, p. 117-188, no 24, l. 23-27), Kriton, priest of Serapis at Demetrias (IG IX 2, 1107b), Philip and Nikias, hierotamiai at Antimacheia on Cos (IG XII 4, 102), Hermias, priest of all the gods at Ilion (I.Ilion 52), Charidamos, gymnasiarch at Chalkis (IG XII 9, 904 + Suppl. p. 192), Hegemander, gymnasiarch, lampadarch and chrusonomos in Patmos (Manganaro 1963-1964, p. 331-333, no 32), and Artapates, agōnothetēs in Xanthos (TAM II 261B).
71 IG V 2, 266 = Bielman 2002, no 9 (cf. above with n. 27).
72 Bérard 1892, p. 424-425, no 54 (see above n. 54). It is unclear what connection Lalla had with the office of gymnasiarch, when she made an endowment “ἀντὶ γυμνασιαρχίας νέων” in Tlos (Naour 1977, p. 265-271, no 1 = SEG 27, 938; cf. n. 63). At any rate fact is that in the Imperial period the framework for female activity expanded and women appear in offices that traditionally belonged to the male sphere (Kirbihler 1994; van Bremen 1996, p. 41-81; Mantas 1997; Kearsley 2005; Thériault 2006).
73 By way of example only I mention some endowments of the Hellenistic period made by men to pay for sacrifices, festivals and contests: IG II2 1325-26; IG IX 2, 1107b; IG ΧΙΙ 3, 436 + Suppl. p. 87; IG XII 5, 595; I.Rhamnous 167; Xenophon, Anabasis 5.3.7-13; Wilhelm 1907; Pernin 2014, p. 117-188, no 24, l. 23-27, no 25, l. 10-28.
74 As examples I cite the following endowments made by men for distributions: I.Ephesos 27; I.Stratonikeia 1028; I.Tralleis 66, 145, 220; SEG 33, 946; 58, 864.
75 Endowments for posthumous honours offered by men in the Hellenistic period: Jacquemin, Mulliez, Rougemont, Choix 137; IG XII 7, 515 + Suppl. p. 146; CGRN 104; I.Iasos 245. Men’s endowments financing memorial rites are very numerous in the Roman Imperial period (see e.g. SEG 35, 1285; Ritti 2016, nos 7-13, 19, 21, 23-26, 28).
76 Moreover, simple or honorific references to ancestors of the endower or other family members who may have played an important role in the city and been civic benefactors are generally frequent in the endowment’s inscriptions (see for example Bérard 1892, p. 424-425, nο 54; TAM ΙΙ 189; SEG 33, 1035; 44, 1212). Advertising the family in elite activities was a particularly widespread phenomenon in the Late Hellenistic and Roman periods and is seen not only in the endowments sub modo but in all forms of euergetism, by men and women both.
77 In the Hellenistic age, we have 4 such endowments out of a total of 11 endowments offered by women alone. In IG VII 43 (Aigosthena, second half of 3rd c.) the endowment concerns the cult of Poseidonios, who was probably the husband of the donor, Arete. In the other 3 cases the honours do not concern only members of the donor’s family but also the donor herself: IG IV 840; IG XII 3, 329 + Suppl. p. 284, no 1295; 330 + Suppl. p. 285.
78 Based on the information we have at our disposal we record 4 out of a total of 82 offered exclusively by men: Kritolaos at Aigiale in Amorgos (IG XII 7, 515 + Suppl. p. 146), Diomedon in Kos (IG XII 4, 348), Poseidonios at Halikarnassos (CGRN 104) and Symmasis in Lykia (Parker 2010, p. 103-121). In 3 additional cases there is a family continuation, but our information does not warrant describing these endowments as “family-related”: in Piraeus, Dionysios, treasurer and priest of the association of Dionysiasts, to which he offered an endowment, was succeeded after his death by his two sons, while he himself was heroised (IG II2 1325, 1326); in Istros in Pontos, the descendants of a certain Diogenes, who founded a Mouseion and created an endowment to fund an assembly and sacrifices, would become priests of the Muses (IScM I 1); in Miletos, Eudemos offered on behalf of himself and his brother an endowment for the education of the children and for sacrifices to Apollo, while the city decided that for his lifetime Eudemos should have the privilege of offering incense to the gods and that after his death the honour should pass to the oldest of his descendants (Milet I 3, 145).
79 In many cases of this period the purpose was to pay for memorial rites at family tombs.
80 The oldest is the endowment of Phainia Aromation to pay for oil for the gymnasium in Gytheion, which dates from 41/2 AD (IG V 1, 1208; cf. n. 35). Oil for the gymnasium was also the object of the later endowments of Klaudia Anassa in Patara (SEG 44, 1212, 117-139 AD–this endowment also concerns distributions, see above n. 56, 62) and of Phlaviane Philokrateia in Parthikopolis (IGBulg IV 2265, 209/10 AD; cf. n. 61). The endowment of Menodora in Sillyon (IGRR III 800, 801, 802) was not connected with the gymnasium, although the office of gymnasiarch is one of the offices held by members of her family.
81 I.Thess. I 52 (300-250 BC); 88b (278/7 BC); I.Thespies 61 (267-265 BC); 67b (ca. 201 BC); Rousset 2002, no 41B, l. 54-61 (late 3rd-early 2nd c. BC); IG XII 9, 904 + Suppl. p. 192 (early 2nd BC); Manganaro 1963-1964, p. 331-333, no 32 (2nd c. BC); 92 (167-158 BC); Bringmann, Ameling 1995: no 254 [E] (125 or 121 BC); IG XII 9, 236 and IG XII Suppl. 553 (ca. 100 BC); I.Kyme 102 (1st BC); IGRR IV 294 (75-50 BC).
82 Women’s endowments are confined to those of Archippe for the maintenance of the council building in Kyme (SEG 33, 1039, l. 68-70; cf. n. 32, 33) and of Ioulia Potentilla for various public buildings in Ephesos (I.Ephesos 2041, 2042, 3009; cf. n. 42). Of the endowments made by men I mention those of Leonides in Pharsalos (I.Thess. I 52), Epameinondas and his sons in Ioulis/Keos (IG XII 5, 595), Diomedon (IG XII 4, 348) and Phanomachos in Kos (IG XII 4, 79), Attalos Ι in Chios (Bringmann, Ameling 1995, p. 255-259 KNr. 231 [E]) and Antiochos at Didyma (I.Didyma 479, 480); several of these were not exclusively concerned with construction work.
83 Education was funded by the endowments of Eudemos in Miletos (Milet I 3, 145 + Milet VI 1, p. 178) and Polythrous in Teos (Syll.³ 578), Eumenes ΙΙ in Rhodes (Polybios 31.31.1-3) and Attalos ΙΙ at Delphi (Jacquemin, Mulliez, Rougemont, Choix, 168); the purchase of grain by those of Eumenes ΙΙ at Delphi (FD III 3, 237) and Rebilus in Thasos (IG XII Suppl. 364).
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