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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral The migration of Indian Muslims to East AfricaThe migration of Indian Muslims to South Africa Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Islam et société en Asie du Sud

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    Table des matières

    The migration of Indian Muslims to East and South Africa : some preliminary comparisons

    W. J. Argyle

    p. 135-147

    Résumés

    Although most of the Indian Muslims who migrated to East and South Africa during the nineteenth century came from what is now the Gujerat region of India, there were some significant social and religious differences between them. The paper outlines these differences and offers some tentative explanation for them, in terms of the migrants’ original positions in the society from which they came and also in terms of the particular historical circumstances in East and South Africa at the times when they settled there.

    Bien que la majorité des musulmans indiens qui ont émigré au XIXe siècle en Afrique de l’Est et du Sud soient venus de ce qui est aujourd’hui la région du Gujerat en Inde, il y avait entre eux de sensibles différences sociales et religieuses. L’article souligne ces différences et tente de les expliquer en mettant en lumière les positions qu’ils occupaient dans la société d’où ils venaient et les circonstances historiques particulières à l’Afrique de l’Est et du Sud au moment où ils s’installèrent.

    Texte intégral Bibliographie BIBLIOGRAPHIE Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    1It is fairly well established that trading contacts, direct or indirect, between South Asia and parts of the eastern 1 coast of Africa began at least 1800 years ago and that, after Islam was established in India, Muslims from there participated in the continuing, if fluctuating, trade between the two regions. However, for the period before the nineteenth century A. C. the limited evidence tells us little more than that Indian Muslims did take part in the trade. It certainly does not provide answers to the kinds of questions which have been posed about the later origins of other overseas Indian communities, such as those in Mauritius (which was often an intermediate point for subsequent Indian migration to Africa):

    From what parts of India did the immigrants come? Did they come in groups or families? Did they come from neighbouring or widely separated villages and districts? […] What were their occupational and economic statuses? What customs and social institutions did they bring with them? (Benedict: 17).

    2Since in this article I want to try and answer such questions about Indian Muslims who settled in eastern1 Africa, I ignore their earlier migrations after this opening note that such migrations did occur and concentrate on the period from the first decades of the nineteenth century down to the beginning of the twentieth, for which there is information to provide answers (even if only partial ones) to the questions. In addition to these chronological limits, I impose geographical restrictions by considering only those Indian Muslims who went to East Africa (as conventionally defined to include what eventually became the colonial territories of Tanganyika, Kenya and Uganda) and to South Africa (as it became after 1910). Since a new influx of Indian Muslims began somewhat earlier in East Africa, I start with that region and then go on to consider the corresponding migration to South Africa.

    The migration of Indian Muslims to East Africa

    3It seems clear that political factors, as well as economic ones, played an important role in encouraging a fresh migration of Indian traders to East Africa in the first part of the nineteenth century. One such political factor was the establishment (or reestablishment) of Omani Arab rule over Zanzibar and much of the adjacent east coast of Africa, particularly in the reign of the Sultan (or Imam) Seyyid Said who came to reside in Zanzibar from 1840 and thus made it, rather than Muscat, the effective capital of his realm. Merchants of Indian origin, both Hindu and Muslim, had already played a prominent role in the trade of Muscat and the Sultan encouraged them to extend their activities to Zanzibar.

    4Amongst those Indians who responded to this encouragement were members of a category often referred to in the literature by the term ‘ Khoja which apparently derives from an Arabic word translated as ‘ honourable disciple ’ (Delf: 6) or ‘ the respected ’ (Dube: 69). It was therefore presumably an honorific title claimed for themselves by those members of the Hindu Lohana caste (and probably of other Hindu trading castes) who converted to Islam in the fifteenth century A. D. or earlier still (Masselos: 98; Delf: 6). The literature available to me does not make clear the sectarian distinctions amongst these earlier Khoja, but some of them were certainly Shia Ismaili. During the succeeding centuries, some of these Ismaili Khoja migrated, often as petty traders and hawkers, from their original homes in Upper Sind to Kutch and Kathiawar. By the late eighteenth century there was a small group established in Bombay to which they were presumably drawn by the trading opportunities there (Masselos: 98-99).

    5It was perhaps particularly (though not exclusively) from this group in Bombay that the Ismaili Khoja migrants to Muscat and later to Zanzibar were drawn. The records of the protracted litigation in which the Ismaili Khoja community in Bombay was involved during the nineteenth century provide a rare glimpse of the successive migrations of one such Khoja trader:

    [he] had lived in Bhavnagar till he was fourteen, had then gone to Muscat for two or three years, had returned to India (to Bombay) for three years and then went to Zanzibar for nineteen years before finally settling down in Bombay in the mid-sixties. In the process he established himself as a major shipowner and trader. (Masselos: 99).

    The significance of the tripartite connections between Muscat, Zanzibar and Bombay are clear enough from this career and the opportunities that Zanzibar in particular afforded are emphasied by the length of time he spent there.

    6Another indication of the importance of Zanzibar to the Ismaili Khoja (and of they to it) is that from at least the 1820s there were enough of them living in Zanzibar to form a congregation (jamā‘at) with a meeting house (jamā‘at khāna) and communal officials (mukhī and kamadia) (Amiji: 176). Over the next few decades this initially small population grew substantially, so that by 1875 the British consul in Zanzibar reported a total of 2,725 Khoja there. By that the date some of these Khoja may have been of the Ithna Ashari sect and it is even possible that some were Sunni, because the divisions within the Khoja category after the Aga Khan arrived in Bombay in 1848 had culminated in some of his opponents defining themselves as Sunni (Masselos: 111, 114). But the majority of the Khoja then in Zanzibar were undoubtedly Ismaili who were increasingly under the influence of the Aga Khan. They had therefore become the largest single Indian Muslim group in Zanzibar.

    7The British consul did, however, also report the presence in Zanzibar of 543 ‘ Bohrā ’. There are only limited references in the literature to the modern descendants of this group. There is agreement that the term ‘ Bohrā ’ derives from a Gujerati word for ‘ trade ’ or ‘ merchant ’ (Delf: 7; Morris 1968: 73; Thobhani: 53), but of those in East Africa ‘ many are ironmongers, watchmakers and tinsmiths ’ (Delf: 7) which perhaps suggests artisan rather than retailing origins for many of the original migrants. They are classified by sect as ‘ Mustali Ismaili ’ and most of them are stated to be ‘ Daudi Bohrās, as opposed to Sulaimani Bohrās who live in India and Yemen and are ‘ largely a Gujerati-speaking community ’ (Thobhani: 53). The Dāudī Bohrā are described as being ‘ among the largest Muslim communities ’ in Gujerat (Nasser-Bush: 141) which suggests that the pressures making for migration have been more selective amongst the Bohrā than the Khoja, since the Bohrā remain the ‘ smallest Shia Muslim community of East Africa ’ (Thobhani: 53).

    8The only other Muslim category in Zanzibar mentioned by the consul were 116 Memons who were presumably of ‘ Kutchi ’ or ‘ Gujerati ’ origins and whose modern counterparts in East Africa have been described as:

    an endogamous group supposed to have been converted from the Lohana jāti. As Muslims they follow the Hanafi School of Law but still adhere to Hindu customs […]. Although Memons [...] were officially regarded [in East Africa] as merely Gujerati Sunni Muslims neither they nor other Indians agreed (Morris 1968: 191-2).

    9Given this degree of uncertainty about the origins, composition and sectarian affiliations of these smaller categories (and such uncertainty is not due entirely to the inadequacies of the evidence, but also reflects the fluctuating definitions of the categories in response to changing social situations), it is rather artificial to subsume them, with the Khoja, under the label ‘ Muslim However, taken together, the Khoja, Bohrā and Memon in Zanzibar by 1875, did outnumber the Hindus (most of them known as Bhattia) by about four to one (Mangat: 13). This substantial majority may have been partly the result of some advantage deriving from their religion in an Islamic sultanate, though the Zanzibar Arabs were predominantly Sunni and in any case the most favoured and the most wealthy Indians in Zanzibar for much of the nineteenth century were Hindu traders, such as those who ‘ farmed ’ the Sultan’s customs duties (Mangat: 3, 12, 15-19).

    10Probably more significant than any advantage conferred by their religion in Zanzibar, was the disadvantage it entailed in their original Indian homes. Although the status of Muslim groups, such as the Khoja, in Hindu environments may have often been indeterminate, it was seldom, if ever, high, because in caste terms they were always impure, though not untouchable (cf. Gaborieau 1972; Madan 1972). Even in a growing town like Bombay, they would still have been at a disadvantage and, at least in the first decades of their residence there, the Khoja seem to have been partially dependent on Sunni functionaries who were presumably established in Bombay before them (Masselos: 103). By contrast, Zanzibar would have provided a less restricted environment in which to exercise their skills and talents. Or, to use the concepts which have been employed in recent studies of migration in Africa and elsewhere, their less favoured position in India would have been another ‘ push ’ factor encouraging Muslims particularly to migrate, in addition to those factors ‘ pushing ’ out Muslims and Hindus alike, such as recurrent drought and famine in Kutch and Kathiawar and a decline in village handicrafts and cotton weaving (Amiji: 176). The religious and political conditions in Zanzibar, on the other hand, would have been an additional ‘ pull ’ factor for Muslims particularly, operating along with the others which had such an attractive effect that the Indian population as a whole in Zanzibar increased 5 or 6 times between about 1840 and 1860 (Mangat: 7).

    11It was such ‘ push ’ and ‘ pull ’ factors, operating particularly on Muslims, which were, I suggest, partially responsible for the more rapid rise of the Indian Muslim population in Zanzibar. Another significant factor may have been different patterns of marriage and kinship underlying the observation repeatedly made by contemporary Europeans that the Indian Muslims were more ready to bring their wives and children with them to Zanzibar and more likely to remain there than were the Hindus (Morris 1968: 3; Mangat 13, 22). This observation may be interpreted in the light of Morris’s description (1956: 202-5) of the marriage system practised within the Hindu Patidar caste in Gujerat, a system which continued to influence members of the caste who went to East Africa. The essential features of the system were that, within the caste, marriage had to be contracted outside the patrilineal kin groups and outside the village within which they were localised. Ideally, marriage was also hypergamous so that a woman ought to marry into a lineage which stood higher than her own in an accepted scale of prestige. High dowry payments were made to accomplish such marriages. Since members of the caste who went to East Africa continued to value this marriage system, but could only participate fully in it either by returning permanently to India or by retaining sufficient links to be able to import spouses from there, the East African Patidars usually remained in close contact with their communities of origin in Gujerat. Even marriages between spouses already resident in East Africa were ‘ still contracted in terms of village exogamy and family rating in India

    12Morris comments further (1956: 205) that ‘ this situation is clearly a very different one from that of the Ismailis who have deliberately cut themselves off from their villages and relatives in India We may infer that they had less to lose by severing these ties, because their marriage system, although it required endogamy within the sect, did not have the elaborate rules of descent group and village exogamy required by the Patidar system. On the contrary, the Ismaili system allowed and even encouraged close-kin marriage, such as patrilateral parallel cousin marriage. Consequently marriages could be more easily arranged within quite small family and local communities. It was therefore possible for groups such as the Khoja, and even the smaller Bohrā and Memon ones, to be largely self-sufficient and self-perpetuating in East Africa, once they had grown beyond a certain minimum size. Since they therefore did not have the same incentive to retain close familial and local ties in India (though they retained some, especially for trading purposes), their communities were less likely to be depleted by members returning permanently to India, as many Hindus seem to have done. Consequently, their numbers were likely to grow more rapidly through natural increase and through new immigration from India.

    13I must, however, concede that this argument and the others ought to apply equally to all the Muslim communities and yet there came to be a large preponderance of Khoja amongst those who came to Zanzibar. Since they were apparently amongst the earliest nineteenth century migrants to Zanzibar, it may be that they built up a particularly effective network of information and assistance which encouraged further Khoja migration. This network may also have been reinforced in the latter part of the century by the remarkable Ismaili communal organisation created by the successive Aga Khans in Bombay from 1845 and extending eventually to East Africa (Masselos passim; Morris 1968: 68-73), though the growth of this organisation also caused schisms amongst Khoja in Zanzibar (Morris 1968: 78).

    14In any event, the early Khoja preponderance amongst Indian Muslims (and amongst all Indians) in Zanzibar was extended to the adjacent mainland where, by the 1870s, there were ‘ a growing number of Indian merchants settled […] – especially at Kilwa, Bagamoyo, Pungani, Tanga, Mombasa and Malindi ’ (Mangat: 9). At first, most of these traders on the mainland were ‘ merely agents for the houses having their headquarters in Zanzibar ’ (quoted in Mangat: 13), but they played a very important role in developing the inland trade in East Africa by providing loans and goods on credit to the ‘ Arab ’ or ‘ Swahili ’ leaders of the trading caravans which penetrated further and more frequently into the interior during the latter part of the nineteenth century, in search particularly of ivory (which largely replaced the earlier trade in slaves) (Mangat: 11). Indian merchants in Zanzibar (including the prominent Khoja trader, Tanya Topan) and on the coast also acted as bankers, agents and suppliers for the expeditions to the interior of European explorers, such as Burton, Speke, Livingstone and Stanley (Mangat: 11, 20, 51).

    15The role of these merchants, and particularly of the Muslim ones, in opening up the interior thus began well before East Africa was brought under European colonial rule and it was indeed acknowledged and encouraged by contemporary British officials in Zanzibar and India who saw it as a valuable way of extending British informal influence in the region. After the partition of East Africa in 1886, the Indian merchants contributed even more to the economic development of both the British and German territories. They rapidly established agencies of their Zanzibar or coastal businesses in the interior, sometimes at the new administrative centres, but often ahead of the foundation of these centres. Two conspicuous examples were the Ismaili Khoja merchants Sewa Hajee Paroo and Allidina Visram who operated from Bagamoyo on the coast from where they established strings of agency stores along the former caravan routes through Tanganyika and eventually beyond into Uganda, Kenya and even into the Congo Free State and the southern Sudan. As well as forming local centres of trade which stimulated new economic activity amongst the surrounding African populations, these stores supplied many of the personal and official needs of British and German administrators who repeatedly commented on the usefulness and even indispensability of their services (Mangat: 49-53). Thus, although one contemporary observer summarised this rapid dispersal of Indian stores by remarking ‘ it is definitely the case in East Africa that trade followed the flag ’ (quoted Mangat: 56), it might well be claimed that trade quite often preceded the flag there and even where it did not, the flag could hardly have been kept flying in many places without the assistance of trade.

    16Up to this stage, then, the expansion of trade throughout the region stemmed largely from its original bases in Zanzibar and their offshoots in the coastal towns. Since the majority of the Indians there had been Muslims and the majority of them Ismaili Khoja, the expansion of trade was also to a large extent a continuation and reinforcement of the Khoja diaspora. In Tanganyika, the long term effect of this pattern was that Muslims remained the majority of the Indian population there until at least as late as 1957, though the proportion of Hindus had increased considerably to about three-quarters of the Muslim population (Mangat: 142). Since there seem to be no official figures for the distribution of the Muslim population by sect and since the sects themselves are inclined to give inflated estimates of their membership, it is difficult to tell what proportion of the Muslims were Khoja or other sects, but it seems likely that the Khoja were still a substantial majority amongst the Indian Muslims in Tanganyika.

    17Because of their early penetration into Kenya and Uganda along the old trade routes, the Muslims, and the Khoja in particular, remained relatively well represented in these two territories, but a new influx of Indians, including Muslims from other parts of India, came with the building of the Uganda railway from 1896. Almost all the labour, skilled and unskilled, used in building the railway was recruited under indenture from India. A high proportion of those recruited came from the northwestern areas of India, where Lanore and Karachi were the main recruiting centres. Between 1896 and 1901 a total of about 32000 Indians were recruited for the railway. Since they came largely from the Punjab, the majority of them were Muslims. About a fifth of this total remained in East Africa, so that there was a substantial increment to the Muslim population (Mangat: 37, 39), though they were mostly Sunni, rather than Shia.

    18Moreover, the introduction of the indentured workers itself provided further opportunities for those traders who were already active in Kenya and Uganda. Some of the Muslims obtained contracts to recruit indentured workers in India and also to undertake part of the construction work on the railway (Mangat: 33-4). One of the most successful of them even obtained a contract to supply food for all the Indian workers employed by the railway (Mangat: 54). Others opened stores along the railway as it advanced accross country to trade with workers and passengers. The railway also fostered the trade of some of the centres previously established in the interior by making the transport of goods easier and cheaper. In this period, therefore, the new economic opportunities encouraged further expansion and diversification among the already established Muslim communities, as well as bringing new Muslim immigrants to the area.

    19The developments during this early period of colonial rule have been summarised by one authority in these terms:

    The single most important community to be extensively associated with the Imperial effort in East Africa from the early days was the Muslims. Up until the eve of the First World War, they represented more than half of the Indian population in the territories. Most of the early Indian traders, the extension of whose enterprise in the interior coincided with the establishment of British Administration, were Muslims – especially Khojas (Ismailis) […] Punjabi Muslims formed the majority of the labour recruited for the construction of the Uganda railway – and were the principal artisans. They were also recruited into the local police forces, while at least half of the British Indian troops employed in East Africa during the early colonial period were Punjabi Muslims (Mangat: 75).

    20Over the longer period, from the early nineteenth century, some distinctive patterns emerge for this part of the Muslim diaspora to eastern 1 Africa. First, the migration was a continuation and expansion of ancient contacts between East Africa and India. It was not, therefore, a consequence of colonial rule in Africa, though it was partially encouraged by Omani Arab activity there and subsequently benefited from the British influence emanating from India particularly. Second, it was for most of the nineteenth century a movement of individuals who went at their own initiative and expense and were therefore early representatives of the category that eventually became known as ‘ passenger ’ Indians, because the cost of their passages across the ocean came out of their own resources. Third, these early migrants formed a relatively homogeneous category because most of them came from the same restricted area of India (Kutch and Kathiawar), spoke more or less the same language (Gujerati or one of its dialects) and were mostly Shia and mostly Imami Ismaili. Fourth, their trading position was built from an initially restricted base in Zanzibar. Fifth, their expansion from that base to the mainland was a product of trade, indirect and then direct, with the indigenous peoples and not with an alien, preestablished ‘ settler ’ community. Sixth, when the process of European colonisation began, it depended at least as much upon the economic activities of the Indian (especially the Muslim) traders as they did upon it for creating the political structures under which they could operate. Seventh, the immigration of ‘ indentured ’ Muslims to British East Africa came largely at the initiative of the colonial administration and it introduced another, relatively homogeneous category of mostly Punjabi Sunni Muslims.

    21These features of the Indian Muslim migration to East Africa are in several respects quite distinctive of that region. There degree of their distinctiveness may be brought out by a comparison with the corresponding migration to South Africa which I consider next.

    The migration of Indian Muslims to South Africa

    22The earliest evidence of Indian Muslims in what is now South Africa refers to those who were amongst the slaves brought by the Dutch (and sometimes by other European slave traders) to the Cape of Good Hope during the century and a half after van Riebeeck’s arrival there in 1652 A. C. Some of these slaves were taken from parts of India, such as Bengal and the Coromandel and Malabar coasts, where Islam was already well established. However, over that same period more Muslim slaves were brought to the Cape from parts of Indonesia and the Indian ones were therefore absorbed within the larger category descended from these slaves which came to be known as the ‘ Cape Malays ’ who have preserved their Muslim faith, but not their original ethnic identities (Argyle: 224-230). Consequently, it is once again the later, nineteenth century migration of Indian Muslims that is here significant.

    23This migration began in 1860 when the first Indian indentured labourers were brought to Natal to work on the sugar plantations which had been established by European settlers who had been unable to secure an adequate supply of labour from the local African population. They had therefore applied pressure from about 1851 on the local British authorities to obtain the consent of the British Indian government for recruiting labour in India and that government had, not too readily, given its permission under conditions similar to those applying to indentured labour already being recruited from India for other parts of the Empire (Meer 1980: 1-51).

    24One of the restrictions initially imposed was that the labourers recruited for Natal should be shipped from Madras. This restriction was later modified to allow recruitment through Calcutta, as well as Madras. These limitations meant that most recruits, including any Muslims, would be likely to come from the general areas of these ports and their hinterlands. Although there were long established Muslim communities in both regions, they seem to have contributed few recruits, judging by those individuals identified as Muslims in the lists of migrants which had to be kept for each ship which transported them. Thus, the surviving part of the lists for the very first ship, the Truro, which sailed from Madras in 1860, contains details of 280 individuals. Of these, only 15 (10 males and 5 females) are recorded as ‘ Muslim ’ (Meer 1980: 55-60). Although this recording may not have been entirely accurate (since it largely confounds religion with ‘ caste ’), it is unlikely that it seriously underrepresents the proportion of Muslims.

    25The list also records ‘ village ’ and ‘ zillah ’ (administrative district) against ten of these Muslims. Two men, with the name Khan, came from the same village in the Hyderabad zillah; one man from Trielimopoly village with the same name for the zillah; another from Paluimcotab village with the same name for the zillah; a man and a woman from Mysore village in Mysore zillah. Of four women listed together, and having the same last name, Bee, two are recorded as coming from Vijayapatam in the zillah of the same name. One of them is listed as the wife of a Hindu man whose village was not recorded, so one may guess that the two women’s village was their natal home, though they were not sisters. Another two of the Bee women came from the village of Bengalore in Mysore, which was again presumably their natal home though they, too, were not sisters. One of them (with a baby boy given as ‘ Muslim ’) was recorded as the wife of a Christian man whose place of origin was also not recorded. Given that two of the women were married to non-Muslim men, their religious affiliations were perhaps nominal.

    26These details, meagre as they are, do nevertheless show that the first few Muslims recruited came, originally at least, from quite widely scattered places and therefore did not form groups of kin which might eventually have constituted the nucleus of Muslim communities in Natal. Of course, other Muslims were amongst the recruits brought on subsequent ships and one could abstract similar details from those ships’ lists which have been published. However, inspection of those for two other early ships and of tabulations made from two later ones which reached Natal in 1869 and 1891 (Meer 1980: 68-92; Kuper 1960: 272-9) does not suggest any difference from the patterns revealed by the first list, even though one of the early ships and the 1869 ship came from Calcutta, whereas the others were from Madras.

    27This evidence, such as it is, therefore does not lend much support to the assertion that ‘ The Southern Moslems were mainly from Hyderabad ’ (Kuper 1960: 6). The list for the Truro did indeed include the two Muslim men whose origins were given as ‘ Hyderabad ’ zillah and doubtless there were others on subsequent ships who came from there or at least from that general région. Cumulatively, there may have been quite a few such in Natal and perhaps some became well enough known there for the category term ‘ Hyderabadee ’ to emerge and remain in use among Indian South Africans, as Kuper notes (loc. cit.). But it does not seem to denote one of those distinct Muslim communities, based partly on place of origin, such as those which emerged in East Africa and, amongst later Muslim immigrants, in South Africa. Instead, ‘ Hyderabadee ’ seems to be only a more specific sub-division of the general categories of ‘ Madrasi ’ and ‘ Calcuttia ’, also cited by Kuper. These two terms obviously classify indentured immigrants (and their descendants) according to their port of embarkation and this principle suggests that actual place of origin was less significant, probably because those origins were so diverse. The distinction by religion could have retained rather more significance and ‘ Hyderabadee ’ may therefore have meant little more than ‘ Muslim indentured immigrant ’ amongst all those who came via Madras and Calcutta. Since the terms ‘ Madrassi ’ and ‘ Calcuttia ’ can, and apparently often do, carry pejorative implications of low social origins, ‘ Hyderabadee ’ may have had the further advantage for those to whom it was applied of avoiding those implications.

    28In any case, all the published ships’ lists consistently show small numbers of recruits actually labelled as Muslims. Of course, over time the numbers of Muslims recruited would have accumulated and extrapolation from the percentages calculated by Kuper (1960: 7), who used a random sample of eight ships’ lists, suggests that there may have been some 4-5000 Muslims in all amongst those indentured immigrants who were brought to Natal between 1860 and 1911. However, for much of that time the number of such Muslims actually present in Natal would necessarily have been much less, especially since quite a lot of the workers returned to India after their indentures had expired and there were likely to have been Muslims amongst those returning. Such depletion of their numbers was probably not offset by natural increase because the death rate, though apparently lower than in India, would still have been quite high.

    29Moreover, since there was a marked disproportion in the sex ratio, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, for most of the Muslim men who came as bachelors to fmd Muslim wives in Natal. They must therefore have frequently had to marry into the much larger H indu population amongst which they would have been dispersed on the sugar estates. Even if they had wanted to, it is unlikely in those circumstances that they would have been able to insist on the conversion of Hindu wives to Islam. It has indeed been stated that ‘ the indentured Muslims […], due to their small numbers and intermarriage, had tended to become integrated with their Hindu compatriots’ (Meer 1969: 203).

    30Yet despite all these circumstances, which might well have virtually eliminated Islam amongst the indentured category, there are indications that some of these Muslims, even if they did not form distinct communities, nevertheless perpetuated in South Africa elements of their faith as they had known it in India. One such indication is the practise of ta’ziya cults and processions which were regularly performed in Durban in recent years and of which Meer writes (1969: 206-7):

    they were introduced to South Africa in the very early period of indenture by Muslims from South India and were then known as Allahsamy’s Goonda, following South Indian terminology. It is generally believed that [they were] the very first communal Indian ceremonial to be observed in the country. One Thaziya group celebrated its centenary in 1965. It seems apparent that several ta‘ziya groups were in existence during the early years of Indian indenture, there being as many as sixty groups in and around Durban at the height of their popularity.

    However, the reference to ta‘ziya as a ‘ communal ceremonial ’ need not imply the existence of a distinct Muslim community of South Indian origin. The further details given by Meer (1969: 208-210) suggest rather that ta‘ziya were perpetuated by small groups, at least one of which centered on a family claiming a century long tradition, going back to South India, of making the equipment for ta‘ziya and apparently deriving some benefit, in terms of prestige if not cash, from preserving the tradition. It seems therefore that the ta‘ziya and other such elements are manifestations of ‘ culture ’ rather than of ‘ structure ’ by which I mean here corporately organized groups of the jamā‘at type. For evidence of such groups amongst Indian Muslims in South Africa one has to look elsewhere to the history of those Muslims who were ‘ passenger ’ or ‘ free ’, rather than indentured, immigrants to South Africa.

    31The origin of such ‘ passenger ’ immigration to South Africa is usually traced to the arrival of one man, Abubaker Jhavary, who came to Natal from Mauritius, some time after the arrival of the first indentured workers. He was of Mehmon origins from Porbander, Kathiawar, and had first worked for a firm in Calcutta which had then sent him to Mauritius to manage their trade there with Indian indentured workers. The quite rapid growth in the numbers of such workers in Natal from 1860 created a similar market which the established European traders there could not readily supply. It was apparently at the initiative of one of them that Jhavary first came to Natal as a partner in a European firm. Eventually, he established his own business which was so successful that he had branches in Bombay and Calcutta, with his own ships plying between Natal and India (Meer 1969: 16).

    32The example of such success and doubtless the rapid diffusion to Mauritius and to India of reports on the relatively favourable prospects in Natal soon brought other passenger immigrants there. Initially, at least, quite a lot do seem to have come from Mauritius and it is even asserted in the history of one Muslim family which originated in Surat that its founder ‘ like most others of the Surti community, went to Mauritius before embarking for South Africa ’ (Manjoo: 160). This statement may be an exaggeration, but it serves to emphasise both the importance of the link with Mauritius, at least in the early stages, and the prominence of immigrants from Surat amongst the ‘ passengers ’. This prominence is apparent in other sources (Meer 1969: 16, 19, 21) and I can offer some rough numerical support for it. Out of approximately 180 published histories of families (Manjoo passim) which can be identified as Muslim, I have calculated that there were at least 79 of which the founders came from somewhere in Surat, compared with at least 54 from Kathiawar and 27 from Bombay (some of whom may well have been from either Surat or Kathiawar originally). The sample is obviously not random, because the inclusion of families in a publication of this kind is affected by several uncontrolled factors, but it provides some confirmation for other, impressionistic statements to be found in the literature.

    33Further particulars of the origins of these Muslim ‘ passenger ’ immigrants are summarised by Meer who states (1969: 16) that they were

    mainly from Gujarat – Mehmons from Kathiawad and Kutch, Sunni Vhoras from Surat […]. Though most passenger Indians spoke Gujarati, there were also among them Urdu-speaking Muslims – Mian Bhais, Sayeds, Shaiks, Khans and Pathans – some of them coming from the United Province, and embarking at the port of Calcutta. There were also a few Marathi-speaking Kokinee Muslims, and some South Indians [Muslims?] from the South and East coasts.

    This list qualifies the otherwise general resemblance to the corresponding migration to East Africa which was also dominated by people from the Gujerat region. That is, those who came to South Africa were predominantly Sunni, rather than Shia, and were Mehmon and Bhorā, rather than Khoja (though there are today a small number of Ismaili Khoja in the Transvaal, particularly in Pretoria).

    34At the same time, the list suggests that the migration was, like that to East Africa, selective, since the immigrants came mainly from certain ‘ castes ’ and certain areas. There is evidence of further selectivity within these broader categories. For example, of those 79 families which I have already noted came from Surat, there were at least ten whose founders originated from a village there called Kholvad (another spelling is Kulwar ?). Similar clusterings can be detected amongst those who came from the general area of Kathiawar: the family histories show that at least ten of them originated in the town of Porbandar. This particular clustering may have been initiated by Abubaker Jhavary, since he came originally from that town and it has been remarked that ‘ there are today a number of his relatives and several hundred other people from Porbandar living in Natal ’ (Kuper 1960: 15).

    35There is, of course, nothing very remarkable about such selectivity, since it occurs repeatedly in the history of migrations in many parts of the world. In the case of the passenger migrants to South Africa, however, place of origin seems to have had and retained a significance which did not persist to the same extent amongst the comparable Muslim groups in East Africa. Thus, in Durban, the Indian district of origin formed the basis for the foundation of both religious and residential communities: ‘ those Muslims from Porbandar and Surat built mosques in the centre of Durban and surrounded these with a ground floor of shops and a first floor of residences: the women joined them and families were established ’ (Meer 1969: 19). Although this kind of grouping was voluntary, there were features of the emerging South African social and political system which may well have reinforced the tendency to form groups based on ties originating in India. Amongst these were pressures applied by Europeans who controlled the trading licence system and manipulated it to limit both the numbers and the location of Indian traders in Durban and in other towns of Natal. Similar, but even more stringent restrictions were imposed on the location of those Indian traders who dispersed from Natal to the Transvaal. In recent decades the operation of the Group Areas Act has often served to reaggregate in special trading and residential areas Indian traders who had been more widely scattered in the earlier period.

    36In addition to these voluntary and involuntary residential groupings, there were other manifestations of the continuing importance of ties deriving from India. One of these was the creation of formal associations in which membership was determined by place of origin. Some of these associations were in fact charitable trusts which- concerned themselves with improving conditions in the home villages or towns from which the members had come. They therefore implied continuing links between the members and their homes and there was in fact a good deal of visiting betwen South Africa and India, as well as indirect contact. Some of these trusts are still in existence though I believe there is a growing feeling that they should now concentrate their efforts on the local community in South Africa.

    37The significance of place of origin also manifests itself in marriage arrangements, since villages or districts were used to define narrower endogamous units within the wider Muslim category. For example, those who came from Kholvad and Khathor in Surat preferred to arrange marriages amongst themselves and this preference is said to be still strong today. It may well be that these preferences, expressed in terms of place of origin, are in fact for marriages between kin, of the kind practised amongst Muslims in India and East Africa. It was also the case that marriages were arranged between South African residents and members of the home communities in India. Although the official South African policy is to prohibit any further immigration from India, there are still recurrent attempts, a few of which are successful, to obtain special permission for spouses from India to enter South Africa.

    38All this emphasis on places of origin and on maintaining links with them contrasts with the pattern already noted for the Khoja of East Africa who were reported to have severed most, if not all, such links. I suggested some possible reasons for the Khoja pattern and now offer some for the different one in South Africa. One reason may be that Indians in South Africa have been subjected ever since their arrival to sustained political, legal and economic discrimination. Although such discrimination applied to all Indians, it was often directed especially at Indian traders of whom many were Muslims. These traders were in direct and often successful competition with Europeans whose resentment was already evident in 1887, when it was recorded in the report of an official commission of enquiry on the position of Indians in Natal:

    We are convinced that much of the irritation, existing in the minds of European colonists against the whole Indian population of the Colony, has been excited by the undoubted ability of these Arab [Muslim] traders to compete with European merchants, and especially with those who have chiefly directed their attention to the supply of articles, notably rice, largely consumed by the Indian Immigrant population.
    We are aware that they have become formidable rivals of those white shopkeepers who, in various parts of the Colony, vend to Kaffirs [Africans] the cheap articles which they need (Meer 1980: 315).

    For the next 60 or 70 years such resentment of Indians, and especially of Indian traders, became more intense and general amongst European South Africans and it was quite often shared by the African population. Since European resentment was expressed in a whole battery of local and central government restrictions imposed on Indians (see Meer 1969: 44-9) and the African resentment occasionally took a violent form (most notably in the 1949 riots in Durban by Africans – encouraged by some Europeans – against Indians), many Indians, and especially those in trade, must have felt insecure in South Africa. It was therefore only prudent for those of them who could to retain ties with their original homes in India, since they might one day be compelled to return there.

    39By contrast, Indians in East Africa experienced little or no hostility to their activities during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and were indeed actively encouraged and supported by the Zanzibari rulers and by British (and German) officials. It was only with the arrival in East Africa of European settlers just before and after the first World War that hostility to Indians became prevalent and even then it was not so influential at the official level as it was in South Africa. Moreover, the Ismaili Khoja were actively encouraged by the Aga Khan to identify themselves with East Africa and to regard it as their home which indeed most, if not all, of them did.

    40I also suggested that India perhaps exerted less of a ‘ pull ’ on the Khoja, because of the particular backgrounds from which they came. For at least some of the Muslims who came to South Africa, their original situation in India may have retained its attractions, especially when it could be reinforced by the wealth gained in South Africa. To take Abubaker Jhavary again as a conspicuous example, he came from a family which was prominent in Porbandar and one of his cousins had been ‘ prime minister ’ to the ruler of Porbandar (Meer 1969: 21). His own daughter-in law came to live in South Africa, but ‘ missed her father-in-law’s [i.e. Abubaker’s] vast mansion in Porbandar, strongly built of stone and decorated with intricate patterns of polished timber ’ (Meer 1969: 20). There can have been few, if any, Ismaili Khoja who had such homes to miss. Nor, of course, were there all that many Memons or Vohra in South Africa who came to India from homes like that. But even if they did not, they could at least aspire to them. One who did was ‘ Muhammad, a Sunni Vhora from the outskirts of Surat, [who] was less than fifteen when he arrived in Durban ’, where he prospered and ‘ later returned to Surat, where he bought the estate of a declining Sultan and built himself a three-storied mansion ’ (Meer 1969: 19). Other family histories show that quite often migrants of the earlier generation returned to India, though they might also leave in South Africa brothers and even sons (as Muhammad did) to continue running the businesses they had founded.

    41In addition to these differences in the importance of ties with India between the Muslims in South Africa and East Africa, it will have been evident that the course of the migration in South Africa was often virtually the opposite of that which occured in East Africa. The migration of ‘ passenger ’ Muslims to Natal was not a continuation of any older trading contacts, but was a new departure (though it did stem partly from the intermediate contact with Mauritius). The migration did not precede colonial rule in Natal, but was a consequence of it. Similarly, the ‘ passengers ’ did not come before the indentured immigrants, but followed them and at first the trade was mostly with the indentured immigrants. The passengers were therefore not the first settlers in South Africa and so did not play the same pioneering role in starting trade in the hinterland, though they were certainly responsible for multiplying the kinds of trade and increasing its scale at a faster rate than would have otherwise been the case. The existence of such differences and the others I have sketched certainly needs to be taken into account when considering the details of a diaspora like that of the Muslims from India during the nineteenth century and that diaspora was, of course, only part of a much wider one which showed yet other variations. In the end, though, the general similarities are at least as striking as the differences and leave the impression that there was something, difficult as it might be to describe and analyse, about the nature of Muslim communities in India (or at least in parts of it) which enabled them to make a unique contribution to the development of eastern Africa. Since the available material on the migration is clearly still inadequate, there is ample scope for more research in both Africa and, particularly, in India on its causes and consequences.

    Bibliographie

    Des DOI sont automatiquement ajoutés aux références bibliographiques par Bilbo, l’outil d’annotation bibliographique d’OpenEdition. Ces références bibliographiques peuvent être téléchargées dans les formats APA, Chicago et MLA.

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    Gaborieau, M. (1972). Muslims in the Hindu Kingdom of Nepal. SAGE Publications. https://doi.org/10.1177/006996677200600105
    Gaborieau, Marc. “Muslims in the Hindu Kingdom of Nepal”. Contributions to Indian Sociology. SAGE Publications, January 1972. doi:10.1177/006996677200600105.
    Gaborieau, Marc. “Muslims in the Hindu Kingdom of Nepal”. Contributions to Indian Sociology, vols. 6, no. 1, SAGE Publications, Jan. 1972, pp. 84-105. Crossref, https://doi.org/10.1177/006996677200600105.

    Cette bibliographie a été enrichie de toutes les références bibliographiques automatiquement générées par Bilbo en utilisant Crossref.

    BIBLIOGRAPHIE

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    Argyle, W. J. (1982), ‘ Muslims in South Africa: Origins, Development and Present Economic Status ’, Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, III (2), pp. 222-255.

    Benedict, B. (1961), Indians in a Plural Society. A Report on Mauritius. London, H. M. S. O.

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    Gaborieau, M. (1972), ‘ Muslims in the Hindu Kingdom of Nepal ’, Contributions to Indian Sociology, N. S., VI, pp. 84-105.

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    Notes de bas de page

    1 Here and elsewhere I mean by ‘ eastern coast ’, the African coast from approximately the northern parts of modern Kenya down to the southern boundary of modern Natal, South Africa.

    Auteur

    • W. J. Argyle

      Professor, University of Natal, South Africa

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    1 Here and elsewhere I mean by ‘ eastern coast ’, the African coast from approximately the northern parts of modern Kenya down to the southern boundary of modern Natal, South Africa.

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    Argyle, W. (1986). The migration of Indian Muslims to East and South Africa : some preliminary comparisons. In M. Gaborieau (éd.), Islam et société en Asie du Sud. Paris: Éditions de l’École des hautes études en sciences sociales. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.editionsehess.24448
    Argyle, W. J. « The Migration of Indian Muslims to East and South Africa : Some Preliminary Comparisons ». In Islam Et société En Asie Du Sud, édité par Marc Gaborieau. Paris: Éditions de l’École des hautes études en sciences sociales, 1986. doi:10.4000/books.editionsehess.24448.
    Argyle, W. J. « The Migration of Indian Muslims to East and South Africa : Some Preliminary Comparisons ». Islam Et société En Asie Du Sud, édité par Marc Gaborieau, Éditions de l’École des hautes études en sciences sociales, 1986, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.editionsehess.24448.

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    Gaborieau, M. (éd.). (1986). Islam et société en Asie du Sud. Paris: Éditions de l’École des hautes études en sciences sociales. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.editionsehess.24353
    Gaborieau, Marc, éd. Islam et société en Asie du Sud. Paris: Éditions de l’École des hautes études en sciences sociales, 1986. doi:10.4000/books.editionsehess.24353.
    Gaborieau, Marc, éditeur. Islam et société en Asie du Sud. Éditions de l’École des hautes études en sciences sociales, 1986, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.editionsehess.24353.
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