Workers’ protest movements
p. 46-47
Texte intégral
1942 | 1957 | 2006 | 2011 |
Legalisation of trade unions | Creation of the Egyptian Trade Union Federation | Textile workers strike in Mahalla el-Kobra | Creation of the Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions |
1From 1899 to 1907 the initial mobilisations of labour took place through the strikes of cigarette factory workers, most of whom were not Egyptian. The idea of the “strike” spread to Egyptian labour. Workers’ organisations were born at the beginning of the 20th century in connection with the national struggle: tramway and railroad workers initiated the first strikes and rallied in support of Saad Zaghloul in 1919. Dozens of trade unions were created, and the Socialist Party, which was very active in labour circles, founded the Confederation of Trade Unions (20,000 workers). 1942 was a landmark year with laws in support of the worker (obligatory insurance against accidents in the work place and limitations on working hours), and the recognition of trade unions.
1952: controlling the unions
2The Nasserist State bestowed certain advantages on the workers: security of employment; better working conditions; free education and healthcare; and improved distribution of goods and services (e.g. housing). This social pact was intended to guarantee their loyalty to the State employer. The government nominated the executive council of the Egyptian Trade Union Federation, thereby establishing State corporatism. Any attempts at independent strikes and protests were quashed. Nonetheless, workers and student demonstrations broke out after the defeat of 1967 and the collapse of the Nasserist project. The Helwan steelworks, emblem of Egyptian industrialisation, went on strike in 1968.
3Protest movements grew in 1974-1977 with the economic liberalisation policies begun under Sadat, and then Mubarak, and with the reduction in welfare spending. Workers movements within the company Misr at Mahalla in 1975 were followed by “bread riots” in 1977. The signing of a structural adjustment agreement with the IMF in 1991 led to the closing of public enterprises, a halt to hiring and early retirement schemes. Labour protests grew even though the federation of unions was under central authority.
2004-2013: protests on the rise
4During the government of Ahmed Nazif (2004-2011) neo-liberal policies accelerated the deterioration in living standards. At the end of 2006 the successful strike at the Misr textile company in Mahalla el-Kobra set off protest movements across the country to an unprecedented extent. The strike at the Tanta Linen Company in 2009 lasted for six months. These movements were lacking in coordination and simply expressed local and practical demands (improvement in living standards, higher salaries, payment of arrears and rights for temporary employees) without targeting more general political issues.
5Factory workers, farm labourers, taxi drivers, teachers, doctors and public employees all took part in protests preceding the 25 January 2011 revolution. Labour mobilisation was decisive: strikes called on 8 February in the communication, sanitation and transport sectors led the military junta to engineer the president’s resignation on 11 February. The wave decreased from 2014 because of tightened controls="true" on public space and the law of 24 November 2013, which imposes restrictions on demonstrations (punishable by several years in jail). Discontent remains high in the face of liberal economic policies conducted under Morsi and then Sisi.
The rise and fall of independent unions
6While the first independent unions in the official federation appeared in 2008 (employees of the property tax authority) and in 2010 (retirees, teachers, health professionals) the 25 January revolution provided the labour movement with an opportunity for political organisation. The hundreds of independent unions that sprung up brought together above all white-collar public service employees. Union representation was low among blue-collar workers of the public and private sectors which limited the ability of the trade union movement to influence the process of political and social transformation post-2011.
7The new unions formed up behind two federations: the Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions (2011) and the Democratic Labour Congress (2013).
8However, these federations experienced structural difficulties that limited their actions. There was the lack of internal coordination, both horizontal and vertical, linked to insufficient human and financial resources. The problem was exacerbated by the integration of dozens of unions and numerous trade union committees from businesses. The central executive office struggled to provide provincial unions with legal and administrative support. Many unions felt excluded from the federation decision-making processes and left. Since 2014 the independent union federations have undergone a slow disintegration, but rising popular frustrations with austerity measures since 2016 and the co-opting of the Trade Union Federation by the State has created conditions for redeployment.
Auteur
Nadine Abdalla, visiting assistant professor at the American University in Cairo, department of sociology, anthropology and egyptology, post-doc at the CEDEJ in 2018
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