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Entre civitas y madīna

 | 
Sabine Panzram
, 
Laurent Callegarin

II.3. — Enfoques temáticos

Urban Decor and Public Spaces in Late Antique North Africa

Anna Leone

Texte intégral

1The transformation of cities during Late Antiquity in North Africa developed in parallel with the process of Christianisation, although the diffusion of the new religion was not principally responsible for the changes that took place.

  • 1 For a synthesis see Leone, 2013.
  • 2 Gros 1985, p. 114 and Leone, 2007, p. 159, p. 174.

2This paper considers part of North Africa, specifically Africa Proconsularis, Byzacena, Tripolitania, and Numidia (e.g. modern Tunisia, part of Algeria, and part of Libya). Collectively, this territory was one of the most urbanised areas of the Roman Empire, especially in the area of the Mejerda Valley (map 1, p. 276). A complete survey of all the published material on North Africa indicates quite clearly that already from the beginning of the 4th century some North African cities were struggling to maintain their monumentality1. Many fora show evidence of decay, including some very important urban settlements such as Carthage. Here, for instance, the civic basilica on the Byrsa Hill was derelict by the end of the 4th century, and only restored in the early Byzantine period when it was transformed into a church2. The evidence indicates clearly that the transformation was a consequence of progressive changes in the structure of the Roman Empire and its governance, which affected both the use/reuse of buildings and the recycling of their building and decorative materials.

  • 3 See discussion in Ibid.

3A close inspection of the archaeological evidence allows us to follow the process of de-structuration of cities that occurred from the 3rd century onwards and that characterised the transition from the classical city to a new city. The impact of Christianisation was initially minimal and became progressively more visible and important in the Byzantine period. How this process evolved in the later period, until the 10th century when most cities were abandoned, is difficult to say due to the lack of stratigraphic excavations and past destruction carried out during the colonial period3.

4This paper aims to follow the various steps of the transformation of cities in Late Antiquity in North Africa, giving specific attention to the urban fabric and decoration of both marble elements and statuary. The main focus will be on public monuments, with evidence of private contexts highlighted occasionally. North Africa is an important case study, because of the extensive amount of excavations. On the other hand, the nature of these excavations, primarily carried out during the colonial period and including large amounts of destruction of the later occupation phases, limits our understanding of the processes of transformation but allows the identification of trends that will have to be tested in future excavations and projects. From this perspective the paper focuses primarily on well-dated materials, and it will discuss exclusively data for which detailed and reliable stratigraphic information is available.

5The structure of the paper is in chronological order (starting from the 4th century and concluding with a short overview of the 8th century) so that it will be apparent how the maintenance and urban décor of the city was treated differently (or similarly) in different historical moments.

Map 1. — Map of North Africa.

Source: Leone, 2013, p. 4, fig. 1

Maintenance of urban decorum in the 4th century

  • 4 Composed by Theodosius II in the first half of the 5th century.
  • 5 For example: Nemo propriis ornamentis esse privandas existimet civitates… (CTh 15, 1, 1). For a dis (...)

6The Codex Theodosianus4 contains numerous legislations, many of which were directed at North African governors, that refer to the specific need to maintain and preserve the monumentality of cities in order to avoid the process of spoliation, to provide material for refurbishing larger cities, and to use, reuse, or occupy public buildings5. It is obvious from this legislation that the appearance of Late Roman cities mattered. They were to be maintained at a high standard, and public buildings, as we will see later, had to be preserved from illegal occupation or looting even if they were abandoned. This specific attention to preserving and controlling the progressive dismantling of Classical Roman North African cities would result in a series of phenomena which, at varying degrees of impact, affected the form of urban areas. The first evidence examined here relates to the fate of fora, many of which show clear evidence of decay from the first half of the 4th century. Some fora were refurbished while others were abandoned and spoliated, especially from the second half of the 4th century. These various outcomes will be discussed through the use of case studies.

Abandonment

  • 6 See on the later phases of Uchi Maius, more recently Vismara, 2007b and for Rougga (Bararus), Guéry(...)
  • 7 Vismara, 2007a.
  • 8 For a discussion see Leone, 2007, pp. 213-237.
  • 9 For a discussion see Ead., 2013.
  • 10 Bartoccini, 1927, p. 48; Leone, 2013, pp. 220-223.

7A few cities in North Africa show evidence of the early abandonment of public spaces (mostly followed by private occupation during the Vandal period); some examples are Rougga and Uchi Maius6. The latter had an olive press inserted at the end of the 4th century in the forum7. This also implies the reuse of marble elements which were re-employed in the press. Overall, the excavation of the site seems to show the reuse of building material and marble without specific oversight by the city council, unless the city council agreed to rent and sell the former forum for private use and commercial activities8. A different case is found at Sabratha, in Tripolitana. Here, the forum appears to have been abandoned some time in the second half of the 4th century and the reason for this abandonment is still subject to discussion. Some scholars believe that it followed the destruction caused by the earthquake in ad 365. Recent studies, however, argue that the earthquake, which had its centre in Cyprus, did not have a substantial impact on the cities of Tripolitana. Other scholars suggest that the city was destroyed by the sacking of the Asturians, a local tribe which re-emerged in the 3rd century and threatened the cities and territory of Tripolitana9. There is no doubt that the forum was damaged substantially and that following its destruction all building materials (e.g. capitals, pilasters, columns, and statues) were stored in the basement of the Capitolium with the likely aim of later reuse10. This storage space was preserved until Late Vandal or the early Byzantine period, when the materials were taken out and employed to redecorate the civic basilica that was transformed into a church and the new Justinianic Basilica that was built in the forum. I will return to this reuse later in the paper.

  • 11 Merlin, 1908, p. 169. For a detailed discussion see Lepelley, 1994; Leone, 2013, pp. 169-176.
  • 12 Smith, 1999.
  • 13 Lefebvre, 2006, pp. 2139-2140.

8Other important evidence comes from Bulla Regia in Africa Proconsularis. Here in the forum, the square in front of the Temple of Apollo was completely refurbished in the first half of the 4th century, including the dedication of reused statues11. Capitals were reused as column bases and statues were redisplayed alongside the religious statues that were already in place and connected to the temple cult. The display of statues in Late Antiquity, as indicated by Smith in Aphrodisias, was not concerned with the architectural framework12. Rather, statues were simply located on the square in available spaces. The new square was used only for a short period of time, which we know because at the beginning of the 5th century a grave was already inserted there. Similar evidence of the intentional reuse of statuary for display in the forum has been recorded at Cuicul. Here, bases were hammered and left in place in the forum square with the aim of being decorated with statues later on13.

  • 14 Lepelley, 1994; Witschel, 2007.
  • 15 Thébert, 2003, pp. 446-47.

9The relocation of statues was a strategy that many cities appear to have used in order to maintain monumentality. As pointed out by Lepelley and Witschel14, this activity is demonstrated by inscriptions that identify the movement of statues, as for instance: «de sordido loco translata» As pointed out by Thébert, statues were moved in North Africa mainly to redecorate baths as they became places of propaganda, particularly in their porticoes and entrances. This has been recorded in several cases across North Africa, such as the baths of Iulia Memmia in Bulla Regia and the Antonine Baths of Carthage where statues were relocated in the porticus at the entrance of the baths15.

Refurbishing and Reconstruction

  • 16 Lepelley, 1979; Id. 2005, pp. 27-28.
  • 17 ILAlg 1129, 1247, 1274, 1275, 1276, 1285; Sassy, 1953.
  • 18 Ibid.
  • 19 For a more detailed discussion see Leone, 2013, pp. 111-113.

10Refurbishment is recorded in the 4th century in several cities in North Africa, as pointed out by Lepelley. Most significant is the case of Abthugni, where an inscription details the restoration of the forum with the addition of statues16. The most illustrative case of forum reconstruction is at Thubursicu Numidarum17. Here, the forum was relocated and identified by inscriptions as forum novum, as the old one had been destroyed. The relocation of the structure, as well as its decoration achieved through the reuse of statues that were already on display in the old forum, is clearly indicated by the inscriptions. Of all the statues in the area excavated by Sassy18, two were found in their original locations, facing each other. These were colossal statues of Marcus Aurelius and another emperor (only the feet remain of the second statue), respectively. The bases of the statues bear inscriptions that refer only to the presence of «colossi», without indicating specifically the name of the emperor each statue represents. At issue is whether there was recognition within the city of the emperors represented in the statues or whether the statues were reused and displayed exclusively for their artistic value19.

The 4th century and Urban Areas

11Overall the pattern shown in the 4th century is of North African cities struggling to maintain their urban monumentality and in many cases the centre of urban life shifting from the fora into the baths. It is clear that city councils, in attempts to maintain urban decorum, often reused the marble available within a city. Statues were seen as an easy way to refurbish a site, because no new marble was supplied. Laws in the Codex Theodosianus indicate that come city governors were even looting other cities to redecorate their own. It is possible that cities themselves were selling parts of their statues and marbles in order to survive.

  • 20 ILAlg 4011.

12The market for statues for public (and probably also private) use is attested to by inscriptions. A significant example of this activity is at Madauros20, where it is clearly indicated on the inscription of one statue that the work was recycled, taken from another city. Recycled statues could be reused locally as they were, re-cut and reworked, or transferred to a far-away city.

  • 21 Papaconstantinou, 2012.

13The fact that cities considered their marble decorations as a resource that needed to be protected and preserved is also proved by a 4th century papyrus from Oxhyrincos. Someone in an Egyptian city was in charge of going around to both private and public abandoned buildings and recording columns, noting levels of preservation, size, colour, and materials21. The case of Sabratha, with the storage of marble in the basement of the Capitolium for later reuse, confirms the same activity and the need for protecting these marbles and decorative stones in order to maintain the monumentality of Classical Roman cities. Although the idea of monumentality soon became obsolete after the collapse of the Roman Empire, the principles and economic importance of these marbles for cities remained the same.

Urban monumentality in the Vandal and Byzantine periods

  • 22 Victor Vitensis, Historia Persecutionis Africanae Provinciae 1, 2: «Qui reperti sunt, sense, iuuene (...)
  • 23 For a synthesis on problems with identifying the building see Lavan, 1999.

14The territory of North Africa was conquered by the Vandals that arrived from Spain at the beginning of the 5th century. The impact of the Vandal presence in North Africa is not easily identifiable, as there are few texts available, but Victor Vitensis (1.2) informs us that they numbered 80,000. Modéran, in his calculations based on Victor’s information, worked out a total number of 15,000 soldiers along with their families22. Even if the figure is not entirely accurate, it is probable that they did not have a large impact on the territory of North Africa and its urban form. Despite the collapse of the Roman Empire of the west, the ideas of monumentality continued to follow similar patterns and have similar requirements in the Vandal period. The data is not easily tracked, and most information is provided by the text of the Anthologia Latina, which refers to the building of villas, baths, and the Proconsular Palace in Carthage (although this identification is very doubtful). It is difficult, for instance, to reconstruct the plan of the building, especially given the badly preserved remains. The identification of the structure with the Proconsular Palace mentioned by the sources is based on the recognition of some rooms celebrated by the poems in the Anthologia Latina23.

  • 24 Procopius, De aedificiiis, VI, 5; Id. Bella Vandalorum, II, 14.
  • 25 Lézine, 1968, pp. 77-179.
  • 26 Bockmann, 2013, pp. 47-52.

15The monument (of which only the foundation remains) was completely restudied, based on its architecture, by Lézine, who published a small report in 1968. In this publication he proposed a reconstruction of the complex (fig. 1, p. 280). The Palace was, according to Lézine, built at the end of the 4th century, with a transformation taking place during the Vandal period and the addition after the Byzantine conquest of the chapel dedicated to Virgo Theotokos, as mentioned by Procopius24. The chronology is based on the identification of various building techniques. His reconstruction presents a chapel with three apses, similar to that built by Justinian. Moreover, he suggests that the considerable foundations visible in a large room are in fact sustaining pillars or columns from a wide apsed room, likely the reception hall in the palace, which is also mentioned by the written sources25. The evidence, although poor, seems to indicate that the secular palace in the city was in use without interruption, although with some transformation, from the 4th century (the suggested period it was built) until later during the Justinianic period. Recently the identification of the remains as the palace has been brought into question26. Poor preservation and the extent of the destruction carried out during the colonial era excavations make it very difficult to propose a definitive answer.

16Other parts of the Anthologia Latina refer to buildings that continued to be characterised as substantially Roman, and included marble and statuary decorations.

  • 27 Broise, 2012, p. 344; Balmelle, Darmon, Gozlan, 2012, p. 324.
  • 28 Balmelle et alii, 2003, pp. 164-165.

17At Carthage, excavations near the odeon uncovered the Maison de la Rotonde, a private structure that was monumentalised (with the addition of an apsed wall and a circular room). The work started between the end of the 4th century and the beginning of the 5th century. After an interruption due most likely to the Vandal conquest, the building was completed between the end of the 5th century and the beginning of the 6th century27. It has been pointed out that the size of the peristyle of the Maison de la Rotonde has no comparison in Carthage, not even among the most splendid houses. The complex structure, the rich decorations, and the size of the complex itself have suggested to excavators that the house must have belonged to the highest level of the Vandal élite. The large apsed hall uncovered in the structure has been identified with the salutatorium built by Hilderic and mentioned in the Anthologia Latina28.

  • 29 Guéry, 1981.
  • 30 Vismara, 2007b.
  • 31 Lézine, 1968.

18Former public buildings were often left in disrepair, occasionally occupied by private buildings and production activities, as in the case of the forum of Rougga29 and Uchi Maius30. The former was occupied by houses, and the latter had two olive presses in the Vandal period along with a house. Baths continued to be used when they were in a good state of preservation, but were left unused if they were already in disrepair at the end of the 4th century, as in the case of the Antonine Baths in Carthage31.

Fig. 1. — Plan of the Proconsular Palace.

Source: Leone, 2007, p. 102, fig. 22 (modified)

  • 32 For a complete dataset see Leone, 2013, pp. 144-149.

19It is in the Byzantine period that the process of re-monumentalisation of cities started again. Many buildings were restored and some baths put back in operation, so that the need for marbles continued to be essential. Statues, which until the end of the 4th century were one of the major elements of commercial activity and the principal tool for refurbishment, now became obsolete. The lack of interest in statuary is reflected in the findings from excavations, which refer to numerous statues being stored in rooms and in cisterns32. It is likely that during the controlled process of dismantling in the 4th century statues were removed and stored to be reused at a later time. Instead, marble elements, columns, and capitals continued to remain important for the refurbishment of buildings and the construction of churches.

20These cities must have been characterised in the 4th century, as in the Byzantine period, by the presence of workshops that were particularly active in re-working marbles to support both private and public building activities. This process of recycling materials to decorate public buildings took place in three distinct ways: by recycling marbles in place, by accessing warehouses which already existed at the end of the 4th century, or by taking the marbles from elsewhere.

Marble Recycling in Place

  • 33 Lézine, 1968.
  • 34 Leone, 2013, p. 207; Bonacasa Carra, 1992.

21The best example of recycling in place is the Antonine baths. In Carthage part of the structure, which was abandoned at the end of the 4th century due to a collapse, was restored in the Byzantine period. Only part of the complex was put back into operation. The restoration also resulted in part of the building being transformed into a marble workshop, where marbles were reworked to be reused in place, but also possibly to be sold for use in other monuments or for private use33. This activity of marble markets within these cities must have been very common; for instance, in Thuburbo Maius a block from the Capitolium was reused in a private house34.

  • 35 Lézine, 1968.
  • 36 Leone, 2013, pp. 121-187.

22Evidence from the baths in Carthage shows that the eastern part of the complex was completely spoliated, as excavators did not find a single piece of marble35. Archaeologically these workshops are very difficult to detect. In the case of Carthage the analysis is based on the presence of slabs created from a cut column and by pillars that were partially cut to allow the passage of a cart to transport large columns. It is arguable that these workshops were very common, but the lack of quality excavations leaves us with little evidence. Rooms for storing marbles and statues have been found in several locations, such as Zitha Ziane, Bulla Regia and many others which were probably associated with marble workshops36.

  • 37 Humphrey, 1988; Leone, 2007, p. 207.

23Recycling of building material at the end of the 6th century has been noted in the circus of Carthage. As in all other North African cities, theatres and amphitheatres were abandoned at the end of the 4th century but the circus continued to function until the end of the 6th century at which point it became a cemetery. Excavations have shown that the complex was then systematically spoliated and part of the marble material was reused in place for burials. It is difficult to say whether the remaining marbles were reused to decorate buildings or in lime kilns37.

The Reuse of Marbles from Warehouses

  • 38 Leone, 2013.
  • 39 Bonacasa Carra, 2003-2004, pp. 6-7 with n. 9. The same provenance has been identified for capitals (...)

24The numerous marble warehouses found in North African cities indicate intense levels of activity around the recycling of former building materials. A particularly significant case is that of Sabratha. As mentioned earlier, the forum of the city was destroyed in the second half of the 4th century. The building material for the civic basilica in the forum was removed and stored in the basement of the Capitolium, which had clearly lost its function as a temple. This storage space continued to be used throughout the Vandal period. The building material was then taken, cut, and partially reworked at the beginning of the Byzantine period to decorate the church that was erected on top of the former civil basilica. Material was reused with no specific attention to its relocation, but it is important to stress that the material stored in the Capitolium around 100 years earlier was now taken and reused38. This suggests a clear recognition of what was in storage. It is arguable that similar storage, possibly also connected with the presence of a marble workshop, existed in the theatre, but unfortunately data from excavations are too vague to draw strong conclusions. The theatre in Sabratha was in fact spoliated at the end of the 4th century to build the first church in the city, which was located near the theatre; here, blocks of the entablature from the Capitolium were reused in the pulpitum. It is from this theatre that some of the marbles in the Justinianic Basilica were taken. Other material in the church came from the Capitolium, while some of the capitals were imported from elsewhere in the Mediterranean, possibly Ravenna and the plutei from Constantinople39.

  • 40 Béssier, 2005; Leone 2013, p. 201.

25After the end of the 6th century building activity in North African cities appears to have largely ended, with the only known exception in Carthage where the basilica of Bir el Knissia was built to the south of the city with reused marbles40. It is at this moment that a number of limekilns start appearing in cities and marble elements are smashed to be burnt in these kilns, apart from a few exceptions where this process started earlier, like at Uchi Maius. It is worth noting that most of the cities where complete abandonment of the forum occurred by the 4th century are located in the highly urbanised Mejerda Valley, suggesting that cities crowded in this small portion of territory were struggling to survive and enjoyed only brief periods with florid economies.

26In this context, wealth and marble supply appear to have been the driving economic forces in the transformation of late antique North African cities. The transformation of public buildings was affected on one side by the attempt to respond to the criteria of monumentality, which characterised the concept of the city in the first centuries of the Roman Empire despite the reduction in wealth, and on the other side by the progressive change in marble supply that affected North Africa from the end of the 3rd century. These two elements combined gave a boost to the first substantial change in the urban setting that started in the 4th century.

27The response to the need to maintain monumentality in the absence of resources was firstly to recycle what was in place. The easiest way to redecorate an urban setting was clearly to display or redisplay existing statuaries. The progressive relocation of statues in baths found in North Africa can be related to a change in the function of the bath complex itself, and also to the fact that many fora were in disrepair and there were not enough resources to restore them. The opposite cases of Thurbursicu Numidarum, where inhabitants rebuilt a new forum in the second half of the 4th century by recycling materials from the old forum, and Sabratha where no attempt was made to restore the forum and the material was removed and stored for later reuse, reflect two different realities. Tripolitana suffered early decay due to the rise of local tribes and this probably affected levels of urban wealth; therefore, when the forum was destroyed there was no attempt to restore it. There were still people who had the skills to handle large marble materials, but they stored them rather than attempting to restore the buildings. At Thubursicu Numidarum, where the forum was also destroyed, locals reacted differently by constructing a new forum, erecting statues and recording the activity through inscriptions. Reasons for this difference may lay in the nature of the territory or economic contact with Rome, but also probably in the impact of the Roman presence on the local culture.

  • 41 Sears, 2007, pp. 56-57.
  • 42 Baldini Lippolis, 2007, p. 223.

28The process of dismantling cities for economic survival and to maintain public decor is difficult to follow archaeologically, as it resulted in numerous former public buildings being transformed into marble workshops and storerooms. The work is made particularly challenging because of the difficulty of detecting these shops and, in the majority of cases, the lack of specific stratigraphic excavations. Archaeologically in North Africa it appears that most temples and baths were simply closed down and left with their decorations in place. Not all buildings were subject to spoliation for local reuse. Also, in some cases public spaces were probably sold or rented out with the aim of providing resources for the survival of the city. This must have been the case at Djemila in the «House of the Donkey». Here, the newly built house was encroaching on the temple precinct, invading part of the forum41. The market for building materials could be proved also by the case of a large block of the Capitolium that had been reused at the beginning of the 5th century in the large Maison du Cratère in Thuburbo Maius42.

29Markets for space, marbles, and statuary must have been very common in these late antique cities, although this phenomenon is very difficult to identify archaeologically. The case of the Oxyrinchos papyrus mentioned earlier indicates that the same inventory and cataloguing of available materials also occurred for building materials.

  • 43 Bessiér, 2005, pp. 244-248.

30The same process occurred in the Byzantine period with the building of new churches. The majority of building materials for new churches were in most cases local resources, even in large cities. A good example of this is Carthage, where evidence from more recently excavated religious complexes shows that marble decorations were mostly reworked in place using both marble and local stone, called keddel. Keddel, whose quarry has been identified in the Gulf of Carthage, has been used in the decoration of the church of Bir Ftouha in Carthage43.

  • 44 Pensabene, 1986, pp. 403-406.

31It is in fact in the Byzantine period that we see a major resurgence of public building activity, including churches, although this is limited to the 6th century. The end of the same century betrays signs of decadence. Pensabene, in his survey on marble and stone decoration in Late Antique/Byzantine North Africa, has noted an increase in the number of stone workshops from the 4th century, indicating an increase in local production and local recycling of materials. He has also pointed out that this region has a considerable number of imported capitals from the Mediterranean, with Proconsularis and Byzacena (corresponding to modern Tunisia) the richest areas quantitatively. However, data currently available indicates that these materials were not distributed equally across the region, but concentrated principally in Carthage with importation occurring in very specific periods44. This indicates the survival of workshops in urban areas and the presence of workmen who still had the skills to work on marble.

32Recycling and reuse occurred at two levels in topographical terms. One was the reuse of spaces and buildings, determining a substantial change in the semantic and topographical structure of the city. The second, although admittedly more difficult to investigate, was the reuse and recycling of materials.

  • 45 Al-Idrisi, Opus geographicum, III, 2, 212, imported capitals from Carthage were reuse in the mosque (...)
  • 46 Caron, Lavoie, 2002.

33Before concluding a few more words could be said on the early Islamic period. Unfortunately excavations are too poor to provide a rich dataset, and there is only one case related to a large monument built after the Arab conquest in Carthage. Early Arab sources indicate that the city was destroyed; the nearby foundation of Tunis and the construction of new sites such as the mosque at Kairouan led to the pillaging of the city’s monuments in order to obtain decorative and architectural materials to support these efforts. This activity probably continued later, as El Idrisi informs us that in the 12th century large quantities of marble and other building materials were taken away from the city to decorate major centres in North Africa45. Despite the grim depiction drawn by the sources, archaeological evidence suggests a rather different picture. In the second half of the 8th century we witness the building of a large new complex, decorated by mosaics. The evidence comes from a disputed monument near the so called «Rotunda of the Odeon» in Carthage or monument circulaire, located just inside the city and with its first phase dated to the 4th century. It has been suggested that a church was added in the second half of the 4th century, but a recent revision and republication of the excavation posits that the additional complex was not linked to the circular monument and was instead a domus from the Byzantine phase, later reoccupied in the 8th century, possibly as a civic complex46. Although the exact function of the structure is unclear, the monuments appear to have been imposing and the building required major architectural work. In fact, as described by the excavator, the complex was at a much higher level than during the Byzantine period, and the additional construction required major reconstruction to raise the floor level and create a terrace on which the new structure was laid out; moreover, the complex was fully decorated with high quality mosaics. Although we cannot identify the specific function of the complex, the quality and complexity of the monuments indicates the presence of a new building project that was highly visible within the city. This latter evidence makes clear the limits of our understanding of the phenomenon of transformations of cities in North Africa and their change from the 4th century to the 10th century, when the majority of Roman North African cities were mostly abandoned.

Notes

1 For a synthesis see Leone, 2013.

2 Gros 1985, p. 114 and Leone, 2007, p. 159, p. 174.

3 See discussion in Ibid.

4 Composed by Theodosius II in the first half of the 5th century.

5 For example: Nemo propriis ornamentis esse privandas existimet civitates… (CTh 15, 1, 1). For a discussion on this aspect see Leone, 2013, pp. 55-61.

6 See on the later phases of Uchi Maius, more recently Vismara, 2007b and for Rougga (Bararus), Guéry, 1981; Leone, 2007, pp. 84-85.

7 Vismara, 2007a.

8 For a discussion see Leone, 2007, pp. 213-237.

9 For a discussion see Ead., 2013.

10 Bartoccini, 1927, p. 48; Leone, 2013, pp. 220-223.

11 Merlin, 1908, p. 169. For a detailed discussion see Lepelley, 1994; Leone, 2013, pp. 169-176.

12 Smith, 1999.

13 Lefebvre, 2006, pp. 2139-2140.

14 Lepelley, 1994; Witschel, 2007.

15 Thébert, 2003, pp. 446-47.

16 Lepelley, 1979; Id. 2005, pp. 27-28.

17 ILAlg 1129, 1247, 1274, 1275, 1276, 1285; Sassy, 1953.

18 Ibid.

19 For a more detailed discussion see Leone, 2013, pp. 111-113.

20 ILAlg 4011.

21 Papaconstantinou, 2012.

22 Victor Vitensis, Historia Persecutionis Africanae Provinciae 1, 2: «Qui reperti sunt, sense, iuuenes, paruuli, serui uel domini, octoginta milia numerati». Although the number is probably symbolic, it suggests that only a limited number of Vandals physically conquered and settled in North Africa. On the limited numbers of the Vandals see also Modéran, 2002, p. 106.

23 For a synthesis on problems with identifying the building see Lavan, 1999.

24 Procopius, De aedificiiis, VI, 5; Id. Bella Vandalorum, II, 14.

25 Lézine, 1968, pp. 77-179.

26 Bockmann, 2013, pp. 47-52.

27 Broise, 2012, p. 344; Balmelle, Darmon, Gozlan, 2012, p. 324.

28 Balmelle et alii, 2003, pp. 164-165.

29 Guéry, 1981.

30 Vismara, 2007b.

31 Lézine, 1968.

32 For a complete dataset see Leone, 2013, pp. 144-149.

33 Lézine, 1968.

34 Leone, 2013, p. 207; Bonacasa Carra, 1992.

35 Lézine, 1968.

36 Leone, 2013, pp. 121-187.

37 Humphrey, 1988; Leone, 2007, p. 207.

38 Leone, 2013.

39 Bonacasa Carra, 2003-2004, pp. 6-7 with n. 9. The same provenance has been identified for capitals at Damous el Karita, Pinard 1960-1961, p. 42.

40 Béssier, 2005; Leone 2013, p. 201.

41 Sears, 2007, pp. 56-57.

42 Baldini Lippolis, 2007, p. 223.

43 Bessiér, 2005, pp. 244-248.

44 Pensabene, 1986, pp. 403-406.

45 Al-Idrisi, Opus geographicum, III, 2, 212, imported capitals from Carthage were reuse in the mosque in Kairouan, Pensabene, 1986, pp. 403-406.

46 Caron, Lavoie, 2002.

Table des illustrations

Légende Map 1. — Map of North Africa.
Crédits Source: Leone, 2013, p. 4, fig. 1
URL http://books.openedition.org/cvz/docannexe/image/23792/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 65k
Légende Fig. 1. — Plan of the Proconsular Palace.
Crédits Source: Leone, 2007, p. 102, fig. 22 (modified)
URL http://books.openedition.org/cvz/docannexe/image/23792/img-2.jpg
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Durham University

© Casa de Velázquez, 2018

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