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Entre civitas y madīna

 | 
Sabine Panzram
, 
Laurent Callegarin

I.2. — Estudio de casos

The Rabaḍ of Šaqunda in Umayyad Córdoba (750-818 AD)

María Teresa Casal García

Texte intégral

  • 1 This article is part of my research about the district of Šaqunda, thanks to my involvement in the (...)
  • 2 Manzano Moreno, 2003, p. 14; León Muñoz, 2006, pp. 409-438; Gutiérrez Lloret, 1993, pp. 13-35.
  • 3 Kennedy, 1985, p. 4: «The urban framework is a key factor in the process of Islamisation of the soc (...)

1The historiographical debate regarding the transition to the medieval world and the survival of classical elements in the Islamic world has tended to focus on two main concepts: rupture and continuity1. Traditional views, which established the disappearance of the cities at the end of the classical age, have been replaced by more nuanced approaches which pinpoint a process of great transformations taking place since Late Antiquity2. Their evolution shaped the later configuration of Islamic cities in both the East and West. The transformation of the classical polis («city») into the Islamic madīna («city») needs to be seen as the by-product of a long social and economic process3. This is why diachronic studies need to recognise and describe these processes of change from an urbanistic, social, economic and cultural point of view.

2These aspects are particularly important in a city such as Córdoba, which has boasted a longterm urban function from classical times up to the present day. The study of its historical-archaeological past has a long historiographic tradition, in terms of transformation processes both within and outside its walls. The Islamic madīna inherited the walled area, the continuation of the street layout and the recycling of some basic infrastructures, such as the Roman bridge which crossed the river Guadalquivir, from the classical Colonia Patricia («Córdoba»). Two features are particularly significant during the Islamic period in this story of both the survival and creation of distinctive new elements: on the one hand, eastern models created by the new state which emerged in the aftermath of the conquest of 711 and, on the other hand, the maintenance of a local population of Hispano-Roman origin with its own traditions and technological baggage.

3The considerable urban growth that Córdoba has undergone in the last 20 years has generated a considerable amount of new archaeological information. This has allowed us to suggest new explanations regarding the transformation of the city from Late Antiquity and its evolution after the arrival of the Arab conquerors. The discovery and analysis of the rabaḍ of Šaqunda has been a major breakthrough in uncovering the distinctive features that characterize the urban growth of the city of Córdoba in the aftermath of the conquest, i.e. the early Islamic period in al-Andalus following the conquest and settlement of the conquerors after 711. As this has enabled us to recognize the material culture of this period, this has become a guide to the archaeological recognition of other early Islamic settlements, both in the city of Córdoba and in other sites in al-Andalus.

Colonia Patricia, Corduba, Qurţuba

4The urbanistic and social transformations which took place from the 3rd century bc in the Colonia Patricia until its configuration as the Islamic Qurţuba («Córdoba»), have been highlighted by several archaeological milestones. One of the latter has been the discovery of the late antique complex of Cercadilla, which represented a breakthrough in the archaeological knowledge of the 4th to 7th centuries ad.

  • 4 Murillo Redondo, Casal García, Castro del Río, 2004, pp. 257-290.

5In addition, great progress has also been made thanks to extensive archaeological work in other areas of Córdoba, especially in the south of the city, which have brought new information, allowing for a more complete and accurate insight into the evolutionary process in the city (both inside and outside its walls) from the time of Late Antiquity to early Islam4.

  • 5 Murillo Redondo et alii, 2010b, p. 507.

6This process entailed a change in the configuration of public spaces of political, economic and religious power in the classical urbs («city»). The northern part of the city became partially uninhabited, with large areas taken over by vegetable gardens and rubbish dumps. Both public and private buildings, such as the Forum and the Temple or the great domus («roman houses»), were partially occupied, but were losing their original functionality, thus, revealing social and economic changes. The dismantling of buildings, such as the Circus or the Theatre, which were turned into quarries for new constructions, also implied the recycling of their decorative and architectural elements, while the maintenance of public roads was neglected, with documents revealing how buildings fell on top of them, large stones were taken from the pavements and the sewers which flowed under them suffered severe silting5.

  • 6 Ibid. pp. 515-516. We have an example in Cercadilla, where a cemetery and centre of Christian worsh (...)
  • 7 Ibid., p. 517 with note 317.
  • 8 Sánchez Ramos, 2007, p. 435; Carrillo Díaz-Pinés et alii, 1999, p. 58 with note 39.

7The location of funeral areas was moved from their original sites near the gates of the city and the main access roads of Colonia Patricia to other areas, such as the one surrounding the martyrs’ basilica in Cercadilla. These new religious centres were located in the suburbs of the city, acting as centres of cemetery attraction. They stretched mainly to the north and west of the city, and were linked to several funerary monuments, such as the architectural complex documented on the inma cavea («lower tier of the theatre»), and the arena of the now dismantled Roman amphitheatre, which are dated post 4th century ad6. A possible basilica of the Three Saints has been identified in the eastern zone of the city, where the church of San Pedro currently stands7. In the southern zone, where the rabaḍ of Šaqunda later emerged, there is only a set of decorative architectural pieces dating from between the 6th and 7th centuries ad. These may have belonged to a religious complex or perhaps to a small vicus («quarter»). Remarkably, burials are documented within the walls, such as those found at several points in the south-side area of the city dated from the 6th century onwards8.

  • 9 León Muñoz, Murillo Redondo, 2009, p. 406.
  • 10 From the Roman period, we have evidence of a square with arches, areas of tabernae, plus an industr (...)

8From that moment onwards, centres of power and residences of the local aristocracy were located in the south-side area of the city. The river, which was still an essential trade communication route, was crossed by the classical Roman bridge, the only existing crossing point built in stone between Córdoba and the estuary of the Guadalquivir9. There was also a river port here, for which we have numerous references as to its location10.

  • 11 Carrasco Gómez et alii, 2003; Casal García, Salinas Pleguezuelo, 2009, pp. 1-12; Murillo Redondo et (...)
  • 12 León Muñoz, Murillo Redondo, 2009.
  • 13 This area continued as a centre of civil and religious power during the late medieval period, movin (...)

9The urban modifications of the south of the city, in the area close where the Mosque was later built and the Gate of the Bridge stood, have been revealed by archaeological findings of great importance11. A 5th to early 6th century castellum («large fortified complex») has been identified on the grounds of what later became the Alcazar of the Umayyads. It is a large fortified complex, which served to protect the river port and to guarantee access to the head of the bridge. The civil authority in charge of governing the city probably had its seat there12. We can observe a continuity in the palatial use of its facilities in the aftermath of the Arab conquest, as some of its structures were still being used in the later Umayyad Alcazar (al-qaşr)13.

  • 14 Both those registered by Félix Hernández Giménez in the 30s of the 20th century, and the results of (...)
  • 15 Murillo Redondo et alii, 2010b, p. 521 with note 323.
  • 16 Gutiérrez Lloret, 1996a.

10Traditional historiography has also centred its attention on pre-Islamic archaeological findings documented in the Mosque14 which have been identified as part of the Basilica de San Vicente, which was part of the city’s episcopal complex. However, some structures related to this episcopal complex in the area around the Gate of the Bridge have been excavated which belonged to a large building attached to the southern wall of the city dating from the end of the 5th to the 6th century15. The size and importance of these structures lead us to believe that the episcopal complex of Córdoba was much larger and more complex than a simple basilica. Both buildings make up two large complexes: a civil one, as the centre of political power, and a religious one, the episcopal complex. Both of them underline that this southern area of the city was the hub of political and religious power in both periods. There was, therefore, a geo-strategic positioning in the choice of the place upon which later governments were super-posed, in the aftermath of the Arab conquest of the city. All this considered, the traditional interpretation that viewed Córdoba as a city in a process of decline and decadence needs to be qualified. Similar to other cities of the peninsula, this was a time of transition but not of decline, as transformations which revealed new urban realities, different from classical ones, were well under way16.

  • 17 Manzano Moreno, 1999, pp. 389-432.
  • 18 Aḫbār, Crónica anónima, pp. 23-27.
  • 19 There are many factors to consider concerning the reasons for the transfer of the capital from Sevi (...)
  • 20 Acién Almansa, Vallejo Triano, 1998, pp. 107-136; Manzano Moreno, 2006, p. 37.
  • 21 The so-called French’s Plan from 1811, is considered the first urban map of Córdoba, and offers a r (...)
  • 22 Nowadays, we have verified about 15 archaeological interventions in which graves belonging to this (...)
  • 23 Acién Almansa, Vallejo Triano, 1998, p. 111.
  • 24 Ajbar, Crónica anónima, p. 64.

11The year 711 ad marked the beginning of the conquest of Hispania17, and it is precisely in that year that we document the first mention of Šaqunda in written sources, which mention it as a qarya («small village»)18, in the context of a passage about the conquest of Córdoba by Muġīt al-Rūmī. Several years later, governor al-Ḥurr, relocated the seat of governors from Seville to Córdoba19 in 717 ad. Córdoba remained the capital of al-Andalus throughout four centuries, until the time of the fitna. Under his successor, governor al-Samḥ, the city began a process of urbanistic transformation in the years 719-720 ad. During that time it is worth pointing out the reconstruction of the bridge and part of the Roman walls20. Inside the madīna, which followed the line of the ancient Roman walls, there were two main roads which joined the gates of Bāb al-Yahūd («which corresponded to the northen gate»), Bāb al-Qanṭara («southern gate»), Bāb ‘Āmir («western gate») and Bāb Ibn ‘Abd al-Ŷabbār («eastern gate») of the city. These roads, in fact, inherited their direction in part from the Cardo maximus («main street north-south») and Decumanus («main street east-west») thoroughfares of Roman Córdoba. The secondary streets and small alleys leading off from these main roads made up the grid of the city21. Parallel to the constitution of these road axes there was a process of transformation of urban spaces occupying former houses of the southern area. The northern area of the city, appears to have been somewhat abandoned at first, as a result of the displacement above mentioned of the centres of political and religious power towards the southern part of the city. Outside the madīna, the creation, in 720 ad, of Qurṭuba’s first Muslim cemetery22, the maqbarat al-rabaḍ («cemetery»), and the muṣallà («open space used for prayinga»)23, on the left bank of the Guadalquivir River near the Roman bridge, the only point of access to the city from the south, are of particular note. Šaqunda is also mentioned in sources describing the internal wars between rival factions of the conquerors, as a famous battle was held here in 747 ad24.

  • 25 Acién Almansa, Vallejo Triano, 1998, p. 113.
  • 26 The archaeological interventions in calle Torrijos, between the Mosque and the Museo Diocesano, hav (...)
  • 27 Murillo Redondo, 2009, pp. 450-482.
  • 28 Murillo Redondo, Casal García, Castro Del Río, 2004, p. 264: «The same pattern was repeated by his (...)

12When the Umayyad Amir ‘Abd al-Raḥmān I seized power in 756 ad, there began a process of urbanistic transformation in the city. These transformations were based on the creation of a basic infrastructure for the state, with the creation of different administrative buildings, the construction of the Alcazar and the foundation of the Friday Mosque25. The latter two buildings which lie on old centres of power (6th and 7th century ad), represented the civil and religious power. They formed a central set, which even became united in a physical sense by the construction of the sābāṭ («elevated passageway between the palace and the mosque»)26 at the time of the Umayyad Amir ‘Abd Allāh (888-912). This image was preserved throughout the Umayyad dynasty, as it reflected the link between politics and religion as incarnated in the person of the Umayyad Amir. At that time, Córdoba acquired an urban image which set the tone of its later evolution and extended well beyond the walls which surrounded the madīna. This is why the area outside the walls is such a key zone for analysing the «Islamisation of the landscape». With the creation of the country estate of al- Ruşāfa27 in the northern zone of Qurţuba, ‘Abd al-Raḥmān I brought in a Syrian model with Umayyad connotations. There began an urbanistic process featuring the building of munya-s («country estates») and maqābir («cemeteries»), which were usually for people who were close to the Umayyad rulers and from whom the place names were derived28. They were located near the madīna by roads which connected them to the city, and rapidly became centres of attraction for settlers, thus, making up the so-called rabaḍ-s («suburbs») and the residential areas.

  • 29 Acién Almansa, Vallejo Triano, 1998, p. 115.
  • 30 Ibn al-Qūṭiyya, Conquista de España, p. 22.

13Three new suburbs were created, rabaḍ Šaqunda (in the southern part of the city), rabaḍ Šabulār (in the east), and rabaḍ Balāṭ Muġīṯ (in the west), as a part of this urbanistic evolution and close to the centres of political and religious power, as well as to the main access roads to the city. In the case of Šaqunda, we have already commented on the foundation of the maqbarat al-rabaḍ in 720 ad. Mention is also made by the 11th century historian Ibn Ḥayyān29 of the construction of a country estate by Hišām I, known as the Dār al-Mulk in the area around Šaqunda. These two features were again linked to the suburb. A house was looted in Šaqunda in 756 ad30, indicating that there was a settled population in that part of the city at that time.

The Rabaḍ of Šaqunda

  • 31 Some milestones have been documented in the route where the Via Augusta once crossed the Guadalquiv (...)
  • 32 Santos Gener, 1955, 37-38; CIL II2/7 567. We have documented tombs from this cemetery in the archae (...)

14The southern side of the bridge, outside the city walls, is a particularly relevant point with regard to the evolution of the urbanism of Córdoba from classical times, because it is the only entrance to the city from the south side through the ancient Roman Via Augusta («main roman road»)31. Near the head of the bridge, there was a cemetery of the Colonia Patricia, which was operational throughout Late Antiquity32. As has already been mentioned, this funerary use was continued after the Arab conquest, as revealed by the foundation of the first Muslim cemetery, the maqbara al-rabaḍ, in 720 ad by the Amir al-Samḥ. This cemetery stretched from the area nearest to the head of the bridge, along the road leading to Seville and Cadiz, fossilized in the Roman Via Augusta, and the new road to Ilbira and Granada. The rabaḍ of Šaqunda was located next to this cemetery, on the meander of the River Guadalquivir as it flows through the city (fig. 1). Arab sources are agreed on this location whenever they refer to it. It appears, then, that the Amirs of Córdoba chose the south side of the city to extend it beyond its walls. Some of the defining features of this area were its proximity to the centres of both political power (Alcázar) and religious power (the Mosque), and the absence of previous buildings on the site where the rabaḍ was built.

Fig. 1. — Aerial photography of the Šaqunda’s rabaḍ situation.

© Gerencia Municipal de Urbanismo de Córdoba - Universidad de Córdoba

  • 33 The majority of the inhabitants emigrated to Fez, where they founded a new district. Some of them w (...)
  • 34 Ibnayyān, Crónica de los emires (796-847), p. 81.
  • 35 León Muñoz, 2002-2003, pp. 391-425; León Muñoz, León Pastor, Murillo Redondo, 2008, pp. 267-276.

15The rabaḍ of Šaqunda was mentioned widely in textual sources because of the events linked to the well-known «uprising of the rabaḍ», which occurred in 818 ad. The best source for these events is the Muqtabis by the Córdoban historian Ibn Hayyān which gathers information at the end of Umayyad rule in Córdoba. These accounts describe how the population of the rabaḍ of Šaqunda rose up against al-Ḥakam I at a time of certain political, economic and social instability when the power of the emir was being questioned due to unbearable fiscal preassure. The rebellion was finally defeated by the army of the Amir. After having quelled the revolt, al-Ḥakam I ordered the rabaḍ to be razed, all the main leaders of the rebellion to be executed (some 300 were crucified) and all surviving insurgents expelled from Córdoba and al-Andalus33. The Amir went as far in his revenge as to forbid any building in that part of the city, and when in the 10th century, Córdoba became unsustainably large, and the belt of the suburbs stretched far outside the city limits, Caliph Hišām II continued to enforce this prohibition, stopping the building of another suburb which would have alleviated the problems of over-population in the city. According to the Muqtabis: «At the end of the times of unity in the al-Andalus, towards the end of the reign of the last caliph, Hišām b. al-Ḥakam b. ‘Abd al-Raḥmān some citizens of Córdoba took the liberty of starting to build in this prohibited area of demolished houses of the rabaḍ […] Hišām ordered that everything there should be destroyed and razed to the ground as it was before […]»34. As a result, at the key moments for the expansion of the city in the 9th and 10th centuries ad, the rabaḍ of Šaqunda contained no buildings, and was turned into an area for cultivating vegetables, linked perhaps to a private property. After the Christian conquest, the population settled in the area surrounding the neighbouring Torre de la Calahorra35, an ancient Islamic stronghold, situated at the head of the bridge. This trend has continued in contemporary and modern times.

  • 36 Ramírez de Arellano, 1874; Ocaña Jiménez, 1952, pp. 379-388; Santos Gener, 1955, p. 31.
  • 37 The excavation was possible because there were plans for the construction of a conference centre an (...)
  • 38 In this article we will stick to the archaeological remains found in interventions related to the « (...)
  • 39 We have many mentions from the medieval stage and from the later stages about these inundations, an (...)

16Next to these areas, there were only scattered workshops for manufacturing looms, pottery, and so on36. Thus, the area where excavations were begun in 200137 had remained almost untouched since Amir al-Ḥakam I had ordered the destruction of the suburb in 818 ad38. This has given us the unique opportunity to unearth an early Islamic urban settlement in al-Andalus whose life span had not even reached a century, as it is clear that the area had not been occupied before the arrival of the Arab conquerors and the first references to the suburb date back to the middle of the 8th century. Additionally, and as a result of its proximity to the river the site underwent continuous inundation, because the zone was constantly flooded. This is reflected in the stratigraphy of the site, which features mainly silt and gravel deposits39. A stratum of silt covered all the emiral structures of the site and this was covered, in turn, by another greyish stratum which was the result of gradual deposits linked to the period in which the area was used for farming, from the time of the caliphs to the contemporary period. Several rubbish dumps of varying dimensions and shapes were also recorded from the caliphal/post-caliphal period, as well as some structures that we have identified as parts of an agrarian property.

  • 40 Ibnayyān, Crónica de los emires (796-847), pp. 145-146. We have documented a lot of flooding in t (...)

17Therefore we can be certain that the archaeological remains of Šaqunda correspond to an early rabaḍ which grew soon after the Arab conquest and was destroyed in 818 ad. The ruins were rapidly covered by silt and gravel, probably as a result of the great flood of 849-859 ad40. We conclude that the rabaḍ was begun around the year 750 ad and finished — at the time of the uprising — in 818 ad. A mere 70 years of life in which we must highlight three building phases in the rabaḍ. These phases are marked by the building and repairs to the walls, which were carried out as a consequence of their partial fall due to a series of catastrophic inundations while the suburb was in full activity. They are reflected in the depositing of layers of silt between one phase and the other. Only strata of natural gravel could be found in phases prior to the emiral rabaḍ. We can confirm that the rabaḍ was an ex novo site, with no other prior building which might have conditioned its urbanistic design. It can be added that, with the exception of the caliphal agrarian structures described above, it was not built upon at any point after its destruction. It is, then, a unique space in which the urbanistic, cultural, industrial/artisanal and social features of a population at a time of establishment and construction of the early Umayyad state are reflected.

The beginning of Umayyad Urbanism in Córdoba

  • 41 Van Staëvel, 1995, pp. 53-57.
  • 42 Ibn ‘Abdūn, Sevilla a comienzos del s. xii. Also in Toledo by Aguado Villaba, 2006, pp. 159-171.
  • 43 Córdoba has many underground aquifers located at a depth of seven to nine meters from the surface; (...)
  • 44 Vidal Castro, 2000, pp. 101-124; Id., 2001.

18The rabaḍ of Šaqunda reveals an urban grid consisting of large main roads with an average width of 3.3-4.5 m, with secondary roads leading off them of a smaller width (2-3.6 m) (fig. 2, p. 126). These secondary roads were similarly open-ended. Streets ran east-west and north-south, making up the urban blocks. These streets were laid out at the beginning of the construction period, with the façade line remaining practically intact during the life time of the rabaḍ. It is normal to find walls from different building phases built one on top of the other, keeping the same regular line. There are no intrusions onto the roadway, and we have only documented small realignments of no more than one metre, which open up small alleys or side streets. These small alleys («adarve-darb») make up the smallest joining element with an average width of 1.28-2 m, typically featuring an opening at one end and serving as a juncture for accessing different buildings. These small alleys are somewhat private in nature, their property belonging to the inhabitants of the different buildings to which they gave access41. The main and secondary streets led to public spaces formed of rectangular or quadrangular squares which, presumably, housed commercial areas or open-air markets. Water wells have been found in three of theses spaces, probably serving the local population. We have only found five water wells in the 22,000 m2 of excavation. These wells are normally circular in shape and only one is square. Their diameters range from 0.56 m, the smallest one, to 1.45 m, in the case of the largest one. Their walls are made of rows of pebbles, tiles, fragments of ceramic and rough ashlar. There are two cases of piping being made of ceramic tubes, one on top of the other. Bearing in mind the proximity of the Guadalquivir River, it is natural to think that it may also have been used as a source of water for the population of the rabaḍ, perhaps by means of water-sellers mentioned in an 12th century text in Sevilla42. This limited number of wells contrasts with what happened later in the caliphal period, during which houses always had a courtyard in which there was a well for the inhabitants of the building43. In the case of Šaqunda, construction of cistern tanks to complement the supply of water was not necessary. In later periods, the treaties of jurisprudence and fetuas reveal information related to water treatment and purification systems44.

19All these public or semi-public common areas were paved using the typical combination of several layers of small- or medium-sized gravel laid one on top of the other. It is very common to see them in community zones with heavy transit, as one of their features is their permeability to drain off liquids, thus, avoiding an accumulation of water and smells. There are some examples of areas paved with pebbles, particularly in the accesses of small alleys or side streets.

20The walls which line this urban area were built using pebbles, tiles and pieces of ceramic, joined using a clayish mould, thus making the wall more compact. There are alternate rows at a slant forming an ear of wheat shape. There are larger pebbles at the opposite ends and smaller ones inside. As it is usual in a city such as Córdoba, we have found different previous materials being reused (marble, sandstone, calcarenite) forming part of the core of some of these walls, marking the corners, open access points or strengthening the joining of the structures.

  • 45 Casal García, 2008, p. 120.

21The average height of the preserved parts corresponds to four or five rows, where we can observe access openings joining the different rooms. In some cases, calcium mortar remains were found stuck to the wall; an important feature for later interpretation. The average width of the buildings (0.50-0.60 m) is consistent. No difference has been observed between the outer walls of the blocks and the dividing walls in the inner areas of the different buildings. We have, then, part of the foundation of the walls and the base or elevation of the walls. As is often the case in Islamic architecture, the walls are made out of mud (ṭīn), and, consequently, there are no remains. Access openings have larger markings, such as boulders, fragments of calcarenite or even edges of earthenware jars. It is worth noting the general absence of doorpost holes, of which very few examples were found. In general, the foundations of the walls were continuous and were interrupted for opening entrances. They were located inside of the blocks of buildings to link the different households. Their size is between 0.60 and 0.95 m, with some larger ones too45.

  • 46 This is not exclusive to Córdoba, as it is also documented in other cities, such as Mérida and more (...)

22As far as roofing is concerned, we see the general use of tiles, with many major collapses. They were found in medium-sized rooms and in some specific parts of the courtyards, serving as foyers or shelters. Their average widths suggest that they were single-sided, a feature also found in later caliphal buildings. Tegulae («Roman tiles») were also found in considerable quantities, although their seize was smaller than their original Roman predecessors46. These features disappeared completely by the end of the 9th century ad.

Fig. 2. — Plan from Zone A and some photographs of the roads and small alley.

© Gerencia Municipal de Urbanismo de Córdoba - Universidad de Córdoba

  • 47 The closest chronological parallel we can find, among others, is in Peñaflor (Salvatierra Cuenca, C(...)
  • 48 Cánovas Ubera, Castro del Río, Moreno Almenara, 2008, pp. 201-220.
  • 49 These have not been documented in settlements with a similar chronology; see El Tolmo de Minateda, (...)

23A general study of the buildings reveals different areas within the urban set: in the central part of Zone A (fig. 2), for example, between the main streets running east to west we see different domestic spaces. These had an average width varying between 2.90-3.30 m, and a length of 3-4 m for the smaller units and 5-8 m for the next larger ones, all of which were either quadrangular or rectangular. Behind these widths there were open spaces identified as courtyards and surfaces which adapted to different buildings, generally rectangular or trapezoidal in shape47. Within these open spaces there were, in many cases, smaller rooms which have been identified as shelters. In most households, half of the surface area was occupied by an open-air courtyard, so that the covered area was less than half of the house. The courtyard was the key element of the household, where many everyday chores and tasks were carried out. Food was prepared and sometimes cooked there, as revealed by hearths and domestic rubbish found there. A «house» in Šaqunda had different areas either for living, resting or tasks related to food preparation, or, alternatively, areas for artisanal or farming activities. These features became more and more usual and ended up being the main characteristic of later caliphal houses in Córdoba48. It was essential to have certain rooms, such as a hall, latrine or a courtyard with a well. However, in Šaqunda, a specific room for use as a latrine did not yet exist, in a similar way to other contemporary settlements49.

  • 50 Casal García, 2008, p. 127.
  • 51 Vázquez Navajas, 2013, pp. 31-66.

24The areas where we have registered industrial and/or artisanal activities are spread through different parts of the rabaḍ and they feature unique elements. In some cases, they have hydraulic pavements, with basins or tubings with ceramic piping, each one having a specific function50. The use of ceramic and hydraulic piping in Šaqunda is not widespread throughout the whole rabaḍ, as will be the case later during the caliphal period51. In areas where these elements have been found, they are always associated with some kind of industrial or artisanal activity.

  • 52 They are currently being studied by María Antonia Martínez Núñez, who has already made a first read (...)

25It is worth noting the discovery of around 20 large containers or earthenware jars in the north part of Zone B (fig. 3). They were found in situ («situated in the original place»), in large, open areas, showing that there was an area of the rabaḍ dedicated to storage. They were covered by a layer of calcium and sand mortar which served to hold them in place and also to insulate the solid or liquid materials which they stored. Some still have the metal staples used to repair them, which confirm that they had been used for long periods of time. Two of them present epigraphic signs in Arabic in their base created by a mould52. Apart from their relevance for epigraphic studies, they are one of the first archaeologically documented testimony of the Arabization of al-Andalus.

Fig. 3. — Plan from Zone B with photographs of earthenware jars.

© Gerencia Municipal de Urbanismo de Córdoba - Universidad de Córdoba

Life in the rabaḍ

  • 53 From the archaeological perspective, the process of «Islamization» can be appreciated in the introd (...)

26The study of the material culture of the people living in the rabaÅ of Šaqunda also includes coinage and faunal bone remains which allow us to understand the inhabitants’ behaviour and customs. What levels of technology did they reach? What were their businesses, social or cultural relations? And, what aspects of Islamization53 and literacy can we see in them?

  • 54 The pottery studies have been developed from both a formal and typological view. We also considered (...)
  • 55 The discovery of several grinding stones from hand mills, which would be used for the manufacture o (...)
  • 56 Gutiérrez Lloret, 1996b, pp. 237-254.

27The ceramics found in the rabaḍ (fig. 4, p. 129) give us an insight into a society which used and possibly produced new ceramic forms introduced by the conquerors. Examples of this are the small-holed oil lamp or the typical wide-spouted jars with handles which were very common in the caliphal period54. Open forms of pottery also appear, as pots for cooking or basins which were frequently found in houses and were multi-functional as they were used for kneading dough for making different types of bread55, and some even display burn marks, indicating that they may have served for heating liquids. The ţabaq («large plate to make bread») and tannūr («portable stove»), which were typical of that society and were linked to the baking of bread, appeared alongside them56. Ceramic cooking utensils are completed with pots, jugs and jars, small bottles, bowls, lids, platters and glazed earthenware jars. The whole set is characterised by diversity, and pots and jugs/jars are the most common wares. In some cases, we can appreciate some ceramic forms which were typical some time ago, for example, the large jugs made of an orangish clay and trefoil spouts. (fig. 4, p. 129) This is also the case regarding the oil lamps with no hole, as registered in Šaqunda, and which are similar to late antique lamps (fig. 4, p. 129). This type of article also appears alongside oil lamps with small vent-holes, which are typical in the emiral contexts of al-Andalus.

  • 57 Alba Calzado, Gutiérrez Lloret, 2008, p. 605.
  • 58 Ibid., p. 605
  • 59 Casal García, Martínez Sánchez, Araque, 2009-2010, pp. 152-153.
  • 60 The latest information on the documentation of the first Cordoban glazing brings us to the end of t (...)

28It is worth noting the absence of waterwheel buckets (qādūs) which were associated with the quadrangular pool and the farming area during the caliphal period. Other pieces that are missing are serving-dishes which became an essential and common element of later caliphal dining utensils and which were first manufactured well into the 9th century57. Instead, we found numerous bowls very varied in style. Carinated bowls, which belong to the Visigothic tradition and which have also been found in sites such as El Tolmo de Minateda or Gozquez, were particularly numerous58. There were other open-mouthed models of platters and pots59 which appeared least of all in Šaqunda. Interestingly there was no recorded use of glaze at that time, as the first use of glaze finishing recorded in Córdoba dates from the second half of the 9th century ad60.

  • 61 Rodríguez Pérez et alii, 2011, pp. 779-794. We have documented several pottery kilns in the area of (...)
  • 62 This finishing has also been documented in some pottery of Mérida, considering the presumable Cordo (...)

29Regarding the production process of the ceramic pieces, it is worth noting that 90 % of the pieces found were manufactured using a potter’s wheel, a feature directly related to Córdoba’s pottery tradition, where very few pieces were produced by hand and/or on a slow wheel. Although no areas of ceramic production have been identified for this first emiral period, we have evidence of several small kilns from a neighbouring excavation. This leads us to conclude that areas of ceramic production existed and may have been located in the area nearby61. The colouring and make-up of the pastes used vary according to the shape and use of each piece: light-coloured pastes are common on bowls or little bottles, whereas utensils for cooking are usually darker. The exterior was burnished in some cases, a feature that also takes us back to the 7th century. There are also pastes of red and, very occasionally, coating with black slip62. This technique became widespread in the caliphal period. Regarding decoration, these were pieces with lines painted by using fingers or brushes in ochre, chestnut, orange or black shades, mostly on tableware. Items such as lids, basins or earthenware jars have decoration with digital impressions, particularly in the shape of a ribbon on the water jars.

  • 63 FuertesSantos, González Virseda, 1993, pp. 771-778; Id., 1994, pp. 227-301; Ruiz Lara et alii, 2008 (...)

30Bearing all this in mind: What type of population inhabited the rabaḍ of Šaqunda from the middle of the 8th century until its destruction in 818? From a cultural point of view, we can observe a society with some elements that can be considered as «new», meaning that they had not precedents in pre-Islamic times. Therefore, what we can say is that we have a selection of ceramics we can call «Islamic», even though it has some features, such as decorations and shapes, which belong to pre-Islamic times. This demonstrates the existence of a consolidated production process in terms of manufacturing, although many similar shapes and types have been registered in other sites in Córdoba. It is worth highlighting the increase in typological variables associated with the final period in which the rabaḍ was inhabited. This indicates a continuous development in the manufacture of ceramic in Córdoba63.

Fig. 4. — The pottery of Šaqunda.

© Gerencia Municipal de Urbanismo de Córdoba - Universidad de Córdoba

  • 64 All of the large collection of metal objects found in the suburb of Šaqunda is still unstudied toda (...)
  • 65 We found many parallels with objects described in the following study: Navarro Palazón, Robles Fern (...)
  • 66 Bazzana, 1996, p. 158, describes some examples documented in al-Andalus classifying them as «access (...)
  • 67 Zozaya Stabel-Hansen, 1984, pp. 255-259.

31We must also point out the large collection of metallic objects found in the rabaḍ which, as yet, have not been analysed properly64. They provide us with important information about the activities of the inhabitants of the rabaḍ. This is the case concerning iron nails65 or blades of knives which were used for domestic and/or artisanal task. Other objects have also been identified, such as crescent-shaped knives and thimbles for working the leather and tools used in farming activities, such as sickles and hoes. There were two metal trivets66 found alongside ceramic pots and lids, thus, confirming that they were used for cookery. Smaller objects, such as pins, bronze sticks67, rings or earrings reveal aspects of the lifestyle of the people who lived in the rabaḍ.

  • 68 The results obtained in this first study have been very important to define certain parameters of e (...)
  • 69 Díaz García, 1982-1983, pp. 32-33: «The best beef is the lamb, from one year. It is the most pleasa (...)
  • 70 Leatherwork has been very important in the Iberian Peninsula since ancient times and it developed f (...)
  • 71 Of all the most recent artefacts published both in the magnificent study by Doménech-Beld, López Se (...)

32Linked to these ceramic articles and metal objects, we can also consider eating habits: What did the inhabitants of this rabaḍ eat? How did they prepare their food? What industries derived from this? The study of the faunal bone remains found in considerable quantities in the waste dumps of Zone A of the rabaḍ may provide some of the answers68. In general terms, animals found in Šaqunda were domestic and easy to keep. As tends to be the case in other sites in al-Andalus, sheep and goats were the predominant animals. It has been possible to establish the age of their sacrifices at around one year and also how they were performed. Both of these facts would be in line with the laws and stipulations of Islamic law69. Not only the meat of the animal is used, but also other parts, such as the wool for fabric. One of the most profitable industries of the Islamic period comes from the skin of the animal — leather70, which left an important mark in Córdoba. The second most common remains are those of bovines, which reached a considerable age, probably because they were used for their production of milk. Some of their bones were also used as utensils. This was the case with three bovine right scapulae, which had a perforation of 2-4 mm probably made with a drill, showing evidence of continuous rubbing on the inside, which is more marked towards the outer edge of the scapula. This leads us to believe that there might have been a cord which held this object in a horizontal position. There are marks indicating that the surface was sawn and polished, showing that the pieces were being made ready to be used later. One of the pieces still had two lines on it which served as a guideline. There are, however, no marks of writing. We think that these scapulae should be included in the group of written scapulae, which have been discovered in different parts of the peninsula. They are usually dated and have been generally interpreted as tools for teaching and learning how to write. On some occasions they feature some religious inscription which has led some scholars to believe they may also have been used as charms71. It can be concluded that what we have before us is a population which is in the process of becoming literate.

  • 72 Casal García, Martínez Sánchez, Araque, 2009-2010, pp. 171-172.

33Within the group of animals registered, it is worth pointing out the fowls, particularly hens and chickens, both of which were very common in Šaqunda. They were animals which were easy to keep and feed, and they gave meat, bones and eggs. Some pieces of eggs were found stuck to the calcium concretions found on some bones. Their feathers could have other uses too. There were also partridges, doves and geese to a lesser extent. Only one horse or possibly asses was identified, without signs of having been eaten, similar to the case of the bones of pets — one cat and one dog72. Rabbits and parts of what may have been a fallow-deer show the scarce number of wild mammals in Šaqunda. There were also a few molluscs, possibly because the shell itself was particularly useful either for decoration, as a symbol, as a curiosity or maybe as tools (possibly for polishing).

  • 73 Nowadays, there is an increase in the studies of faunal remains from different settlements, and fro (...)
  • 74 A study carried out in another district of Córdoba with a later chronology, 10th century, shows the (...)

34As we can see, the remains of animals found belong to an essentially domestic context, with one notable exception missing, the pig, which was expressly forbidden as food in Muslim populations. We have absolutely no proof of the consumption of swine in the whole set of remains, which shows clearly that, based on the evidence from previous periods, what we have is a Muslim community73. The absence of animals associated with hunting, for example deer and hares, which were commonly found in rural settlements, implies that this was a rabaḍ of a more urban nature74.

Fig. 5. — The coins of Šaqunda.

Source: Alberto Canto García, Fátima Martín Escudero, Mª Teresa Casal García © Gerencia Municipal de Urbanismo de Córdoba - Universidad de Córdoba

  • 75 The research of the coins has been carried out by Alberto Canto García (UAM) and Fátima Martín Escu (...)
  • 76 When we make a reference to the types and series, we follow the classification of Frochoso Sánchez, (...)
  • 77 Casal García, Martín Escudero, Canto García, 2009, p. 864. An aspect which was verified by the rese (...)
  • 78 «God is unique / God is eternal and undivided, is not begotten nor has begotten».

35How were commercial transactions carried out in Šaqunda? A considerable number of copper coins have been documented in the excavation75 (fig. 5). Their study has helped to assess certain chronologies and to reach reasonable hypotheses about the minting and circulation of the fals («copper coin»). Most of the fulūs found in this rabaḍ correspond to a well-known type known to specialists on al-Andalus numismatics as Frochoso XX-b.76 This is one of the last series of fulūs which had been minted in al-Andalus in considerable quantities at the time of the governors— Umayyad Amirs minted silver coinage almost exclusively77. This series is also noteworthy as it represents an effort at systematising the copper coinage. On the reverse side there is a legend based on sura 11278, uniting the typology for silver and copper with the same epigraphic design.

  • 79 Martín Escudero, 2012, p. 316. To them, we can add the three Roman to Late-Roman pieces from the to (...)
  • 80 Martín Escudero, 2012, p. 317.

36Judging from the archaeological evidence it seems clear that in Šaqunda, the fals had become the norm as a coin in everyday use. Non-Islamic coinage is scarce with several Roman or Late Roman examples and two bronze Punic coins. However, the preservation and possible circulation of these coins is particularly interesting given their conservation at such a late time79. The presence of Roman coins implies that they were still in use, but it also shows us that a fluid supply of Arab fulūs was replacing them80. We think that this was an early period in which these pieces were still in circulation, but they probably disappeared by the end of the 9th century ad.

  • 81 Two from the oriental mint dated in the years 89 H-707 ad and 91 H-709 ad; one of them from the al- (...)
  • 82 Casal García, Martín Escudero, Canto García, 2009, p. 852.
  • 83 Doménech-Belda, Gutiérrez Lloret, 2006, pp. 337-374; García Lerga, 2012, pp. 17-69.

37As regards the silver coins, dirham-s, we only found four pieces81. Given their value, they were probably gathered carefully by the inhabitants of the rabaḍ when they had to flee the city. Having said that, no dirham-s have been fragmented to be used as a coin, a practice which came into effect from the second third of the 9th century on, coinciding with the fall in the minting of feluses82. The scarcity of dirhams is also noticeable at other archaeological digs from the same period as Šaqunda, such as El Tolmo de Minateda or Vega Baja in Toledo83. This proportion was inverted in the years after the end of Šaqunda, when the dirham became the most commonly used coin of the Islamic monetary system in al-Andalus until the middle of the 11th century ad.

38People who lived in Šaqunda were members of an urbanised society. According to the data gleaned from written sources Šaqunda had a population of merchants, artisans and, possibly, former soldiers. This entire population lived among the indigenous population which was acquiring some of the manners and customs of the new settlers, while preserving traces of the existing pre-conquest society. The formation of a new social and urbanistic model needed time. It was being influenced by everything around it and was the by-product of the relationship that was forged between the new-comers and the previous population. The process was complex and diverse and only culminated a century after the destruction of Šaqunda, at a time when the social homogeneity allowed for the proclamation of the Umayyad caliphate in al-Andalus.

Notes

1 This article is part of my research about the district of Šaqunda, thanks to my involvement in the project HAR2013-4075-P, directed by Eduardo Manzano Moreno from the CSIC.

2 Manzano Moreno, 2003, p. 14; León Muñoz, 2006, pp. 409-438; Gutiérrez Lloret, 1993, pp. 13-35.

3 Kennedy, 1985, p. 4: «The urban framework is a key factor in the process of Islamisation of the society and that is where political power was exercised»; see also Kennedy, 1998, pp. 53-64; Gutiérrez Lloret, 2011, pp. 189-210.

4 Murillo Redondo, Casal García, Castro del Río, 2004, pp. 257-290.

5 Murillo Redondo et alii, 2010b, p. 507.

6 Ibid. pp. 515-516. We have an example in Cercadilla, where a cemetery and centre of Christian worship was excavated. These were associated with the gravestone of the Bishop Lampadio (532-549) of Córdoba.

7 Ibid., p. 517 with note 317.

8 Sánchez Ramos, 2007, p. 435; Carrillo Díaz-Pinés et alii, 1999, p. 58 with note 39.

9 León Muñoz, Murillo Redondo, 2009, p. 406.

10 From the Roman period, we have evidence of a square with arches, areas of tabernae, plus an industrial complex associated with the port facilities of the Roman Portus cordubensis. This port continued in operation in Late Antiquity: see Carrasco Gómez et alii, 2003, pp. 283-298. An updated study of the river port can be seen in León Pastor, 2009-2010, pp. 45-72.

11 Carrasco Gómez et alii, 2003; Casal García, Salinas Pleguezuelo, 2009, pp. 1-12; Murillo Redondo et alii, 2010b.

12 León Muñoz, Murillo Redondo, 2009.

13 This area continued as a centre of civil and religious power during the late medieval period, moving to the surroundings of the Corredera square in the 16th to 17th centuries ad, see Murillo Redondo et alii, 2010b, p. 519.

14 Both those registered by Félix Hernández Giménez in the 30s of the 20th century, and the results of the several archaeological works by Pedro Marfil Ruiz from the year 2000 to 2006.

15 Murillo Redondo et alii, 2010b, p. 521 with note 323.

16 Gutiérrez Lloret, 1996a.

17 Manzano Moreno, 1999, pp. 389-432.

18 Aḫbār, Crónica anónima, pp. 23-27.

19 There are many factors to consider concerning the reasons for the transfer of the capital from Seville to Córdoba: one of them was the struggle for supremacy in their respective areas of influence. The strategic position of Córdoba made this city an essential node of communications between the area of the Guadalquivir valley and the Central Plateau, see Murillo Redondo, 2013, pp. 69-88. The city had been conquered by force of arms and this gave the conquerors more control over land and buildings, with the governor having a fifth of the conquered lands (ḫums) under his direct administration.

20 Acién Almansa, Vallejo Triano, 1998, pp. 107-136; Manzano Moreno, 2006, p. 37.

21 The so-called French’s Plan from 1811, is considered the first urban map of Córdoba, and offers a reliable vision of the medieval city showing the walls of the last Islamic period, see Murillo Redondo et alii, 2010b, p. 526.

22 Nowadays, we have verified about 15 archaeological interventions in which graves belonging to this cemetery have appeared, with a total of 1,040 tombs corresponding to different chronologies. This cemetery was one of the most important in the city. Members of the Umayyad family were buried there; see Casal García, 2003, p. 60. Some of their gravestones have been preserved; see Martínez Núñez, 2011, p. 185. It was also mentioned as al-Rabaḍ al-qiblī, as the cemetery of Qurayš and, during the Almohade period, the Rawḍat al-ṣulaḥā, and Rawḍat Banī Marwān. This cemetery was kept in use up to the Christian conquest. One of the most important aspects is the relationship between it and the district of Šaqunda. Two archaeological excavations have provided evidence for the superposition of both activities: an earlier phase with structures from the district of Šaqunda and a second one with evidence of later burials in the same area.

23 Acién Almansa, Vallejo Triano, 1998, p. 111.

24 Ajbar, Crónica anónima, p. 64.

25 Acién Almansa, Vallejo Triano, 1998, p. 113.

26 The archaeological interventions in calle Torrijos, between the Mosque and the Museo Diocesano, have documented the foundations of two sābāṭ, one from the emiral period and the other from the caliphal period. Pizarro Berengena, 2013, pp. 233-249.

27 Murillo Redondo, 2009, pp. 450-482.

28 Murillo Redondo, Casal García, Castro Del Río, 2004, p. 264: «The same pattern was repeated by his son Hišām I when he founded the almunia of Dār al-Mulk on ground near Šaqunda; by his grandson al-Ḥakam I and his concubine ‘Ağab, who founded another almunia on the left side of the river; and by the emir Ἁbd Allāh who founded al-Nā‘ūra, on the right side of the Guadalquivir, very well connected with the city of Córdoba by some roads. In a second stage, from c. IX, along these almunias emerge new districts, and then mosques, cemeteries, and baths founded by personalities of the emir’s family and their entourage.» See also Murillo Redondo, 2013, p. 78.

29 Acién Almansa, Vallejo Triano, 1998, p. 115.

30 Ibn al-Qūṭiyya, Conquista de España, p. 22.

31 Some milestones have been documented in the route where the Via Augusta once crossed the Guadalquivir River — it was still in use suffering from some repairs during the Islamic period; Torres Balbás, 1959, p. 447.

32 Santos Gener, 1955, 37-38; CIL II2/7 567. We have documented tombs from this cemetery in the archaeological excavations of Miraflores, where we also found a funeral stele from the 2nd to the 3rd century ad reused as part of the entrance from a room of the district of Šaqunda; see Casal García, 2008, p. 119. We also have evidence of some burials in two more archaeological excavations, corroborating the funerary use for these area in the Roman and Late Antiquity periods.

33 The majority of the inhabitants emigrated to Fez, where they founded a new district. Some of them went to Alejandria and later helped to conquering Crete. A few of them who were ulama and their families ran away to Toledo and later they were forgiven, such as Yaḥyà b. Yaḥyà or the ancestor of Ibn al-Ḫaṭīb, Ibn Wazīr; see Fierro Bello, 1987, p. 43; Makki, 1994, pp. 23-24. ˘

34 Ibnayyān, Crónica de los emires (796-847), p. 81.

35 León Muñoz, 2002-2003, pp. 391-425; León Muñoz, León Pastor, Murillo Redondo, 2008, pp. 267-276.

36 Ramírez de Arellano, 1874; Ocaña Jiménez, 1952, pp. 379-388; Santos Gener, 1955, p. 31.

37 The excavation was possible because there were plans for the construction of a conference centre and a centre for contemporary art. All these infrastructures took up an area of about 22,000 square metres divided into three plots: A, B and C. The excavation was carried out by members of the Universidad de Córdoba-Gerencia Municipal de Urbanismo de Córdoba (UCO-GMU) convention over several archaeological campaigns in 2001, 2002, 2005 and 2008.

38 In this article we will stick to the archaeological remains found in interventions related to the «Informe-memoria de la intervención arqueológica de urgencia» (IAU) in Miraflores Park, Centro de Convenciones de Córdoba (CCC) and Centro de Arte Contemporáneo (CAC) whose excavation in an open area has allowed a more accurate reading. We have evidence of three more archaeological interventions in a nearby site, which have also documented archaeological remains from the suburb of Šaqunda.

39 We have many mentions from the medieval stage and from the later stages about these inundations, and some old pictures from antiquity in which we can appreciate this area during a flood. Until the beginning of about the 20th century transverse levels could not begin to be built that consolidated and prevent the flooding of the river. This flooding did not remain definitely solved until 1957 when the so-called Murallón of Miraflores was built.

40 Ibnayyān, Crónica de los emires (796-847), pp. 145-146. We have documented a lot of flooding in the texts between 901 and 975 ad; Pavón Maldonado, 1990.

41 Van Staëvel, 1995, pp. 53-57.

42 Ibn ‘Abdūn, Sevilla a comienzos del s. xii. Also in Toledo by Aguado Villaba, 2006, pp. 159-171.

43 Córdoba has many underground aquifers located at a depth of seven to nine meters from the surface; see Castro del Río, 2005, pp. 104-105; Vázquez Navajas, 2013, pp. 31-66.

44 Vidal Castro, 2000, pp. 101-124; Id., 2001.

45 Casal García, 2008, p. 120.

46 This is not exclusive to Córdoba, as it is also documented in other cities, such as Mérida and more specifically in the Amir’s buildings of Morería, where roof tiles had smaller thinner and narrower tegulae moulding; see Mateos Cruz, Alba Calzado, 2001, p. 157.

47 The closest chronological parallel we can find, among others, is in Peñaflor (Salvatierra Cuenca, Castillo Armenteros, 2000), in the Tolmo of Minateda (Gutiérrez Lloret, Cañavete, Castejón 2010, pp. 123-148), or Recópolis (Olmo Enciso, 2001, pp. 385-400).

48 Cánovas Ubera, Castro del Río, Moreno Almenara, 2008, pp. 201-220.

49 These have not been documented in settlements with a similar chronology; see El Tolmo de Minateda, marroquíes bajos or Recópolis.

50 Casal García, 2008, p. 127.

51 Vázquez Navajas, 2013, pp. 31-66.

52 They are currently being studied by María Antonia Martínez Núñez, who has already made a first reading of the two objects, and I wish to thank her for their availability.

53 From the archaeological perspective, the process of «Islamization» can be appreciated in the introduction of new social models (urbanism, domestic constructions, pottery), cultural (introduction of Arabic, dietary habits and funeral rites), and economic (coins) factors. These interact with native populations, and acquire, to a greater or lesser extent, the new parameters. All this was influenced by a past with Hispano-Roman reminiscences, which can be appreciated in the early centuries of the Islamic medieval period; see Acién Almansa, 1998, pp. 45-67; Gutiérrez Lloret, 2011, pp. 191-213.

54 The pottery studies have been developed from both a formal and typological view. We also considered the three chronological periods established in the district, so we can see the evolution and diversification of the different shapes of pottery in the seventy years of the life of the district. For more information about these analyses see Casal García et alii, 2005, pp. 189-235; López Guerrero, 2008, pp.135-162. We also analysed the pottery found in some closed contexts in six pits from Zone A, pp.151-160 in Casal García, Martínez Sánchez, Araque, 2009-2010, pp. 143-182.

55 The discovery of several grinding stones from hand mills, which would be used for the manufacture of flour needed for this breads, is also noteworthy; see Gutiérrez Lloret, 1990-1991, p. 162.

56 Gutiérrez Lloret, 1996b, pp. 237-254.

57 Alba Calzado, Gutiérrez Lloret, 2008, p. 605.

58 Ibid., p. 605

59 Casal García, Martínez Sánchez, Araque, 2009-2010, pp. 152-153.

60 The latest information on the documentation of the first Cordoban glazing brings us to the end of the 9th century; see Fuertes Santos, Hidalgo Prieto, 2003, pp. 505-540; Salinas Pelguezuelo, 2013, pp. 67-96.

61 Rodríguez Pérez et alii, 2011, pp. 779-794. We have documented several pottery kilns in the area of «Ollerias» from the final emiral stage of the 9th century which maintained their pottery tradition throughout the Islamic medieval period; see Molina, Salinas Pelguezuelo, 2010, Principio del formulario p. 48 with note 11.

62 This finishing has also been documented in some pottery of Mérida, considering the presumable Cordovan origin of the pieces, something that, without the convenient analysis pastes we cannot confirm, whether it would be likely because of the trade and reciprocal influence between these two cities is attested from the 7th century, as for this early stage 8th to 9th century. See Alba Calzado, Gutiérrez Lloret, 2008, p. 606.

63 FuertesSantos, González Virseda, 1993, pp. 771-778; Id., 1994, pp. 227-301; Ruiz Lara et alii, 2008, pp. 163-200.

64 All of the large collection of metal objects found in the suburb of Šaqunda is still unstudied today, because of the shortage of budget for restoration. The information we reproduce here was from the excavation.

65 We found many parallels with objects described in the following study: Navarro Palazón, Robles Fernández, 1996.

66 Bazzana, 1996, p. 158, describes some examples documented in al-Andalus classifying them as «accessories to open fire». He analyses the types of homes and what was available in Islamic homes.

67 Zozaya Stabel-Hansen, 1984, pp. 255-259.

68 The results obtained in this first study have been very important to define certain parameters of eating habits; see Casal García, Martínez Sánchez, Araque, 2009-2010, pp. 143-182. The rest of the faunal material documented is currently in the research stage. We hope that these analyses will improve the exposition in the research mentioned above.

69 Díaz García, 1982-1983, pp. 32-33: «The best beef is the lamb, from one year. It is the most pleasant taste, while the food containing more nourishment […]. A yearling lamb meat as follows mutton that has taken her first teeth, because is less succulent, and complexion more proportionate that meat from sheep».

70 Leatherwork has been very important in the Iberian Peninsula since ancient times and it developed further with the arrival of Muslims; see Cano Sánchez, León Pastor, Salinas Pelguezuelo, 2010, p. 687.

71 Of all the most recent artefacts published both in the magnificent study by Doménech-Beld, López Seguí, 2008, pp. 243-257, and the other found in Priego de Córdoba (2010), we can highlight an artefact that still retained a text written in ink, a recent discovery in 2013 on the site of Los Bañales in Uncastillo. It is nowadays being studied by Zozaya Stabel-Hansen, 1986, pp. 111-126; Carmona Ávilla, Martínez Enamorado, 2010, pp. 197-205; García, 2013, p. 46.

72 Casal García, Martínez Sánchez, Araque, 2009-2010, pp. 171-172.

73 Nowadays, there is an increase in the studies of faunal remains from different settlements, and from several medieval chronologies and geographic locations. These provide important data enabling us to see the possible differences between Mozarabic and Muslim communities, or between different territories; see also Morales Muñiz et alii, 2011, pp. 305-317.

74 A study carried out in another district of Córdoba with a later chronology, 10th century, shows the same dietary customs as we have documented in Šaqunda; see Aparicio Sánchez, Riquelme Cantal, 2008, pp. 93-115.

75 The research of the coins has been carried out by Alberto Canto García (UAM) and Fátima Martín Escudero (UCM). I would like to thank them for allowing me to use the latest data available in this text. See Casal García, Martín Escudero, Canto García, 2009, pp. 845-865 and Martín Escudero, 2012, pp. 311-350.

76 When we make a reference to the types and series, we follow the classification of Frochoso Sánchez, 2001.

77 Casal García, Martín Escudero, Canto García, 2009, p. 864. An aspect which was verified by the research of all the felús checked by Martín Escudero, 2012, p. 322.

78 «God is unique / God is eternal and undivided, is not begotten nor has begotten».

79 Martín Escudero, 2012, p. 316. To them, we can add the three Roman to Late-Roman pieces from the total of 42 coins documented in another nearby excavation, but with remains from the district of Šaqunda; see Rodríguez Pérez et alii, 2011, p. 790.

80 Martín Escudero, 2012, p. 317.

81 Two from the oriental mint dated in the years 89 H-707 ad and 91 H-709 ad; one of them from the al-Andalus mint and dated in the year 169 H-785 ad; and the other on which the data is not preserved.

82 Casal García, Martín Escudero, Canto García, 2009, p. 852.

83 Doménech-Belda, Gutiérrez Lloret, 2006, pp. 337-374; García Lerga, 2012, pp. 17-69.

Table des illustrations

Légende Fig. 1. — Aerial photography of the Šaqunda’s rabaḍ situation.
URL http://books.openedition.org/cvz/docannexe/image/23667/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 99k
Légende Fig. 2. — Plan from Zone A and some photographs of the roads and small alley.
URL http://books.openedition.org/cvz/docannexe/image/23667/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 139k
Légende Fig. 3. — Plan from Zone B with photographs of earthenware jars.
URL http://books.openedition.org/cvz/docannexe/image/23667/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 309k
Légende Fig. 4. — The pottery of Šaqunda.
URL http://books.openedition.org/cvz/docannexe/image/23667/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 78k
Légende Fig. 5. — The coins of Šaqunda.
URL http://books.openedition.org/cvz/docannexe/image/23667/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 84k

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Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas

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