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L'Europe héritière de l'Espagne wisigothique

 | 
Jacques Fontaine
, 
Christine Pellistrandi

Theodulf of Orleans: a Visigoth at Charlemagne’s Court

Ann Freeman

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1Theodulf of Orléans will need no introduction to the readers of this volume. In the cultural history of the Carolingian era, no Visigoth has a more illustrious name. The finest poet of his generation, he not only sang Charlemagne’s praises, but served him well, administering the see of Orléans in accordance with the king’s directives, investigating the justice done in the king’s name as a missus, and serving as his spokesman in the most ambitious treatise of the age, the Libri Carolini.

  • 1 Carm. 45, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 543, line 16.
  • 2 Carm. 23, MGH. Poetae latini, 1, p. 481, line 28.

2My purpose in this essay is to identify, in Theodulf’s life and work among the Franks, those elements that can be recognized as specifically Visigothic – elements, that is, of his own personal inheritance as a son of the Visigothic realm, and of a particular Visigothic church, most probably that of Saragossa. His reference to Prudentius as noster et ipse parens1 would suggest that region, and there are important indications also in his statement, referring to Charlemagne, Annuit is mibi qui sum inmensis casibus exul2.

  • 3 Ajbar machmu’a, ed. E. Lafuente y Alcántara (Madrid, 1867), p. 113-116 (text), 103-105 (trans.); Ib (...)
  • 4 P. Woolf, «L’Aquitaine et ses marges», in: Karl der Grosse, Lebenswerk und Nachleben, 1, Dusseldorf (...)

3Great calamities did indeed occur at Saragossa during Theodulf’s lifetime. Charlemagne’s appearance at its gates in 778 was but one incident provoked by the city’s Moslem lords, at whose instigation Saragossa rose three times in rebellion against the Emir of Cordova. The third insurrection, in 782, was put down with great severity by the Emir, who emptied the city of ail its inhabitants for a time3. The Christian population of the region, already compromised by Charlemagne’s intervention, must have been demoralized by these events; Septimanian sources of 812 and 815 record an influx of Hispani into the area thirty years earlier, that is, between 778 and 7824.

  • 5 Carm. 28, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 497, line 141.

4Apparently Theodulf was among these fugitives. Travelling by boat down the Ebro to the coast, and thence by ship to Narbonne, he would have found himself among kinsmen, and a sojoum in Septimania would have given him the opportunity to visit some of its other cities, and thus to greet them, on arrivai as Charlemagne’s missus, with the words revisentes te, Carcasona, Redasque5.

  • 6 Carm. 45, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 543-544.
  • 7 For Braulio and Saragossa, its resources, and its history, see A. Freeman, «Further Studies in the (...)

5What did Theodulf carry with him into exile? Travel by river and sea, if that was his choice, would have permitted the transport of some at least of his most precious possessions. Can we doubt that among such possessions would have been a number of books? His poem De libris quos legere solebam enumerates his favorites, referring to many others not individually named6. Clearly, in the former life on which he looks back in this poem, he had had a considerable library on which to draw. Theodulf’s other writings convey the same impression, as do the works of Isidore, which draw on a multiplicity of sources, some since lost. The same amplitude of holdings was achieved by Isidore’s literary heir and executor, Braulio, bishop of Saragossa. Braulio’s library would have been an admirable base for Theodulf’s erudition7.

  • 8 P. Woolf (note 4 above), p. 274.

6In Theodulf’s time, with Saragossa ruled by infidels whose ambitions invited reprisais by their overlord in Cordova, would he and other refugees from that region not have saved what they could? Two of the emigres of the 780’s, Attala and Castellano, founded monasteries and monasteries need libraries8. Those present-day scholars who are concerned with the diffusion of texts should keep in mind the influx from Spain into Septimania in these years.

  • 9 Dialogus quaestionum 65, PL 40, 733-752.
  • 10 E. Dekkers, Clavis Patrum Latinorum, 2nd ed. (Steenbrugge, 1961), p. 94, 373A.
  • 11 J. Madoz, Le symbole du XIe Concile de Tolède, Louvain, 1938, p. 190.
  • 12 Libri Carolini = LC, III, 26; Vat. lat. 7207, fol. 182, lines 6-29; ed. H. Bastgen, MGH, Concilia I (...)
  • 13 Vat. lat. 7207, fol. 181v, line 28; Bastgen, p. 160, note d.
  • 14 See, for example, Migne, PL 80, 735CD, 739B.
  • 15 For sanctus Orosius, see Letter 44 in L. R. Terrero, Epistolario de San Braulio, Seville, 1975, p. (...)
  • 16 See M.M. Gorman, «The Encyclopedie Commentary on Genesis prepared for Charlemagne by Wigbod», Reche (...)
  • 17 Munich, Clm. 14468, 14492, 14500, ail from the monastery of St. Emmeran.
  • 18 Annales Regni Francorum, ed. F. Kurze, MGH, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum (Hannov (...)

7Among the works that may have travelled with Theodulf is the Pseudo-Augustinian Dialogue of 65Questions with the Spanish priest Orosius9. The Clavis Patrum of Dom Dekkers, on the basis of a study by J. Madoz10, lists the work as later than the ninth century11. Madoz was obviously unaware that Theodulf cites the Dialogue, under the name of Augustine, in the Libri Carolini12. The colleagues who corrected his text were doubtful of the attribution, and deleted Augustine’s name13. An even earlier quotation of the Dialogue, also unknown to Madoz, occurs in the Liber sententiarum of Taio14, Braulio’s successor at Saragossa. We know from Braulio’s correspondence that Orosius was venerated in Spain15, so this Pseudo-Augustinian Dialogue is very probably of Spanish origin. In Theodulf’s time, the Dialogue began to circulate in the Frankish realm. It was used by Wigbod in his long commentary on Genesis, dedicated to Charlemagne16, and three ninth-century manuscripts still survive, all from Regensburg17. It would be tempting to propose an exemplar deriving from Theodulf as the parent of this Bavarian group, especially since the final phases of composition of the Libri Carolini apparently took place at Regensburg, where Charlemagne and his court were continuously in residence from Christmas 791 through autumn 79318.

  • 19 Migne, PL 62, 179-238.
  • 20 Among other borrowings, see LCIII 3; Vat. lat. 7207, fol. 123, line 8 – fol. 124, line 10; Bastgen, (...)

8Another work whose transmission may owe something to Theodulf is the Dialogue against the Arians, Sabellians and Photinians by Vigilius of Thapsus19. This work exists in two versions. One was revised and modified for use in a region whose population included Arians, but lacked Sabellians and Photinians; hence this «shorter version» can naturally and logically be attributed to Spain. We know that Theodulf had it in his possession when he composed the Libri Carolini; it is this version that he cited there20.

  • 21 Ed. J. Haussleiter, CSEL, 49, Vienna, 1916, p. 3-9.
  • 22 MGH, Concilia aevi karolini, 1, pt. II, Hannover, 1908, p. 112-119.
  • 23 Ibid., p. 144, lines 35-36.
  • 24 Ibid., p. 144, line 30 – p. 145, line 2: Quod longe aliter in eodem tractatu invenitur... veris cre (...)

9The Commentary on the Apocalypse composed by Victorinus of Pettau and revised by Jerome21 circulated under Jerome’s name in Spain. This is proved by the use made of it in a letter sent by Elipand of Toledo and his fellow-Adoptionists to the bishops of Charlemagne’s realm22. Elipand cited two texts of Jerome, one in a letter to Cesarius which proved impossible to locate, although the Frankish bishops searched their own libraries, and even, according to their own account, the libraries of Rome23. The other citation was taken from «Iheronimus in expositio Apocalypsin». This work was not unknown to Charlemagne’s bishops, but comparison of their version with Elipand’s revealed discrepancies giving rise to suspicion about the work’s authenticity24.

  • 25 LC III 6; Vat. lat. 7207, fol. 130v, lines 21-26; Bastgen, p. 117, lines 31-33.
  • 26 Ibid., fol. 130v, line 17.

10Like the doubt already mentioned, having to do with the 65 Questions of Orosius, this suspicion then made its mark on the Libri Carolini. Obviously Theodulf’s text was being corrected by colleagues involved, at that same time, in the correspondence with Elipand and the Adoptionists. Coming upon an extract in the Libri Carolini from Jerome on the Apocalypse25, they caused Jerome’s name to be removed and replaced by «quidam doctorum»26.

11Elipand’s two texts, both attributed to Jerome, were thus mentioned only to be dismissed in the reply he received. For us, the episode has interesting implications. Especially in connection with the letter that could not be found, even in Rome, it confirms our understanding, based on an accumulation of other, more substantial evidence, that material had been preserved in Spain, up to this time, that was unavailable elsewhere.

  • 27 M. C. Díaz y Díaz, «Isidoro en la Edad Media Hispana», Isidoriana, León, 1961, p. 347-348, and note (...)
  • 28 Opus Caroli regis contra synodum (Libri Carolini), MGH, Concilia II Supplementum, ed. A. Freeman (f (...)

12One could expect that Saragossa, the center in northern Spain for Biblical studies, would have been especially well endowed with the works of Jerome, whose influence has indeed been shown, by Professor Díaz y Díaz27, to have predominated there over that of other Fathers. His influence is pervasive in the Libri Carolini; only Augustine is named more often and, as will be seen in the notes to the new edition, soon to be published in the Monumenta Germaniae Històrica28, Theodulf is indebted to Jerome in many more instances, where his name is not mentioned. In his own labors on the Biblical text, Theodulf continued an inherited tradition.

  • 29 See L. Light, «Versions et révisions du texte biblique», Le Moyen Age et la Bible, ed. P. Riché and (...)
  • 30 Ibid., p. 60ff.

13Did he carry a Bible with him, when he left his native region? He had a Spanish Bible at hand, when he produced his own Bibles; he recorded its variant readings in their margins, marked with the letter «s»29. He also maintained his native tradition in their modest dimensions. The Bibles of Alcuin, made for presentation and display, are much more imposing in size30. If Theodulf’s Spanish Bible accompanied him throughout his travels, it would have demonstrated very effectively one of its virtues, that of portability.

  • 31 See P. Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, London, 1985, p. 169, note 18.
  • 32 Users of Dümmler’s edition of Theodulf s verse in the MGH (Poetae latini, I) should take note of th (...)

14When Theodulf arrived at last at Charlemagne’s court, he came equipped far more richly, however, with intangible things. An education in or near Saragossa had given him a grounding in a tradition of learning, both sacred and secular, derived from the late-antique era. It was a tradition that had become somewhat attenuated, as was to be expected over such an expanse of time, but it had remained authentic, based as it was on an abundance of authentic texts. Particularly among the poets Theodulf’s acquaintance was exceptional31; through familiarity he made them so much his own that his own verse can be seen as a tissue of allusions, flowing effortlessly from his pen32.

15His prose style, especially in the Libri Carolini, is equally supple and responsive to his purpose. His training in rhetoric and logic had made him a master of arguments of all kinds, and of syllogistical reasoning. From the Fathers he had learned to introduce, at each turn of his argument, an appropriate citation from Scripture, thus justifying every point made, every position taken.

  • 33 See A. Freeman, «Theodulf of Orléans and the Libri Carolini» Speculum, 32 (1957), and «Further Stud (...)
  • 34 For a fragment of the earliest Visigothic Psalter, for which Theodulf is the only witness, see A. F (...)

16Here his early experience in the practice of the Visigothic rite provided him with a remarkable resource. In the wealth of Scriptural citations incorporated into the Libri Carolini he naturally employed the language of his native liturgy, a rich treasury of resonant phrases, ail drawn from Scripture, but adapted to a new purpose, often involving musical use. Such distinctive phrases were eventually to play an important part in establishing the fact that the treatise is indeed Theodulf’s work33. The Libri Carolini have not yet been recognized, however, as a unique depository for Visigothic liturgical formulae. For the most part, the sources for the old Visigothic liturgy - richest and most highly developed of ail Western liturgies - are late, few, and fragmentary. Theodulf’s witness in the Libri Carolini is earlier than any of these sources, with the one exception of the Verona Orationale. And as the new edition will show, he gives evidence in the Libri Carolini for liturgical texts unrecorded elsewhere34.

  • 35 C. W. Barlow, Braulio of Saragossa (Iberian Fatbers, vol. 2), Washington D. C., 1969, p. 83, note 1

17His Latin style was formed by the same tradition exemplified, a century before, by Braulio, who had been the envy of his contemporaries for his ornate and convoluted style. Most of his letters were written as much for display as for communication, to correspondents who shared the view that valued friends could best be honored in this way. A modem translator was dismayed to find that one of Braulio’s shorter letters, occupying thirty-five lines in the Latin, was syntactically one single sentence35.

  • 36 The Ciceronian maxim parva summisse, mediocria temperate, magna granditer (Orator 29), is repeated (...)

18No doubt Theodulf would have been capable of such feats, but they would not have been appropriate to his purposes, in sermons, for instance, or brief prose works like that on baptism. Nor did they suit Charlemagne’s purpose in the Libri Carolini: to proclaim Christian truth on a controversial question, in terms that could be understood by ail educated Christians. There is much artifice in the Libri Carolini, and many complicated constructions, but also much plain and forceful speaking. The classical rhetorical tradition, which varied the manner of speaking to the matter being discussed, is well demonstrated in this treatise36.

  • 37 The influence of Eugenius’ description of a drunken man, for instance, in his Contra ebrietatem (MG (...)
  • 38 See A. Freeman, «Additions and Corrections» (note 24 above), p. 163.
  • 39 See P. Meyvaert, «The Authorship of the Libri Carolini», Revue Bénédictine, 89 (1979), p. 40-42.

19One minor trait Theodulf does share with Braulio is his predilection for rare and unusual words. The same tendency is seen in Eugenius of Toledo, whose influence on Theodulf was strong in this and other ways37. Some of the uncommon, often poetic words he used in the Libri Carolini were acceptable to the colleagues who corrected his text; others were not38, and their reasons for rejecting one and not another are by no means clear. Why, for instance, did they so dislike the word conhibentia that they removed every instance they found in the main text (fifteen in all), so that only one survives, in the Preface?39.

  • 40 See A. Freeman, «Additions and Corrections» (note 24 above), p. 160.
  • 41 LC III 23 (Vat. lat. 1201, fol. 171, line 9; Bastgen, p. 151, line 35).

20The reasons behind their equally systematic correction of Theodulf’s spelling are, on the other hand, obvious. They applied schoolroom standards to a text composed by an author for whom Latin was a spoken tongue; like so much else, his Latin was inherited by Theodulf from his Visigothic forebears, whose original language had disappeared with their Arianism. There was thus a clash, on linguistic lines, between Theodulf, who wrote Latin as he spoke it, thus demonstrating all the small changes that occurred as it developed toward the vernacular, and the «classical», pedagogical standard of the Carolingian court. A principal corrector with the keenest of eyes made hundreds of alterations in the text of the Vatican manuscript (the contemporary, working copy of the Libri Carolini), to bring it into accordance with that standard40. So thorough and consistent was he in his work that almost nothing remains in the finished text to betray the fact that its author was not a Frankish monarch, but a Visigothic emigre. An exception is the name of the Campanian mountain that -like Aetna- belches fire: this was Besubius to Theodulf41. Elsewhere the corrector changed ail such «b’s» to «v’s» but this ñame, occurring as a late, interlinear addition, escaped his attention.

  • 42 See J. Gil, «Notas sobre fonética del Latín visigodo», Habis, 1 (1970), p. 79.
  • 43 See Letters 21 and 42 in the Epistolario de San Braulio (note 15 above), p. 112, line 83, and p. 15 (...)

21Equally revealing is supraestitio for superstitio, found nowhere in the Latin West, except in Spain42. For Theodulf as for Braulio43, this was the normal spelling, but every one of the numerous instances in the Libri Carolini shows correction of the -prae to -per. The new edition adopts a smaller typeface for ail such altered characters, syllables and words, thus making the author’s Visigothic origin plain on every page.

  • 44 Nicaea II, ed. J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Collectio, 12 and 13. Florence, (...)

22This can also be said of the work in its totality. The composition of the Libri Carolini was apparently the first work done for Charlemagne by Theodulf. He must, therefore, have been present at court by the time the Acta of the Second Council of Nicaea, held in 78744, were received there. The Latin version sent to Charlemagne was, as we know, a monument of inadequate translation. Its garbled nature gave rise to outrage among the court theologians, who concluded that the rulers of Byzantium, Constantine and Irene, had convened a council at Nicaea in order to promote the superstitious adoration of images.

  • 45 See A. Freeman, «Carolingian Orthodoxy and the Fate of the Libri Carolini», Viator, 16 (1985), p. 8 (...)

23This was heresy, and required a response. When the king of the Visigoths banished heresy from his realm, establishing orthodoxy in its place, he did so by a royal proclamation, confirmed by a gathering of bishops. Reccared was the prototype for Theodulf of royal action in response to heresy. Had the king of the Franks been able to consult Alcuin, then in England, the outcome might have been different. Alcuin’s prototype for decisive action on ecclesiastical questions would have been Whitby; he would presumably have recommended the calling of a synod. He may indeed have given this advice, when recalled by Charlemagne to deal with Elipand and the Adoptionists. At a late stage in the preparation of the Libri Carolini, their structure was altered, and new material added at the end; the final chapter does invoke the power of a synod to settle the image question45.

  • 46 The sequence of developments that led to this result are examined in the study cited in note 45.
  • 47 Arsenal 663, copied from Vat. lat. 7207 while still intact, is the source for the Libri Carolini’s (...)
  • 48 Published pseudonymously by Jean du Tillet, later bishop of Meaux, as Carolus Magnus contra Synodum(...)
  • 49 The delay was due, in part, to strenuous protests against the attribution by L. Wallach, summed up (...)

24In 794 both Adoptionism and image-worship were dealt with at the Synod of Frankfort, but by that time the royal manifesto against Greek error had been fatally compromised by the revelation that the pope, Hadrian I, had no quarrel with the Greeks. His refusal to support Charlemagne and his theologians in their campaign against image-worship condemned Theodulf’s greatest prose work, and Charlemagne’s most ambitious official statement, to an obscure existence in archives and libraries46. The work had little circulation in the Middle Ages, although a second copy, belonging now to the Arsenal Library in Paris, was made for Hincmar of Rheims, directly from the Vatican manuscript47. It was not until the Protestant Reformation, however, that Carolingian arguments about images received wide dissemination, through the publication of the first printed edition, from Hincmar’s manuscript48. Almost a thousand years would pass before Theodulf’s authorship was generally acknowledged49.

  • 50 P. Riché, Education and Culture in the Barbarian West, Columbia, South Carolina, 1976, p. 751-752.
  • 51 Theodulf I, c. 20, MGH, Capitula episcoporum, Pt. 1, ed. P. Brommer, Hannover, 1984: «Presbyteri pe (...)
  • 52 Admonitio generalis, c. 72, MGH, Capitularia regum Francorum, 1, p. 60.

25The fate of the Libri Carolini must have been a bitter disappointment, but in other undertakings Theodulf achieved a large measure of success. His administration of the see of Orléans was exemplary, as his Capitularies show. Here, in one notable respect, he followed once again the tradition of his native land, where literacy survived in the populace, though lost elsewhere50. He directed the priests of his diocese to provide instruction to ail children brought to them to learn their letters, without exacting any payment from their parents51. This accords with Charlemagne’s intention to promote literacy, as expressed in his Admonitio generalis of 78952.

  • 53 P. Riché (note 50 above), p. 254.
  • 54 Carm. 28, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 493-517.
  • 55 See Letter 21 in the Epistolario de San Braulio (note 15 above), p. 114, lines 122-128.

26One can also look to Theodulf’s Visigothic background in connection with the legal procedures he conducted when on tour through Septimania as a missus dominicus in 798. Professor Riche finds in the opening chapters of the Lex Visigothorum «an effort to transcend the practical aspects of the law and to meditate on its nature that we find nowhere else in the West»53. The culture of which this code is an early expression could be expected to foster qualifies of insight, acumen, and good judgment in matters having to do with justice and the administration of law. Theodulf’s long poem Ad indices54, reflecting his experiences as a missus, indicates that Charlemagne made a good choice. One may note as well that in pleading, at the end of the poem, for an amelioration in the penalties imposed by law, Theodulf again followed an example set by Braulio55.

  • 56 See C. Heitz, L’architecture religieuse carolingienne, Paris, 1980, p. 82-85; M. Vieillard-Troiekou (...)
  • 57 Catalogus abbatum Floriacensium, MGH, Scriptores, 15, p. 500-501.
  • 58 These figures, described by Theodulf in Carm. 46 and 47 (MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 544-548) were on (...)

27The most tangible and visible expression of Theodulf’s Visigothic heritage is found at Germigny-des-Pres, where he built an oratory and a villa. Linked in its design and architectural detail both with Aachen and Omeyyad Spain, the oratory was one of the wonders of the age56; the Catalogue of the Abbots of Fleury recorded that Theodulf had erected so marvellous a building that nowhere in Neustria could its equal be found57. The villa, decorated with allegorical figures58, was likewise sumptuous beyond compare.

  • 59 P. Riché, Daily Life in the World of Charlemagne, Philadelphia, 1978, p. 33.
  • 60 Ibid.
  • 61 E. A. Thompson, The Goths in Spain, Oxford, 1969, p. 132-133.

28Other bishops rebuilt and enlarged their episcopal palaces at this time, and Professor Riche notes that at Auxerre the palace had two dining rooms, for winter and summer, while at Liege Hartgar constructed a vast room (described in verse by Sedulius) which had glass windows and walls painted in four colors59. Urban palaces like these were quasi-public places, serving not only the bishop but the canons and others who made up a considerable household; sometimes the bishop sheltered the sick as well60. Germigny, on the other hand, was a private oratory, as any visitor can see, and its villa a private dwelling. In this Theodulf followed the custom of his homeland, where bishops were high aristocrats, living like princes on lands once Roman61; in this setting, country retreats possessed and enjoyed by aristocrats excite no surprise.

  • 62 Carm. 73, MGH, Poetae latini, I, p. 570, line 42 and p. 571, lines 45-48. Also see P. Godman, Poets (...)
  • 63 See, for example, Carm. 25, MGH. Poetae latini, 1, p. 488-489, lines 205-234.
  • 64 For instance, Count Matfrid of Orléans; see E. Dahlhaus-Berg, Nova Antiquitas et Antiqua Novitas, C (...)

29It may have been otherwise in the kingdom of the Franks. His friend Modoin attributed Theodulf’s fall in 818 to his own ingenium and the envy of others62. Some of his contemporaries must have considered him arrogant; the satire in his verse is sometimes so pointed as to verge on sarcasm63, and would have been resented by those with education enough to understand it. Others certainly profited when he was dispossessed64. It has never been clear, however, in what way he could have been implicated in the rebellion of Bernhard of Italy, which was the occasion for his fall. The rebellion ruined three bishops; all were deposed from their sees, Theodulf being exiled to Angers. A general amnesty later pardoned others, bLit Theodulf, despite overtures from the court inviting reconciliation, remained in detention until his death in 821.

  • 65 Carm. 72, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 564, line 19: Haud legit. baud docet, haud laudum pia munia com (...)
  • 66 Carm. 69, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 558-559, which mentions ail the parish churches of Angers, foll (...)
  • 67 Carm. 71 (to Aiulf) and 72 (to Modoin, note 65 above), MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 560-566.

30Conditions of his detention, often described as imprisonment, were probably not severe; he mentions teaching as one of his occupations, along with reading, and evidently he participated in the liturgical life of the community where he was lodged65. His Psalm Sunday hymn Gloria, laus, honor, written for Angers66, certainly implies a real procession, real singing, and a real celebration, in which the author of the verses being sung must have shared. Theodulf was never reconciled to his fate, however; in verse-epistles to friends67 he protested that he was innocent of all charges, and had been unjustly deposed.

  • 68 T. F. X. Noble, «Some Observations on the Deposition of Archbishop Theodulf of Orléans in 817», Jou (...)

31Professor Thomas Noble of the University of Virginia has offered a new interpretation of these events68. Theodulf never names the crime of which he was accused; Noble suggests that it was infidelity. He notes that the charters of immunity granted by Louis the Pious to his bishops, confirming them in their possessions, contained striking changes; for the first time proprietary rights were bound up with personal obligations. In this association of personal and proprietary relationships, acknowledged in a sworn oath, lies the genesis of feudalism. When Theodulf swore fidelity to Louis the Pious in 814, after the death of Charlemagne, and received the diplomas that renewed his entitlement to his ecclesiastical holdings, he accepted the obligations that would later come to be understood as the obligations of a vassal to his lord.

  • 69 The Ordinatio imperii; see Noble, p. 30-31.
  • 70 Carm. 34, MGH, Poetae tatini, 1, p. 526.

32How then did Theodulf violate his oath, forfeiting ail his proprietary rights? Noble suggests that he circulated, probably in writing, some criticism of the dynastic arrangement Louis had made in 81769, naming his son Lothar as heir to his imperial titles and his lands in Aquitaine, but carving out sub-kingdoms for his younger sons. His nephew Bernhard, who had been ruling as King of Italy since his father’s death in 810, was to be reduced to a similar rank; this precipitated Bernhard’s revolt. Theodulf had warned Charlemagne not to divide his realm among his sons, as Frankish tradition required70. Louis’s arrangement was a compromise between that tradition and the principle of primogeniture. Theodulf would have been bound to disapprove, and Noble thinks that Bernhard’s rebellion probably inspired a poem pointing out that such results are to be expected when a ruler neglects the lesson taught by history and Scripture, that every nation needs a single head.

  • 71 Carm. 34 (note 70), usually ascribed to 806 A. D., and thought to have reference to Charlemagne’s D (...)

33In Charlemagne’s time no offense had been taken when Theodulf made this point in an earlier poem on the same subject71, but Charlemagne had been a much stronger ruler, strong enough to be recognized, with some justice, as an emperor. Presumably he had Theodulf’s approval in assuming imperial titles, since this had also been the practice of Visigothic kings. Later Carolingians, however, inherited titles that grew progressively emptier, and the last of them were little more than feudal magnates. A bishop can offer guidance to an emperor, but especially in the aftermath of a rebellion, a loyal vassal cannot do or say anything to weaken the position of his lord.

  • 72 Carm. 73, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 572, lines 101-104.

34Seen in this light, Louis’ action in depriving Theodulf of his office and his possessions was not cruel or capricious; it was, as Noble suggests, the discipline meted out by the lord he had offended to an unruly vassal. A simple act of submission and apology would have resolved the matter. Theodulf had only to acknowledge his fault to be received again into the king’s good graces, as Modoin made clear to him72. But Theodulf was unable to see the situation in this light. Why should he become a suppliant, asking pardon for a fault of which he was wholly unconscious?

35Hence he chose to continue in his second exile. By his own inherited standards, he was without fault in his conduct toward the king; his standards, however, were those of another time. Theodulf was the last in a line of eminent men – bishops, scholars, men of letters – born and educated in Spain, and a worthy representative of the classical Christian tradition that continued there unbroken until his own day. Perhaps it is not surprising that such a man, approaching the end of a long life, should stumble on the threshold of the new feudal age.

Notes

1 Carm. 45, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 543, line 16.

2 Carm. 23, MGH. Poetae latini, 1, p. 481, line 28.

3 Ajbar machmu’a, ed. E. Lafuente y Alcántara (Madrid, 1867), p. 113-116 (text), 103-105 (trans.); Ibn al-Athir, Tar’ij, ed. E. Fagnan, Annales du Maghreb et de l’Espagne (Algiers, 1898), p. 43-44 (text), 128-130 (trans.).

4 P. Woolf, «L’Aquitaine et ses marges», in: Karl der Grosse, Lebenswerk und Nachleben, 1, Dusseldorf, 1965, p. 274.

5 Carm. 28, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 497, line 141.

6 Carm. 45, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 543-544.

7 For Braulio and Saragossa, its resources, and its history, see A. Freeman, «Further Studies in the Libri Carolini», Speculum 40 (1965), p. 276-278.

8 P. Woolf (note 4 above), p. 274.

9 Dialogus quaestionum 65, PL 40, 733-752.

10 E. Dekkers, Clavis Patrum Latinorum, 2nd ed. (Steenbrugge, 1961), p. 94, 373A.

11 J. Madoz, Le symbole du XIe Concile de Tolède, Louvain, 1938, p. 190.

12 Libri Carolini = LC, III, 26; Vat. lat. 7207, fol. 182, lines 6-29; ed. H. Bastgen, MGH, Concilia II, Supplementum, p. 160, line 37 - p. 161, line 11.

13 Vat. lat. 7207, fol. 181v, line 28; Bastgen, p. 160, note d.

14 See, for example, Migne, PL 80, 735CD, 739B.

15 For sanctus Orosius, see Letter 44 in L. R. Terrero, Epistolario de San Braulio, Seville, 1975, p. 170, line 76.

16 See M.M. Gorman, «The Encyclopedie Commentary on Genesis prepared for Charlemagne by Wigbod», Recherches Augustiniennes, 17 (1982), p. 182.

17 Munich, Clm. 14468, 14492, 14500, ail from the monastery of St. Emmeran.

18 Annales Regni Francorum, ed. F. Kurze, MGH, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum (Hannover, 1895), p. 86-94 (A. D. 791-793).

19 Migne, PL 62, 179-238.

20 Among other borrowings, see LCIII 3; Vat. lat. 7207, fol. 123, line 8 – fol. 124, line 10; Bastgen, p. 111, line 9 – p. 112, line 2.

21 Ed. J. Haussleiter, CSEL, 49, Vienna, 1916, p. 3-9.

22 MGH, Concilia aevi karolini, 1, pt. II, Hannover, 1908, p. 112-119.

23 Ibid., p. 144, lines 35-36.

24 Ibid., p. 144, line 30 – p. 145, line 2: Quod longe aliter in eodem tractatu invenitur... veris credere melius est exemplaribus quam dubiis. See A. Freeman, «Additions and Corrections to the Libri Carolini; Links with Alcuin and the Adoptionist Controversy», in Scire litteras, ed. S. Krämer and M. Bernhard (Munich, 1988), p. 165-166.

25 LC III 6; Vat. lat. 7207, fol. 130v, lines 21-26; Bastgen, p. 117, lines 31-33.

26 Ibid., fol. 130v, line 17.

27 M. C. Díaz y Díaz, «Isidoro en la Edad Media Hispana», Isidoriana, León, 1961, p. 347-348, and note 15.

28 Opus Caroli regis contra synodum (Libri Carolini), MGH, Concilia II Supplementum, ed. A. Freeman (forthcoming).

29 See L. Light, «Versions et révisions du texte biblique», Le Moyen Age et la Bible, ed. P. Riché and G. Lobrichon, Paris, 1984, p. 64-65.

30 Ibid., p. 60ff.

31 See P. Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, London, 1985, p. 169, note 18.

32 Users of Dümmler’s edition of Theodulf s verse in the MGH (Poetae latini, I) should take note of the seven columns of additional allusions to classical and other poets discovered by Dümmler after the publication of the first volume of the Poetae latini, and included in the second (p. 694-697); other additions to the list have since been made by M. Manitius, «ZU karolingischen Gedichten», Neues Archiv, 11, p. 561-563, and D. Schaller, «Philologische Untersuchungen zu den Gedichten Theodulfs von Orléans», Deutsches Archiv, 18 (1962), p. 68ff.

33 See A. Freeman, «Theodulf of Orléans and the Libri Carolini» Speculum, 32 (1957), and «Further Studies in the Libri Carolini, II», Spéculum, 40 (1965).

34 For a fragment of the earliest Visigothic Psalter, for which Theodulf is the only witness, see A. Freeman, «Theodulf of Orléans and the Psalm Citations of the Libri Carolini», Revue Bénédictine, 97 (1987), p. 223-224.

35 C. W. Barlow, Braulio of Saragossa (Iberian Fatbers, vol. 2), Washington D. C., 1969, p. 83, note 1.

36 The Ciceronian maxim parva summisse, mediocria temperate, magna granditer (Orator 29), is repeated twice in the Libri Carolini, first in the Preface (Paris, Arsenal 663, fol. 6, lines 3-4; Bastgen, p. 6, lines 4-5), then in LC II 30 (Vat. lat. 7207, fol. 106v, lines 12-13; Bastgen, p. 97, line 4). See also J. Fontaine, Isidore de Séville (Paris, Études Augustiniennes, 1959), p. 283-284.

37 The influence of Eugenius’ description of a drunken man, for instance, in his Contra ebrietatem (MGH, Auctores antiquissimi, 14, p. 236-237), may be seen in both Theodulf’s Carm. 25 (MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 488-489, lines 210, 221, 224, 226, 229) and in the Libri Carolini (III, 19: Vat. lat. 7207, fol. 149, line 28 - fol. 149 n, line 7; Bastgen, p. 133, lines 23-27).

38 See A. Freeman, «Additions and Corrections» (note 24 above), p. 163.

39 See P. Meyvaert, «The Authorship of the Libri Carolini», Revue Bénédictine, 89 (1979), p. 40-42.

40 See A. Freeman, «Additions and Corrections» (note 24 above), p. 160.

41 LC III 23 (Vat. lat. 1201, fol. 171, line 9; Bastgen, p. 151, line 35).

42 See J. Gil, «Notas sobre fonética del Latín visigodo», Habis, 1 (1970), p. 79.

43 See Letters 21 and 42 in the Epistolario de San Braulio (note 15 above), p. 112, line 83, and p. 158, lines 81 and 85.

44 Nicaea II, ed. J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Collectio, 12 and 13. Florence, 1766-1767.

45 See A. Freeman, «Carolingian Orthodoxy and the Fate of the Libri Carolini», Viator, 16 (1985), p. 88ff.

46 The sequence of developments that led to this result are examined in the study cited in note 45.

47 Arsenal 663, copied from Vat. lat. 7207 while still intact, is the source for the Libri Carolini’s Preface and fourth Book, now missing from the Vatican manuscript.

48 Published pseudonymously by Jean du Tillet, later bishop of Meaux, as Carolus Magnus contra Synodum (1549).

49 The delay was due, in part, to strenuous protests against the attribution by L. Wallach, summed up in his Diplomatie Studies in Latin and Greek Documents from the Carolingian Age, Ithaca, 1977, p. 161-294.

50 P. Riché, Education and Culture in the Barbarian West, Columbia, South Carolina, 1976, p. 751-752.

51 Theodulf I, c. 20, MGH, Capitula episcoporum, Pt. 1, ed. P. Brommer, Hannover, 1984: «Presbyteri per villas et vicos scolas habeant....»

52 Admonitio generalis, c. 72, MGH, Capitularia regum Francorum, 1, p. 60.

53 P. Riché (note 50 above), p. 254.

54 Carm. 28, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 493-517.

55 See Letter 21 in the Epistolario de San Braulio (note 15 above), p. 114, lines 122-128.

56 See C. Heitz, L’architecture religieuse carolingienne, Paris, 1980, p. 82-85; M. Vieillard-Troiekouroff, «L’architecture en France du temps de Charlemagne», Karl der Grosse, Lebenswerk und Nachleben, 3, Dusseldorf, 1965, p. 356.

57 Catalogus abbatum Floriacensium, MGH, Scriptores, 15, p. 500-501.

58 These figures, described by Theodulf in Carm. 46 and 47 (MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 544-548) were once thought to be wall-paintings, but a closer reading of the verses suggests the carved surface of a circular table top; see especially p. 548, line 42.

59 P. Riché, Daily Life in the World of Charlemagne, Philadelphia, 1978, p. 33.

60 Ibid.

61 E. A. Thompson, The Goths in Spain, Oxford, 1969, p. 132-133.

62 Carm. 73, MGH, Poetae latini, I, p. 570, line 42 and p. 571, lines 45-48. Also see P. Godman, Poets and Emperors, Oxford, 1987, p. 102-103.

63 See, for example, Carm. 25, MGH. Poetae latini, 1, p. 488-489, lines 205-234.

64 For instance, Count Matfrid of Orléans; see E. Dahlhaus-Berg, Nova Antiquitas et Antiqua Novitas, Cologne, 1975, p. 18-19; also P. Gorman (note 62 above), p. 97 and note 20.

65 Carm. 72, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 564, line 19: Haud legit. baud docet, haud laudum pia munia complet. Most of the manuscripts have aut for haud, and D. Schaller (note 32 above, p. 43ff.) opts for aut... aut... aut in his revised edition of this poem.

66 Carm. 69, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 558-559, which mentions ail the parish churches of Angers, following the route of the festival procession.

67 Carm. 71 (to Aiulf) and 72 (to Modoin, note 65 above), MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 560-566.

68 T. F. X. Noble, «Some Observations on the Deposition of Archbishop Theodulf of Orléans in 817», Journal of the Rocky Mountain Medieval and Renaissance Association, 2 (1981), p. 29-40.

69 The Ordinatio imperii; see Noble, p. 30-31.

70 Carm. 34, MGH, Poetae tatini, 1, p. 526.

71 Carm. 34 (note 70), usually ascribed to 806 A. D., and thought to have reference to Charlemagne’s Divisio regnorum of that year. P. Godman (note 62 above, p. 97ff.) proposes to reassign it to 817, where its implications for Louis the Pious and his Ordinatio imperii might well have been considered provocative.

72 Carm. 73, MGH, Poetae latini, 1, p. 572, lines 101-104.

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