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L’Économie politique et la sphère publique dans le débat des Lumières

 | 
Jesús Astigarraga Goenaga
, 
Javier Usoz Otal

III. Idées économiques, pays et émergence de la sphère publique

Campomanes’ civil economy and the emergence of the public sphere in Spanish ilustración

Niccolò Guasti

Texte intégral

  • 1 K. Polanyi, The great transformation, pp. 111-116.

1In 1944, Karl Polanyi, in his famous book The Great Transformation, expressed an attractive interpretation on Adam Smith’s thought1. Despite the fact that the Scottish philosopher has been regarded as the founder of a new science, that is political economy, Polanyi believed he continued to share the Aristotelian methodological approach. In fact, Smith conceives economy as a political framework and so political economy’s laws are not self-governing or even independent from a political sphere (as Malthus and Ricardo, at the end of xviiith century, believe). In other words, in Smith’s opinion, the economy and the whole society, can not be distinguished from the State and its Laws, and, for this reason, economics is still a human science: therefore,

  • 2 Ibid., p. 112.

Smith regards the wealth of the nations as a function of their national life, physical and moral; that is why his naval policy fitted in so well with Cromwell’s Navigation laws2

2It was during the British debate on the Poor Laws and on the Public Relief, that distinctly accelerated during the 1790s, that the new idea of civil society as a self-regulated market was created, released from Ethics and Politics, because it only followed a natural logic.

3Smith’s political way of thinking about economics, Polanyi states, was shared by Physiocrats and by Enlightement utilitarians (like Helvétius) and laid their epistemological fundamentals not only in the Aristotelian idea of the human being like zōon politicon, but also in Hobbes and Locke’s natural law. Actually this interpretation on Smith’s methodological framework could include those Enlightement thinkers and reformers who tried, in the second half of xviiith century, to fix political economy’s laws and to promote a coherent economic policy. In the Iberian context, one of those Enlightment thinkers and politicians was the Count of Campomanes.

4I wish to develope my analysis on Campomanes’ thought and political ideas focusing on two main issues: firstly, I will try to explain what he meant by the words political or civil economy; and, secondly, I want to elucidate on how the growth of political economy as a scientific discipline, and from 1784 as an academic teaching, contributed broadening the public sphere in late xviiith century Spain.

5I do not intend to point out new information or an original interpretation, but simply to put together some arguments and topics that have developed, approximately within the last twenty years, by different historiographical schools.

  • 3 G. Faccarello, Aux origines de l’économie politique; J.-C. Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle; P. (...)

6Political economy, which in the second half of the xviiith century acquired a scientifc dimension, became, at that time, a pivot of political language, reform projects and Enlightement culture itself. In the past twenty years some scholars have encouraged this direction, among them I remember Gilbert Faccarrello, Jean-Claude Perrot, Philippe Steiner, Simone Meyssonnier, Catherie Lerrère, John G. A. Pocock, Terence Hutchinson, Peter Groenewegen, Till Wahnbaeck, John Robertson, Istvan Hont, Koen Stapelbroek, Jonathan Israel, Vincenzo Ferrone, Manuela Albertone, Antonella Alimento and many others3.

  • 4 I. Hont, Jealousy of trade, p. 77.

7Their works have showed, first of all, that political economy was a container of Enlightenment ideas because, during the Eighteenth-Century, the new economic language merged with old political streams as republicanism and natural law. Secondly, they have underlined that the xviiith century economic thought and reforms had a strong political dimension. In fact, it is clear that some projects of reform, such as the revolution of public finances or land reform, deeply affected the core of the old regime society4, so the politics and economics were indivisible, not only in xviiith century Spain but also as elsewhere in Europe. At last, some of those research papers that I previously quoted have turned an old ideological cliché which ascribed the scientific foundations of economics to Physiocracy (and Smith) only; we know now that other cultural streams or schools, like the Gournay circle, contributed not only to establish political economy as a scientific discipline by using moral philosopy, utilitarianism, natural law, and republican thought, but also to consider political economy as an essential pillar of enlightened reforms.

8This link between political economy, reforms and the Enlightenment was clearly perceived by European conservative groups also: studying their reactions allows us to understand how dangerous, almost subversive, the political economy in Eighteenth century Europe could be considered, especially in those countries like Spain where Enlightenment culture and reforms had to fight a strong conservative opposition.

  • 5 J. Usoz, «El pensamiento económico»; J. Astigarraga, «Pensiero giusnaturalista».

9The spread of this new science was hardly obstructed until the beginning of the xixth century, just as it was being used by enlightened reformists to change the Ancien Régime. The charges and trials suffered by Lorenzo Normante in Saragozza and by Ramón de Salas, who taught political economy at the Academia de Derecho Real y Práctica Forense in Salamanca, as described in Javier Usoz’s and Jesús Astigarraga’s research, proved how much this new science could be considered suspicious5.

  • 6 J. A. Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis; A. O. Hirschman, The passions and the interests; F. (...)
  • 7 E. Lluch, Las Españas vencidas.

10In the Iberian context Ernest Lluch, whose memory we are commemorating with this book, was one of the first scholars to study organically the link between the emergence of the political economy, the enlightened reforms and the spread of Enlightenment ideas. Starting from an interdisciplinary approach, especially from the three different methodological reference points of Schumpeter, Hirschman and Venturi, he found that the essence of the Spanish Ilustración was just in its political pragmatism and its strong pratical dimension6. It was an Ilustración aplicada or an applied Enlightenment and that is why political economy is its basic language7.

  • 8 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 352-360; Id., «La política económica de Carlos (...)

11Though the Spanish Ilustración did not bear great Enlightenment thinkers or intellectuals (except Goya), it showed a special vivacity in economic and political reforms. Besides, as Vicent Llombart demontrates, the effects of this economic policy, especially in the fields of agriculture, commerce, public transport, finance and culture, were positive if placed in their context8.

12Furthermore, in xviiith century Spain, it was harder to split politics from economic debates since the main figures of the Spanish Ilustración were, at the same time, economic writers and Bourbon officials (who were usually working within the government itself, from Uztáriz and Campillo to Foronda). But such a perspective could be used for many European contexts, where Enlightenment thinkers were often officials leading reforms and economic writers like, for instance, Turgot, Verri and Filangieri.

  • 9 J. Gómezdeenterría, Voces de la economía, pp. 126-127. See also V. Llombart, «Campomanes, ¿economis (...)
  • 10 Only E. Ramos (who wrote under the pseudonym of Antonio Muñoz) expressly preferred to use «politica (...)

13As regards to the terminological and semantic definition of economics as a scientific and an academic discipline, we observe that the widespread term used during the reign of Charles III was civil economy9. The term political economy seemed less common than civil economy as, until the 1790s, they were considered always as synonyms (with a third term, public economy)10.

14Of course, such an adjective as civil is related to its sphere of action, that is civil government or public policy; economic knowledge is the real science of government or, even better, granted a scientific dimension to politics. At the same time civil during the xviiith century recalled the idea of a civil society, that is a civilized stage of human development and progress, which could be identified as the contemporary commercial society.

  • 11 F. Venturi «Economisti e riformatori spagnoli»; Id., Settecento Riformatore, vol. 1, pp. 637- 644; (...)
  • 12 A. Genovesi, Lecciones de Comercio; L. Normante, Discurso sobre la utilidad de los conocimientos; I(...)

15Maybe, in some particular cases, the term civil economy, especially when accompanied with the substantive commerce, can be proof of a wide circulation in Spain of Antonio Genovesi’s Lezioni di commercio, a treatise that had a deep influence not only in the growing Spanish political economy, but also in transferring to Spain Montesquieu’s Thought and Locke’s Natural Law, plus the French republican stream (particulary Mably, Helvétius and Rousseau). That is what happened with Lorenzo Normante, who held the first Spanish chair of economics, of civil economy and commerce, in Zaragoza from 1784, following the model established by Genovesi and Intieri in Naples11. Normante gave his lectures, choosing as a text-book Villava’s translation, linking it specifically with a commented version of Melon’s Essai and to other Spanish economic writers like Uztáriz and Campomanes himself12.

16As we’ll see, Campomanes, together with the biggest number of economic writers and ilustrados who lived during the reign of Charles III, considered economics as a practical science linked with politics; its first aim was to help the government choose an efficacious economic policy. But he is firmly convinced that the science of economics must also lay the foundations of a new «science of legislation», which can achieve «public happiness» whilst protecting the «national public interest» against foreign commercial jealousies and private citizens egoism.

  • 13 Campomanes, whose first published book was the Disertaciones históricas del Orden y Cavallería de l (...)

17It is an empirical science, very far from Physiocracy’s economic philosophy, since its epistemological basis and general principles are drawn from political Arithmetic (that is statistics) and history, especially, but not only, the comparative history of commerce. These disciplines allow one to apply such general principles to each peculiar context, for example, in order to understand which economic sector or product could be developed or restored13.

I. — Campomanes: the main figure of spanish ilustración

  • 14 Carlos III y la Ilustración. On Campomanes’ life, thought and political career see R. Krebs, El pen (...)

18Campomanes left a lasting imprint on the whole reign of Charles III; between the 1760s and the 1780s he was the soul of Bourbon reformism, especially in the field of economic policy14.

19Besides, we can regard him as the leader of the first generation of Spanish ilustrados that deeply influenced the next Enlightement thinkers and officials like Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, León de Arroyal and Ramón de Salas. The so-called late Enlightenment, developed during the reign of Charles IV, carried on some earlier ilustrados’ political struggles, and went so far as to challenge unequivocally the Ancien Régime society during the 1790s. The final maturity of the public sphere during the last two decades of the xviiith century was a crucial element of the late Enlightenment, although not only in Spain.

  • 15 J. A. Maravall, «Las tendencias de reforma política»; J. Astigarraga, Luces y republicanismo.

20However it would be appropriate to consider it as an uninterrupted process, which began when the manteísta group came to power with Charles III. In other words, it has never been a clear split between such two Enlightement generations, but rather an ideal and pratical connection. Certanly, late Enlightement thinkers and politicians left the typical «careful» reformist strategy that distinguished Campomanes’ generation, and some of them came to share radical ideas, like Ramón de Salas, and to expect the fall of absolute monarchy and rank society15. But it is quite preposterous to oppose Charles III’s reformist groups against those who wrote or operated during the son’s reign, mainly because political, economic and social contexts are variable.

  • 16 F. Sánchez Blanco, El Absolutismo y las Luces; Id., La Ilustración goyesca. See also Id., «¿Una Ilu (...)
  • 17 J. Lynch, Bourbon Spain, pp. 258-259. See also R. Herr, «Campomanes y la Ilustración».
  • 18 C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 348-387; L. Perdices de Blas, La economía política; J. I. Gutiérrez, (...)

21For all these reasons, I do not want to discuss if, or how much, Campomanes was an Enlightment thinker and politician. I only note that his trust in absolute monarchy cannot be used as an effective argument to demonstrate his political conservatism, as Francisco Sánchez Blanco did in his last books, otherwise we would have to question many European Enlightenment thinkers, especially those who belonged to Campomanes’ generation (that is, those born between 1720s and 1730s)16. He simply sought to strenghten the State, especially against ecclesiastic jurisdictions, as an instrument of reform. Conservative or not, it is a fact that Campomenes devoted himeself to change the Iberian Ancien Régime from the inside, as a lot of reformists did before the French Revolution, in order to make it more equitable and effective. From this point of view, I agree with John Lynch’s opinion that Campomanes typified «the dual character of Spanish reformism, committed to royal power and open to the Enlightenment»17. In Campomanes’ political action we can find a mix of Enlightenment ideas, pragmatism and a strong sense of history. Spain’s own past provided some models and even projects of reform, like those promoted by the arbitristas and proyectistas, which could be hybridized with foreign projects18.

  • 19 J. Álvarez Barrientos (ed.), Se hicieron literatos para ser políticos.

22So I’ll start with the fact that during the reign of Charles III, Campomanes was the politician who helped, more than any others, to extend the public sphere and in fact he considered it a powerful aid to reforms. Certanly, he did not debate King’s duty to supervise and regulate it but, at the end of Charles III’ s rule, «public opinion» had already begun to consider itself independent, beginning with letterary and cultural debates19.

23Campomanes used four main tools or ways to stimulate the grownth of a public sphere.

  • 20 L. Domergue, Censure et lumières, pp. 15-90; Id., La censure des livres, pp. 22-41. With the Real O (...)
  • 21 C. C. Noel, «Opposition to Enlightened Reform in Spain»; V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y polí (...)

24First of all, since 1762, when he became fiscal de lo civil at the Council of Castile, Campomanes tried to mitigate civil censorship and to sharpen book trade, not only against the Juez de Imprenta Juan Curiel, as Lucienne Domergue showed20, but also to challenge the Inquisition. It is well known that, in 1769, Campomanes risked an Inquisitorial trial for publishing the Juicio Imparcial (sent to every university, ecclesiastical authority and Bourbon official), in which he asserted Febronius’ ideas against papal supremacy and the brief called Monitorio di Parma. Then, Charles III saved him, although Campomanes had to change some paragraphs of his text, which was revised by his colleague José Moñino21.

  • 22 Campomanes patronized the Compañía de Impresores y Libreros, established in 1763; from 1767 until h (...)

25But Campomanes, during the following years, continued to think that it was necessary to lessen at least the sterness of civil censorship for two reasons: firstly, in order to develop the national press, an important branch of Spanish «industry», thanks to free trade; and secondly, to make public debates easier and to reform Spanish culture22. So he considered it as an important element of his struggle against the Jesuits and the colegiales, to whom he, and the whole manteísta group, attributed the isolation of Spanish culture.

  • 23 Ibid., pp. 319-348; M. Peset, «Campomanes y las universidades»; T. Egido López, «Campomanes, regali (...)

26In other words a greater level of freedom of the press, though still respectful to the monarch and to public authorities, meant the first step to improving Spanish culture and opening up Spain to the ideas spreading from Europe. Further steps were: the expulsion of the Jesuits (in order to remove their monopoly on Spanish education), the foundation of higher education institutes protected by the King (like the Reales Estudios de San Isidro), and the reform of universities and colegios mayores23. Certainly, economic literature took a great benefit hugely from such moderate liberalization in the field of literary commerce and censorship.

  • 24 V. Llombart, Campomanes economista y político, p. 301; C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 254, 430-434.

27Secondly, Campomanes supported, usually through the Academia de la Historia where he exercised his patronage on a group of its members, the translation of some Enlightenment and economic texts, such as Beccaria’s Dei Delitti e delle Pene, Robertson’s History of America and Galiani’s Dialogues24. Maybe Campomanes did not pursue a coherent cultural plan with such patronage, but it is an indubitable fact that he tried to introduce to Spain some key Enlightenment texts.

  • 25 V. Llombart, Campomanes economista y político, pp. 296-305.
  • 26 In fact Campomanes was a patron of the Colegio de los Escoceses, a seminary (founded in 1627) in wh (...)
  • 27 P. R. de Campomanes, Epistolario, vol. 1, pp. 25-27, 40-41, 45-47, 53-56, 65-68, 70-72, 92-93, 114, (...)
  • 28 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 15-18, 21-23; G. Imbruglia, «Qualche nota»; G. Goggi, «Autour du voyage de Rayna (...)
  • 29 On September 1777 Robertson, thanks to Campomanes, became foreign fellow of the Royal Academy of Hi (...)
  • 30 P. R. de Campomanes, Epistolario, vol. 1, pp. 39-40.
  • 31 C. Fernández Duro, «Juan Bautista Muñoz»; A. Mestre, Apología y crítica de España, pp. 63-64, 204-2 (...)

28On this point, I think that it would be very interesting to research attentively the links he established with a Scottish context, especially with Robertson himself and Adam Smith25. His correspondence shows that in both cases it was John Geddes (and later Alexander Cameron), who managed the Scottish College in Valladolid26, and acted as an active link between Scotland and Madrid27. However, Campomanes had a direct and friendly exchange of letters with Roberston, who (as Raynal did also), who asked him for some historical information on the Spanish Colonies28. It is well known also that, between 1777 and the end of 1778, Campomanes tried to promote a Spanish version of Robertson’s History of America at the Royal Academy of History, charging Ramón Guevara Vasconcelos to translate it29. But, in the end, this translation was rejected because of the opposition met by the Minister of the Indies, José de Gálvez, who had to consider the danger in publishing this text under the Academy’s official licence at this inopportune moment when Spain was about to declare war on Great Britain supporting the North American Revolution30. Research done by Cesáreo Fernández Duro, Antonio Mestre, Concepción de Castro, Jorge Cañizares Esguerra and Gabriel Paquette sheds light upon this episode31.

  • 32 Here, in the last paragraph, Campomanes analysed british poor laws commented by Smith in the first (...)
  • 33 P. R. de Campomanes, Epistolario, vol. 1, pp. 211-212 (Cameron to Campomanes, on 14th september 178 (...)

29In the same period Campomanes became acquainted with Smith’s Inquiry thanks to Geddes, who translated the first five chapters into Castillian for him and in it Smith had enumerated the English regulations on the poor relief. Geddes did not complete this project but Campomanes used this incomplete translation to draw up a long report on the poor relief, the Plan para desterrar la ociosidad, that he sent to Floridablanca at the beginning of 177832. Some years later Cameron received a copy of Smith’s Inquiry and then sent it to Campomanes33.

  • 34 Llombart underlines that Campomanes and Smith developed similar ideas and arguments with respect to (...)

30As well as some clear and particular concordant ideas in the field of economic policy34, Campomanes shared the political and philosophical framework of Smith’s approach. I think it is not unexpected that the Asturian fiscal focused his attention on Smith’s ideas on the poor relief. It was just the item, as Polanyi showed, that sharpened a diffeence between enlightened economic thought and the growing classical economics (Townsend’s, Malthus’ and Ricardo’s approach): moral laws and State policies had still to regulate national (and colonial) economy.

31Going back to Campomanes’ political strategy, he also used to appeal to the civil and enlightened society by spreading government debates, especially from the inside of the Council of Castile, through publishing confidential reports, for example respuestas or dictámenes fiscales, alegaciones, and such like, which he drafted as the attorney of the Crown. Campomanes followed a clear strategy which, by overcoming the old concept of politics known as arcana imperii, aimed at gathering not only those who seconded his projects and enlightened reforms inside the Borbon administration against conservative groups (beginning with the colegiales), but also aimed at creating a public opinion, especially amongst provincial nobles and the clergy who supported them within the monarchy.

  • 35 P. R. de Campomanes, Respuesta fiscal.
  • 36 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 155-190; Id., «Campomanes, el economista de Car (...)
  • 37 P. R. de Campomanes, Tratado de la regalía de amortización.
  • 38 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 200-208; C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 134-142; (...)

32We can find the first example of such a strategy during the debate on corn free-trade when, in September 1764, he published his Respuesta fiscal sobre abolir la tasa y establecer el comercio de granos35, that was the official report he had drawn up for the Council. But de facto his Respuesta fiscal was also a pamphlet on economics and free trade, where he supported his own reform, linked to those foreign and national texts whose authors, like Herbert and Zavala y Auñón, had showed the negative effects of the price control system and the positive effects of a domestic corn free market36. Then this strategy gained a clear victory because the Real Pragmática, promulgated by Charles III on the 11th of July 1765, reproduced the basic points of Campomanes’Respuesta fiscal. Campomanes repeated this process during the difficult battle on mortmain: in fact, in 1765, when Campomanes published his Tratado de la Regalía de Amortización, he put forward his ideas and plans, hoping to nip the Council of Castile’s opposition (led by his colleague Lope de Sierra) in the bud37. Unfortunately, this time, the change in the political climate caused by the Madrilenian riot against Squillace, was to frustrate this strategy and Campomanes’ project of reforming mortmain was rejected by the Council during 176638.

  • 39 P. R. de Campomanes, Itinerario de las Carreras de Posta; Id., Discurso sobre el fomento de la indu (...)
  • 40 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 85, 168, 173, 200, 238-239; Id., «Pensamiento e (...)
  • 41 N. Guasti, «Claroscuros de la fortuna de Campomanes».

33Furthermore, Campomanes often published his works at the expense of the Crown and to make use of the royal printers in order to underline the official nature of his works and to protect them from ecclesiastic censorship. Indeed, the printing of his main eight treatise, from the Itinerario de las Carreras de Posta published in 1761, to both Discursos and the four volumes of the Apéndice a la educación popular (1774-1777)39, were financed by the crown making sure to point out the King’s approval, the real permiso, and the official authorization on the title page as well. The run of the editions was often remarkable: 1,500 copies of the Tratado de la Regalía, 4,000 copies with regard to the Discurso sobre la educación popular de los artesanos y su fomento in 1775, and even 30,000 copies of the Discurso sobre el fomento de la industria popular in 177440. He always took care to spread his texts systematically, not only among the Bourbon administration and clergy, that is amongst Chancillerías, Audencias, Intendencias, corregidores, bishops and the superiors of the regular orders, but also abroad amongst foreign courts and reformist officials using Spanish ambassadors or transnational networks of intellectual exchange like the academies41.

  • 42 G. Anes, Economía e Ilustración; V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 277-291; V. Ll (...)
  • 43 P. R. de Campomanes, Discurso sobre el fomento de la industria popular, pp. cxxxvii-clxxviii [pp. 7 (...)
  • 44 «Una escuela pública de la teórica y práctica de la economía política en todas las provincias de Es (...)

34Ultimately, Campomanes made a great contribution in developing the Spanish public sphere in the field of economic societies42. It is well known that, looking at the successful result of the Sociedad Bascongada de Amigos del País established in 1764, and following some foreign examples, Campomanes set up his model of economic society in chapters 19 and 20 of his Discurso sobre el fomento de la industria popular, for each province had to found its own economic society43. Their basic duties were to analyse economic and social contexts of the whole monarchy, to develop local economic activities, to inform or to advise government (after first providing Madrid with statistics on their own province), and to promote those general reforms the government ordered, beginning with the agrarian reform. Finally, Campomanes assigns to economic societies the crucial task of promoting political economy, new agronomic knowledge and, generally, economic debates. They had to be «a public school of the theory and practice of the political economy in all the Spanish provinces, entrusted to the nobility and the most wealthy people»44. In other words, to make use of a classical Enlightenment metaphor, Campomanes thinks that economic societies should be «torchs of the economic science» (antorchas de la economía), shedding light on the political economy.

35In the second Discurso and its Apéndices, Campomanes lists in detail further duties for societies and here he especially dwells on the absolute necessity of involving local élites in their tasks, that means to broaden their composition. In fiscal’s opinion, these élites were «the best-informed nobility» (la nobleza mas instruida), «ecclesiastics and wealthy people» (los eclesiásticos y gentes ricas) and the Bourbon officials. So, he thought the Sociedades Económicas de Amigos del País as the chief context where he could strenghthen a new kind of solidarity between every rank of the Spanish and the colonial Ancien Régime and, for this reason it is the adjective patriotic that explains their crucial political task.

  • 45 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp.284-291; V. Llombart and J. Astigarraga, «Las pr (...)

36Certainly, their obvious mission was to be a «resonance box» for discussing reform projects and a place for promoting applied knowledge. They had to stimulate not only the monarchy’s policy making, but also to support the governance itself45. But, the Economic Societies’ most important duty was to lay the foundations of a new political culture in which general interests should be more important than private or family interests. That is to say, in which public happiness was beyond those interests linked with rank, lineage or some particular commercial or financial groups and, in which manual labour and commerce were considered not as dishonourable activities by the Ancien Régime’s old mentality, but by the scale of new social values, like personal merit, and new political goals like public happiness and national wealth.

37Political economy should have a crucial role in fixing concretely these new values, and the economic societies should be the main tools to reach it. Not by chance does he ask economic societies, starting with the Madrid society, to become «schools of economic science» (escuelas de ciencia económica), institutions to educate Bourbon officials, that is the political class which should lead the Spanish monarchy. In fact, only civil economy could really remedy and reform the Iberian Ancien Régime’s injustices and inefficacious economic framework.

  • 46 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 246-248; P. Fernández Albaladejo, Materia de Es (...)

38So economics and patriotism are two key words for understanding Campomanes’ reformist project of which the basic aim was to change Spanish Society from the inside based on rank46. The Madrid economic society was the first one to be established on 9th of November 1775, according to Campomanes’ project. Since then, it was considered the only model allowed because the fiscal succeeded in enforcing such centralizing logic. Actually, he sent the Sociedad Económica Matritense’s Real Cédula to every Bourbon higher civil authority, that is to say the same Audencias, Chancillerías, and such like, that had received only a few months before his two Discursos and the four volumes of the Apéndice.

  • 47 R. J. Shafer, The Economic Societies; V. Llombart and J. Astigarraga, «Las primeras “antorchas de l (...)

39Until the death of Charles III, economic societies rapidly spread throughout the whole monarchy, so between 1775 and 1788, the Council of Castile approved more than sixty economic societies. This trend involved South American territories also, though with a different timing in respect of the mother country: between 1781 and 1810, twelve societies were established, and in 1820 fourteen were established, the first of which was in Manila47.

II. — Campomanes’ economic thought

  • 48 C. Continisio, «Governing the passions»; N. Guasti, «Antonio Genovesi’s Diceosina»; B. Jossa and R. (...)

40In order to illustrate Campomanes’ economic thought and policy, we can maintain that he started from two main assumptions. First of all he believed that the goverments’ basic task was to assure Public Happiness and this can only be granted by increasing the national wealth equally, especially in the country. Indeed, such an idea of Public Happiness, was very similar to that established by Muratori, Genovesi and a great number of other Italian reformers48, linked to the apology of country life and the independent farmer.

41Secondly, Campomanes, like many xviiith century thinkers, was convinced that agriculture was the main source of wealth to the nations (though, against Physiocratic thought, not the only one), because it warrants the growth of the population and raw materials that national craftsmen have to transform into manufactured products.

  • 49 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 191-233; C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 288-292, (...)
  • 50 P. R. de Campomanes, Memorial Ajustado.
  • 51 J. Lynch, Bourbon Spain, pp. 208-214; V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp.155-291; I(...)

42The link between these two principles lies in glorifing the small and independent farmer or tenant. Using typical republican language, especially from his two Discursos, he portrayed this figure as a virtuous and frugal pater familias, whose patriotism was linked with the full possession or use of the soil that he worked. To accomplish such a «happy» and wealthy society, certainly a pre-capitalistic society based on ranks and privileges but led by the primacy of individual interest and private wealth, it was necessary to deliver Spanish farmers and peasants from poverty and to grant them a higher income, removing various obstacles which obstructed agriculture development. After the liberalization of the home corn trade, Campomanes suggested three olther main reforms: to modify land distribution encouraging small farmers and peasants through a «Agrarian Law» (ley agraria)49; to develop the cattle-breeding (against Mesta’s privileges)50; and to boost extra-agricultural production, that is to say, the «popular industry» (industria popular), which is low quality textile articles manufactured by outworkers in their homes51.

  • 52 P. R. de Campomanes, Reflexiones sobre el comercio. See also J. Lynch, Bourbon Spain, pp. 350-366; (...)
  • 53 In fact, Iberian Enlightement thinkers and refomers, as Portillo has shown, continued to think Span (...)

43Also with regard to Atlantic trade, Campomanes supported a reformist policy against the Cadiz monopoly and privileged companies. In his unpublished Reflexiones sobre el comercio español a Indias written in 1762, and in the last chapter of the Discurso sobre la educación popular de los artesanos y su fomento of 1775, he asked to open a free trade between the peninsula and Spanish America52. Certainly, Bourbon reforms on transatlantic trade established a limited freedom, following only some of Campomanes’ advices, but, on the other hand, like all xviiith century Spanish thinkers and Bourbon officials, he mantained opening Spanish America to every peninsular merchants in order to reaffirm the monopoly of Spain on its colonies, considered simply as a market for peninsular products53.

  • 54 V. Llombart, «Pensamiento económico y acción política», p. 35.
  • 55 Id., Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 209-216; C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 154- 155, 295-29 (...)
  • 56 But it’s clear that the Asturian attorney used a republican rhetoric: words (and concepts) as merit (...)

44Besides, Campomanes thought it necessary to restrict the benefit and tax exemption of Spanish clergy too. Here, we see a clear connexion between his regalism and his economic and social thought54. In fact, from the Tratado de la Regalía onwards, Campomanes (like other manteístas) maintains clearly that the national clergy had to contribute to public happiness, begin to renounce new mortmain and, eventually, to put their landed estates on the market. This last idea was applied after the expulsion of the Jesuits: between 1767 and 1784, seventy percent of ex-Jesuit land, the temporalidades, was sold by auction and, during the repopulation of the Sierra Morena, they were allotted to new colonies55. Of course Campomanes, not being a republican thinker, did not turn the society where he lived upside-down56, he simply he wanted to change and make the Ancien Régime more just. Political economy is the basic tool to achieve this goal.

  • 57 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 62-63, 259-260, 345.

45Campomanes’ reformist policy was reflected in the eclecticism of his theoretic sources. Firstly, he promoted seventeenth-century arbitrista litterature in order to sustain some thesis or specific reforms; in the Apéndice al Discurso sobre la educación popular he reprints or writes some commentaries on arbitristas’ texts and particularly on the arbitrios written by Álvarez Ossorio, Martínez de Mata, Deza, Ceballos, Fernández de Navarrete, Moncada. Such a cultural operation sets the goal to show that it has already been a national reformist stream which had analysed the reasons of Spanish economic decadence. So this old tradition allows one to look at the reforms as a beneficial restoration of the past; portraying changes and breaks with the colours of a national tradition is a clear political strategy ideated by Campomanes and by other Spanish reformists in order to win conservative opposition57.

  • 58 B. Ward, Proyecto económico; V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 52, 120, 209-211, (...)

46In addition to the arbitristas, Campomanes brought out those Spanish authors, usually the Bourbon ministers or officials who wrote some proyectos during the reign of Philip V and Ferdinand VI, for example Uztáriz, Zavala, Ulloa, Santa Cruz, Argumosa, Carvajal, Campillo. Amongst them we can include also the Irishman Bernardo Ward, whose Proyecto económico, written in 1762, was published in 1779 thanks to Campomanes. Their treatises, especially this last one, suggested many reforms, for instance in the field of colonial trade, manufacture and public relief, which inspired Campomanes58.

  • 59 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 62, 95, 117-121, 160-174, 256, 325, 345; N. Gua (...)

47Gournay circle also played a crucial role in Campomanes’ thought, as well as for many other Spanish reformists and economic writers, at least for three reasons. First of all, it was the main channel between the xviiith century Spanish economists and politicians and British economic thought and regulations; particularly, the translations from the Gournay circle allowed the promotion, in Spain, of Political Arithmetic and liberal mercantilists (Child, Davenant, Cary, King, Young and the body of british laws known as British merchant, transalted into french by Forbonnais). Secondly Forbonnais’ and Plumard’s versions of Uztáriz’s, Ulloa’s and Zavala y Auñón’s treatises confirmed him the importance of early eighteenth-century proyectistas59.

  • 60 For the long list of Gournay’s group treatise and translations that Campomanes owned in his library (...)

48Finally, authors like Herbert, Forbonnais, Plumard de Dangeul, Butel-Dumont, Coyer, with Melon, Dutot, Goudar, Mandeville, Gee, O’Heguerty, Cantillon, Decker, Montesquieu, Accarias de Serionne, Galiani, and Hume, shad a strong influence on Campomanes and on the contemporaneous Spanish economic thinkers, not only from an analytic and methodological point of view, but also because they already supplied the main framwork for some projects of reform, like, for instance, the liberalization of the corn trade60.

49Campomanes knew also some Physiocratic texts, particularly Mirabeau’s treatises, but he did not agree, or did not understand completely, with Physiocracy’s method and economic biliefs, in spite of histogriography having defined him as an agrarian thinker. This is another contact point with Gournay circle because Campomanes never considered agriculture the only source of wealth. Besides, as Llombart showed, Campomanes used Mirabeau’s Amis des hommes in his Respuesta fiscal sobre abolir la tasa to sustain free trade in grain by the bon-prix Physiocratic idea, that is to say for a concrete political aim.

50With regards to Italian economic thought, he esteemed, like a lot of ilustrados, Muratori’s political and religious thought, Galiani’s Dialogues, whose translation Campomanes promoted in 1775, and surely Genovesi’s Lezioni di commercio. This last treatise is absent from Campomanes’ library, as is the case of Turgot’s works, but, naturally, this fact does not mean that he ignored Genovesi’s Lezioni.

51What does political economy mean in Campomanes’ opinion?

  • 61 Campomanes and Jovellanos, for instance, shared the same belief that civil economy or economic scie (...)
  • 62 P. R. de Campomanes, Apéndices, vol. 1, pp. xlvii, L. Besides Campomanes considered economics part (...)
  • 63 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. xxvi, xxix-xxx, xl.
  • 64 See, for example, ibid., vol. 1, pp. xxxiv, 34, 40.
  • 65 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. xxxv-xxxvi, xli-xlii, xlix-l.

52Initially, we must consider that he, unlike a great number of ilustrados, preferred to call economics with the word political economy, not civil economy61, however the semantic meaning of these two definitions is the same62. In fact, in Campomanes’ opinion, ecomomics is a science, deeply linked with politics, which is held by «basic notions» (nociones generales), he said. A real «economist» or, in Campomanes’ words, «writer on Politics» (el escritor político), can find these empirically by an inductive method using history and statistics (that is Political Arithmetic)63, because economics is an applied science (like medicine), not an exact one (like fisics). Indeed Campomanes thinks that economics must look after the political body64. In this respect Campomanes’ opinion followed the epistemology of Gournay circle based on the compared history of economical contexts and on mathematical informations because he did not agree with Quesnay’s deductive and cartesian methodology, which considered economics as a speculation on physical laws of society. Naturally the economist, or political writer, must know how to combine rationally economic principles by an overall picture of the context he wants to reform65.

  • 66 Ibid., vol. 1, p. xlvii: «Hasta que los buenos principios estén generalmente adoptados en la econom (...)

53In the first volume of the Apéndice a la educación popular he explains that xviith century decadence developed just because Spanish culture did not consider economics as a scientific discipline, which allows and helps a civil government to single out the general interests of the nation66. The basic aim of the Industria popular’s appendix was to join together some material and information (for example: arbitristas’ books, the last Spanish and European commercial regulations and laws, some notes on tecnical treatises, and more) which could be useful, at the same time, to fix such general principles and to lead Bourbon reforms. Therefore, Campomanes wrote the two Discursos with the Apéndice in order to call together Spanish élites, showing them the ways to develop national wealth.

  • 67 P. R. de Campomanes, «Prólogo», pp. xiii-xxxiii.
  • 68 See also Id., Apéndices, vol. 1, pp. xlix-l. This argument is very close to Smith’s one developed i (...)

54The Asturian attorney was not casual when giving his best definition of political economy in the introduction of the Memorias de la Sociedad económica matritense published in 178067. Here Campomanes confirmed that, despite economics being created after Ethics and Politics68, «the science of Economics is a study that contains veridical principles» (la ciencia económica es un estudio que contiene principios ciertos), whose ministers and officials must be aware. These general principles are basically two: all monopolies are harmful, and domestic free-trade is the pillar of economic growth because each economic branch, especially agriculture and industry, is linked to another one. Naturally, Political Arithmetic is the basic methodological tool to know «the branches of agriculture, industry, manufacture, trade and circulation of the goods inside a state: that is to say the output rendered for the labour and the commerce» (los ramos de la agricultura, de la industria, de la manufactura, del comercio y circulación de las especies dentro del estado: esto es el producto de lo que rinde el trabajo y el comercio).

  • 69 Ibid., pp. 355-356; Id., «Campomanes, el economista de Carlos III», p. 79; G. Pérez Sarrión, Más Es (...)

55In conclusion, as Llombart underlines, Campomanes claims a liberalization of the home market, because man is led by self-interest and economic development is deeply linked with competition, though inside a protectionist framework. More market and state control on foreign trade should be the appropriate formula to define Campomanes’ thought and policy; but, as a recent book has demonstrated, such formula could be used to define enlightened reforms in xviiith century Spain69.

Notes

1 K. Polanyi, The great transformation, pp. 111-116.

2 Ibid., p. 112.

3 G. Faccarello, Aux origines de l’économie politique; J.-C. Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle; P. Steiner, La «Science nouvelle»; S. Meyssonnier, La Balance et l’Horloge; C. Larrère, L’invention de l’économie au xviiie siècle; J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Id., Virtue, Commerce and History; T. Hutchinson, Before Adam Smith; P. Groenewegen, Eighteenth-century Economics; T. Wahnbaeck, Luxury and Public happiness; J. Robertson, The Case for the Enlightenment; I. Hont, Jealousy of trade; K. Stapelbroek, Love, self-deceit, and money; Id. (ed.), «Commerce and Morality»; J. I. Israel, A revolution of the Mind, ch. 3; V. Ferrone, La società giusta ed equa; M. Albertone, «Economia politica»; M. Albertone (ed.), «Fisiocrazia e proprietà terriera»; Ead. (ed.), Governare il Mondo; A. Alimento (ed.), Modelli d’oltre confine.

4 I. Hont, Jealousy of trade, p. 77.

5 J. Usoz, «El pensamiento económico»; J. Astigarraga, «Pensiero giusnaturalista».

6 J. A. Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis; A. O. Hirschman, The passions and the interests; F. Venturi, Settecento Riformatore.

7 E. Lluch, Las Españas vencidas.

8 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 352-360; Id., «La política económica de Carlos III».

9 J. Gómezdeenterría, Voces de la economía, pp. 126-127. See also V. Llombart, «Campomanes, ¿economista a la moda del tiempo?».

10 Only E. Ramos (who wrote under the pseudonym of Antonio Muñoz) expressly preferred to use «political economy»: see his Discurso sobre economía política (Madrid, 1769). Some thinkers, like B. J. Danvila in his Lecciones de Economía civil, ó de el Comercio (1779), considered «civil economy» as synonymous with «commerce», following closely the Gournay group’s definition of it.

11 F. Venturi «Economisti e riformatori spagnoli»; Id., Settecento Riformatore, vol. 1, pp. 637- 644; J. Astigarraga, «Victorián de Villava»; Id., «The Light and Shade»; J. Astigarraga and J. Usoz, «From the Neapolitan A. Genovesi of Carlo di Borbone»; J. Usoz, «Política y economía en la Ilustración»; A. Sánchez et alii, La cátedra de economía; L. Perdices de Blas and J. Reeder, Diccionario de pensamiento económico, pp. 74-77; J. M. Portillo, La vida atlántica.

12 A. Genovesi, Lecciones de Comercio; L. Normante, Discurso sobre la utilidad de los conocimientos; Id., Proposiciones de economía civil; Id., Espíritu del Señor Melon.

13 Campomanes, whose first published book was the Disertaciones históricas del Orden y Cavallería de los Templarios in 1747, managed the Academy of History between 1764 and 1791: see E. Velasco, «Campomanes, director de la Real Academia de la Historia». Campomanes shared an historical approach to political economy developed either by Spanish proyectistas, or by Gournay’s group (especially by Georges-Marie Butel-Dumont and François Véron de Forbonnais).

14 Carlos III y la Ilustración. On Campomanes’ life, thought and political career see R. Krebs, El pensamiento histórico; L. Rodríguez, Reforma e Ilustración; V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político; Id., «Campomanes, el economista de Carlos III»; A. Álvarez de Morales, El pensamiento político; C. de Castro, Campomanes; J. M. Vallejo, La monarquía y un ministro; S. M. Coronas, In memoriam; D. Mateos (ed.), Campomanes doscientos años después; G. Anes (ed.), Campomanes en su II Centenario; F. Comín and P. Martín Aceña (eds.), Campomanes y su obra económica.

15 J. A. Maravall, «Las tendencias de reforma política»; J. Astigarraga, Luces y republicanismo.

16 F. Sánchez Blanco, El Absolutismo y las Luces; Id., La Ilustración goyesca. See also Id., «¿Una Ilustración sin ilustrados?».

17 J. Lynch, Bourbon Spain, pp. 258-259. See also R. Herr, «Campomanes y la Ilustración».

18 C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 348-387; L. Perdices de Blas, La economía política; J. I. Gutiérrez, «El pensamiento económico»; N. Guasti, «La monarchia malata».

19 J. Álvarez Barrientos (ed.), Se hicieron literatos para ser políticos.

20 L. Domergue, Censure et lumières, pp. 15-90; Id., La censure des livres, pp. 22-41. With the Real Orden promulgated on 14 november 1762 Campomanes achieved a first clear political victory just against Curiel: in fact it abrogated all printed book taxation.

21 C. C. Noel, «Opposition to Enlightened Reform in Spain»; V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 192-200; T. Egido and I. Pinedo, Las causas «gravísimas» y secretas; C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 160-166, 216-234; J. A. Ferrerbenimeli, Relaciones Iglesia-Estado.

22 Campomanes patronized the Compañía de Impresores y Libreros, established in 1763; from 1767 until his death, Campomanes was the president of it. See C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 346-348.

23 Ibid., pp. 319-348; M. Peset, «Campomanes y las universidades»; T. Egido López, «Campomanes, regalismo y jesuitas».

24 V. Llombart, Campomanes economista y político, p. 301; C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 254, 430-434.

25 V. Llombart, Campomanes economista y político, pp. 296-305.

26 In fact Campomanes was a patron of the Colegio de los Escoceses, a seminary (founded in 1627) in which young scottish catholics were trained to become missionaries. In 1771 Charles III transfered to scottish seminary the ex jesuit building of Saint Ambrose college in Valladolid. On Geddes’ biography see M. Goldie, «Scottish catholic Enlightenment».

27 P. R. de Campomanes, Epistolario, vol. 1, pp. 25-27, 40-41, 45-47, 53-56, 65-68, 70-72, 92-93, 114, 116-118, 136-139, 145-146, 211-212, 219, 289-291, 307.

28 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 15-18, 21-23; G. Imbruglia, «Qualche nota»; G. Goggi, «Autour du voyage de Raynal»; E. Giménez and J. Pradells, «Correspondencia», pp. 294-296.

29 On September 1777 Robertson, thanks to Campomanes, became foreign fellow of the Royal Academy of History.

30 P. R. de Campomanes, Epistolario, vol. 1, pp. 39-40.

31 C. Fernández Duro, «Juan Bautista Muñoz»; A. Mestre, Apología y crítica de España, pp. 63-64, 204-207; Id., Mayans y la cultura valenciana, pp. 224, 237, 245, 317-318, 340-341; C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 430-435; J. Cañizares-Esguerra, How to write the History, pp. 197-199; G. B. Paquette, Enlightenment, Governance, and Reform, pp. 47-48.

32 Here, in the last paragraph, Campomanes analysed british poor laws commented by Smith in the first book’s chapter 10 of the Inquiry.

33 P. R. de Campomanes, Epistolario, vol. 1, pp. 211-212 (Cameron to Campomanes, on 14th september 1785): «Don Adam Smith me hace el honor de servirse de mi para remitir a V. S. I. un exemplar de su obra de la Investigación de la naturaleza y causas de la riqueza de las Naciones: corto obsequio que desea hacer el sabio y docto Autor a V. S. I.».

34 Llombart underlines that Campomanes and Smith developed similar ideas and arguments with respect to the free home corn market (following Herbert’point of view), colonial free trade regulations (though in a general monopolistic frame-work which protect the economic interests of the mother-country), the crucuial role of international commerce (also as a peacemaking force), the clear censure against craft guilds and commercial monopolies, the praise of agriculture (especially of small and independent farmers), the blame against exaggerated possessions accumulated by the Church. Besides both Campomanes and Smith used history and a strong interest in political and legal frame-work to find some constant factors in ecomomics or to point out some reforms. On these points see V. Llombart, «El pensamiento económico», pp. 48-50, 71-72; P. Schwartz Girón, «La recepción inicial»; J. Lasarte Álvarez, «Adam Smith ante la Inquisición»; L. Perdices de Blas, «La “Riqueza de las Naciones”»; L. Perdices de Blas and J. Reeder, Diccionario de pensamiento económico, pp. 327-332. The first complete translation of Smith’s Inquiry was published by José Alonso Ortiz in 1794, though the French version published in 1778-1779 was widely circulated in Spain.

35 P. R. de Campomanes, Respuesta fiscal.

36 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 155-190; Id., «Campomanes, el economista de Carlos III», pp. 222-231; C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 139-144, 300-307, 359-362.

37 P. R. de Campomanes, Tratado de la regalía de amortización.

38 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 200-208; C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 134-142; J. Palao Gil, «Algunos aspectos del regalismo»; J. Andrés-Gallego, El motín de Esquilache, pp. 91-197, 397-594; N. Guasti, Lotta politica, pp. 91-127.

39 P. R. de Campomanes, Itinerario de las Carreras de Posta; Id., Discurso sobre el fomento de la industria popular; Id., Discurso sobre la educación popular; Id., Apéndices.

40 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 85, 168, 173, 200, 238-239; Id., «Pensamiento económico y acción política», pp. 36, 43, 58, 56.

41 N. Guasti, «Claroscuros de la fortuna de Campomanes».

42 G. Anes, Economía e Ilustración; V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 277-291; V. Llombart and J. Astigarraga, «Las primeras “antorchas de la economía”»; J. Astigarraga, Los ilustrados vascos, pp. 70- 74; Id., «Campomanes y las Sociedades Económicas»; Id., «Esfera pública»; L. M. Enciso Recio, Las Sociedades Económicas.

43 P. R. de Campomanes, Discurso sobre el fomento de la industria popular, pp. cxxxvii-clxxviii [pp. 78-94].

44 «Una escuela pública de la teórica y práctica de la economía política en todas las provincias de España, fiadas al cargo de la nobleza y de las gentes acomodadas», ibid., p. clxii [pp. 87-88]. See also P. R. de Campomanes, Apéndices, vol. 1, pp. xlii, xlvi.

45 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp.284-291; V. Llombart and J. Astigarraga, «Las primeras “antorchas de la economía”», pp. 691-694; J. Astigarraga, «Esfera pública», p. 237.

46 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 246-248; P. Fernández Albaladejo, Materia de España, pp. 239-244. See an interesting reflection on the late xviiith century patriotism in V. Ferrone, I profeti dell’Illuminismo, pp. 162-182.

47 R. J. Shafer, The Economic Societies; V. Llombart and J. Astigarraga, «Las primeras “antorchas de la economía”», p. 687; G. B. Paquette, Enlightenment, Governance, and Reform, pp. 142-145.

48 C. Continisio, «Governing the passions»; N. Guasti, «Antonio Genovesi’s Diceosina»; B. Jossa and R. Patalano, «Genovesi, la ricchezza e l’umana felicità». The idea of public happiness shared by Italian catholic reformers like Muratori and Genovesi refused to consider hedonism and egoism as the essence of modern civil society (as Mandeville and Smith believed), because private interests had to be joined with public ones: that is a unrestrained utilitarianism is not able to regulate itself. Only public laws have to warrant—directly or indirectily, by a fair distribuition of wealth—a just equilibrium between personal rights and interests. Campomanes could be considered part of this mainstream.

49 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 191-233; C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 288-292, 358.

50 P. R. de Campomanes, Memorial Ajustado.

51 J. Lynch, Bourbon Spain, pp. 208-214; V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp.155-291; Id., «Campomanes, ¿economista a la moda del tiempo?», pp.469-479; Id., «Pensamiento económico y acción política», pp. 43-53; G. Anes, La ley agraria; P. F. Luna, «Las reformas de la propiedad». On the link between educación popular and industria popular see O. Negrín Fajardo, «La reforma ilustrada de la educación popular».

52 P. R. de Campomanes, Reflexiones sobre el comercio. See also J. Lynch, Bourbon Spain, pp. 350-366; V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 129-147. The comercio libre was created with the decree of 16 October 1765 that opened Caribbean islands to trade with eight Spanish ports; on 12 October 1778 a new reglamento consolidated this line because of opened free communications between American colonies and the majors Spanish ports.

53 In fact, Iberian Enlightement thinkers and refomers, as Portillo has shown, continued to think Spanish «nation» exclusively as an European reality and the American world simply as a commercial space. See J. Mª Portillo, Crisis atlántica, pp. 45-53.

54 V. Llombart, «Pensamiento económico y acción política», p. 35.

55 Id., Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 209-216; C. de Castro, Campomanes, pp. 154- 155, 295-297, 334-339, 372-374.

56 But it’s clear that the Asturian attorney used a republican rhetoric: words (and concepts) as merit, patriotism or agrarian law are drawn from a republican vocabulary. Portillo Valdés believes that Spanish thinkers and Borbon officials, in the second half of xviiith Century, made use of some republican words as a mere tool to stand a policy against conservative groups which protected the Ancien Régime: J. Mª Portillo, Crisis atlántica, p. 47. But Campomanes sincerely appreciated some thinkers—as the abbé Coyer—who tried to mix and to harmonize some republican ideas (first of all, the idea of virtue), commerce (that is self-interests) and monarchical government.

57 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 62-63, 259-260, 345.

58 B. Ward, Proyecto económico; V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 52, 120, 209-211, 243, 263-264, 270, 279-280, 345; J. L. Castellano Castellano, «Bernardo Ward».

59 V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 62, 95, 117-121, 160-174, 256, 325, 345; N. Guasti, «Forbonnais e Plumard»; Id., «Il “ragno di Francia» e la “mosca di Spagna”».

60 For the long list of Gournay’s group treatise and translations that Campomanes owned in his library see J. Soubeyroux, «La biblioteca de Campomanes», p. 1002; V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, pp. 325-335.

61 Campomanes and Jovellanos, for instance, shared the same belief that civil economy or economic science were the main tools a enlightened government and absolutist monarchy had to use to assure not only private wealth, but also the economic growth of Spanish monarchy. For Jovellanos’ definition of «civil economy» see G. M. de Jovellanos, Escritos económicos, pp. 370- 373, 484-493, 548-553.

62 P. R. de Campomanes, Apéndices, vol. 1, pp. xlvii, L. Besides Campomanes considered economics part of «political history of nations» and he called economical writers as «political writers»: see ibid., vol. 1, pp. x, xxiv, xxxi.

63 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. xxvi, xxix-xxx, xl.

64 See, for example, ibid., vol. 1, pp. xxxiv, 34, 40.

65 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. xxxv-xxxvi, xli-xlii, xlix-l.

66 Ibid., vol. 1, p. xlvii: «Hasta que los buenos principios estén generalmente adoptados en la economía política, no se pueden dar pasos sólidos hacia el fomento de las artes, ni hacia el bien general de la nación». See also ibid., vol. 4, p. 82: «Despreciar los escritos económicos y a sus autores, es lo mismo que apagar la luz y tropezar las tinieblas».

67 P. R. de Campomanes, «Prólogo», pp. xiii-xxxiii.

68 See also Id., Apéndices, vol. 1, pp. xlix-l. This argument is very close to Smith’s one developed in the first chapter, book five, of his Inquiry: see V. Llombart, Campomanes, economista y político, p. 304.

69 Ibid., pp. 355-356; Id., «Campomanes, el economista de Carlos III», p. 79; G. Pérez Sarrión, Más Estado.

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