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Élites et ordres militaires au Moyen Âge

 | 
Philippe Josserand
, 
Luís Filipe Oliveira
, 
Damien Carraz

III. — Les ordres militaires et les elites de pouvoir

Observations on the Fall of the Temple

Anthony Luttrell

Texte intégral

  • 1 Some of Molay’s weaknesses and mistakes are noted in A. Demurger, Jacques de Molay. Karl Borchardt (...)
  • 2 Molay’s companion of April 1292 Bertran l’Aleman may have been Catalan rather than, as often assum (...)
  • 3 A. Luttrell, «Templari e Ospitalieri: alcuni confronti», pp. 139-143.
  • 4 J. Riley-Smith, «Towards a History of Military-Religious Orders», p. 281.
  • 5 Id., «The Structures of the Orders of the Temple and Hospital», p. 193; Id., Templars and Hospital (...)
  • 6 P.-V. Claverie, L’ordre du Temple en Terre sainte et à Chypre, t. I, especially pp. 101-233.

1As Master of the Temple, Jacques de Molay faced enormous difficulties throughout some two decades and he proved an unsatisfactory and somewhat incompetent leader1. However, the downfall of the Temple was not fundamentally the fault of its Master or of the crimes attributed to its members during their extended trials after 1307. The Temple’s deficiencies were essentially symptoms of a deep malaise; they were the result of bad practices, of the absence of essential reforms, and of an elite or oligarchy which from 1292 onwards was largely Burgundian and Catalan in composition and incapable of controlling its Master2. These were long-standing institutional or constitutional defects. The Templars contrasted strongly with the Hospitallers whose government was more effective, who had a more sophisticated, better organized and less obscure system of legislation, who possessed a conventual seal which allowed their senior officers to limit the power and actions of their Master, and who developed a system of langues which made it more difficult for regional groupings to dominate their Order’s affairs. An institutional approach to Templar history is not a new one, and there have been calls for an interpretation of the Templars’difficulties along such constitutional lines3. Jonathan Riley-Smith has recently developed that approach in much fuller detail, emphasizing the autocracy of the Temple’s Master, the comparative weakness of its chapter general and its other failings: «the state of the order seems to have been so dire that one wonders how long it could have been allowed to remain in existence4». Jonathan Riley-Smith argues that it was the weakness of the Temple that, its religious nature apart, it had an exclusively military ethos in contrast to the Hospitallers’ devotion to the sick and the poor, a point which was well observed by contemporaries and which made the Hospital’s continued existence more defensible5. Other publications have made major contributions to the subject6, but without providing a complete or rigorous study of all aspects of Templar government. It seems important to pay less attention to heresies, trials and tortures and more to prosopography, legislation, finances and administrative structures.

  • 7 Details, not here repeated, in A. Luttrell, «The Election of the Templar Master Jacques de Molay», (...)
  • 8 A. Demurger, Jacques de Molay, pp. 116-118.
  • 9 A. Luttrell, «The Election of the Templar Master Jacques de Molay», pp. 29-30, n. 58. The grant to (...)

2Jacques de Molay, a Burgundian from the Franche-Comté, was not a subject of the King of France. He was elected Master of the Temple on Cyprus, probably by some forty brethren, at a date after 8 September 1291, perhaps in the first months of the following year and at latest by 20 April 1292. It seems likely that a fellow-Burgundian, the English king’s envoy Otton de Granson, had some influence in his election. Molay seems to have visited Armenia in Granson’s company soon after becoming Master. This visit with Granson must have taken place in 1292 or early 1293 since Molay was in Provence by May 1293; it cannot be dated to the years 1298 or 1299 during which Granson was in the West7. Granson was returning from an Armenian visit early in 12948, but he could have stayed in Armenia longer than Molay or have made more than one visit there. The two men were closely associated. At Paris on 14 July 1296 Granson gave the Templars 200 livres of revenues at Salins in Burgundy in consideration of the great help he had received from «mes chiers amis en dieu freres Jaques de Molai» («my dear friend in God brother Jacques de Molay») and he referred to the help which «li freres du celle meismes Relegion ont fait a mes anccesseurs, e a moi deca mer et de la mer en la sainte terre e ne cesse encore de faire» («the brethren of that same order have given to my ancestors and to myself in the West and in the East in the Holy Land, and still continue to give»). This text did not actually state that Granson had known Molay in Syria, that is in or before 1291. In Paris, probably in 1296 or possibly in 1297, Molay and the Temple granted Granson an annual pension for life of 2,000 livres; apparently, Granson was securing a conspicuous income for his lifetime while the Temple acquired a revenue which was payable in perpetuity9.

  • 10 After 1294 the Templars’ possessions in Valencia were greatly expanded but why they invested in th (...)
  • 11 A. Demurger, Jacques de Molay, pp. 138-157; P. Crawford, «Imagination and the Templars»; J. Burgto (...)

3Molay failed to introduce any significant reform of the Temple and he sponsored or at least accepted curious schemes such as the expensive construction of a great new castle at Peñiscola in Valencia10. The occupation of the tiny islet of Ruad off Tortosa on the Syrian coast between late 1300 and 1302 proved a strategic disaster, even if it was comprehensible in terms of a prospective alliance with the Mongols; it was hoped that such an alliance might justify the Templars’ existence by leading to the recovery of Jerusalem or at least to the establishment on the Syrian mainland of a Templar staging post, perhaps even a permanent mainland bridgehead as a precocious form of Ordensstaat. Yet that initiative, while demonstrating a determination for military action, proved to be misguided. The Mongols had never succeeded in taking Jerusalem and the Hospitaller and Cypriot forces wisely withdrew from Ruad before it fell; the island was virtually indefensible and many Templars were killed or captured there by the Mamluks11.

  • 12 K. Schottmüller, Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens, t. II, pp. 36-38: «magister divisit, postquam f (...)
  • 13 M. Barber, The Trial of the Templars, pp. 66, 79, 93, 117-118, 120 and 164.
  • 14 A. Demurger, Jacques de Molay, pp. 20 and 82.
  • 15 L. Minervini, Cronaca del Templare di Tiro, pp. 340-342.
  • 16 M. Barber, The New Knighthood, pp. 278-279; I. de la Torre, «The Monetary Fluctuations», pp. 65-67

4It was not the fault of Molay that the Templars had long been conducting extensive financial operations or that they held large sums of money in some of their houses, practices which left them open to criticism and to attacks from those who sought the order’s treasure or the extinction of their own debts. Molay returned to France in November or December 1306 and there made further errors of judgement, which included too open a refusal to accept French projects for the union of the major international military orders. In June 1308 the Templar Jean de Folliaco testified during his trial that he had heard from another Templar, Guy Dauphin, that in 1306 Molay had taken 150,000 gold florins and ten pack animal loads of gros tournois from Cyprus to France, which was not the normal direction for moving funds, and that once in Provence he had divided the money, possibly among his family12. This event would have taken place only some 20 months before June 1308. Jean de Folliaco was a priest who as a renegade and informer was a highly dubious witness13; Guy Dauphin was the son of Robert Count of Clermont and was, in some matters at least, apparently a reliable witness14. A contemporary Cypriot chronicler, the so-called Templar of Tyre who was close to the order but not in fact a Templar brother, recounted that King Philippe had been allowed to borrow a large sum, reportedly—but the chronicler was uncertain—amounting to 400,000 gold florins, roughly 265,000 livres tournois, from the Templars’ treasury in Paris, and that Molay, on discovering this fact, was so angry that a serious quarrel with the king ensued, presumably in the first half of 130715. It was true that the Templars held large sums of money in various countries and that in 1307 the Prince of Wales took money and jewels worth about 50,000 pounds sterling from the Temple in London16. Whether in 1307 the French crown was in debit or credit with the Temple is uncertain.

  • 17 A. Demurger, Jacques de Molay, pp. 221-228, and M. Barber, The New Knighthood, p. 289, discuss thi (...)
  • 18 I. de la Torre, Los Templarios y el origen de la banca en la Europa medieval, pp. 270-272 and 345- (...)
  • 19 E. Brown, Customary Aids and Royal Finance in Capetian France, pp. 29-33.
  • 20 A. Forey, The Templars in the Corona de Aragón, pp. 233-234, 319-327, 340 (n. 137) and 415-419; ma (...)
  • 21 A.-M. Legras, L’enquête pontificale de 1373 sur l’ordre des Hospitaliers, pp. 93-97.
  • 22 I. de la Torre, Los Templarios y el origen de la banca en la Europa medieval, especially pp. 34-35 (...)

5The uncorroborated story of the loan to King Philippe, of which there is no sign in the surviving royal documentation, has provoked considerable doubt and discussion17, but its author was close to the leading Templar brethren on Cyprus and his account might in a general way have reflected a real situation; it seems to require further consideration. In a largely neglected study, Ignacio de la Torre Muñoz de Morales argues that the major reform of the French currency which Philippe carried out between 1307 and 1308 required just over 106,000 kilograms of silver18. If this enormous figure were correct, or nearly correct, the question would arise as to how the king acquired the necessary silver. The surviving financial records of the crown give no hint, but some silver could have been found through ordinary or exceptional taxation, by imposing drastic fines, by the sale of privileges, by expelling the Jews in July 1306, by forcing the nobility and others to hand over quantities of plate, and so forth19. The 400,000 gold florins or some other sum which could perhaps have been taken from the Paris Temple might have produced all or part of the 106,000 kilograms of silver which the crown needed and the removal of such a sum or of a considerable part of it could have led to a quarrel with the king. Whether the Paris Temple would in 1306 or 1307 have held coin containing a sum capable of producing 106,000 kilograms of silver, maybe more than 1,400,000 livres tournois, is unclear. Ignacio de la Torre argues that after the fall of Acre in 1291 the Templars’ expenditures would have diminished, even though there were major expenses such as those of the Ruad campaign of 1301 to 1303, and he therefore assumes that a surplus would have accumulated in Paris. The calculations involve multiple hypotheses: for example, that responsions were paid at one-third of total incomes as opposed to profits, which was seldom, if ever, the case20; that there were 660 Templar houses in «France» which seems exaggerated, especially as in 1373 there were only 68 former Templar houses in Hospitaller hands within the Hospital’s Priory of France to the north of the Loire21; that the average «renta » of a house was 232 livres tournois; that all such houses sent responsions to Paris; that the Temple in Paris might have held 106,000 kilograms of silver in 1307; and so forth. These statistics are debatable but it does seem possible that in 1306 or 1307 the Temple held considerable funds in Paris and that Philippe could have secured them for his otherwise unexplained restoration of the French currency22. In that case, the need for silver could have been one of the multiple possible motives for Philippe’s arrest of the Templars.

  • 23 A. Luttrell, «The Hospitallers and the Papacy», with much detail.

6When the French Templars were arrested in October 1307, Pope Clement V and Foulques de Villaret, Master of the Hospital, both of them French subjects, were in France. The trial of the Templars became part of a wider confrontation between King Philippe and the papacy in which the Hospitallers played an astute role. The pope was forced into ignominious concessions but his resistance was partially successful. The Hospitallers had established a strong position for themselves by initiating their conquest of Rhodes and a show of active opposition to the infidel Turks in 1306. Together with the Hospitaller Master, Clement V pursued a form of crusade, the passagium particulare, which enabled him to preach a crusading expedition without having to grant valuable crusading tenths from the French clergy to the French crown; Philippe IV was furious and withdrew his support for the coming Hospitaller crusade. Clement V was compelled to suppress the Templar Order in 1312 but the bulk of its landed properties was saved through their transfer to the Hospital; a form of union of the military orders had been achieved but not under the control of the French crown. The Hospital’s possessions in France itself were more than doubled and in the long term they served to support the defence of Latin Christendom for the centuries to come. Philippe IV’s policies were frustrated23.

  • 24 Ibid., p. 618, n. 126; Id., «The Hospitallers and their Florentine Bankers», pp. 17-20.

7King Philippe certainly secured a number of short-term advantages. These included those movable goods and monies of the Templars which passed to the crown or to its officials and to others, as well as the profits arising from the administration of the Templars’ lands for six or more years; possibly they also included the extinction of any debts which the king or members of his family may, despite their denials, have owed to the Temple. In and after 1313, under pressure from the pope, the king did hand over a large part of the Templars’possessions in France. Many authors have repeated the belief that through agreements made in 1313, 1316 and 1318 the crown received from the French Hospitallers 200,000 or 260,000 or even 310,000 livres tournois, perhaps very approximately 300,000 or 390,000 or 465,000 florins, over and above what the crown had already extracted from the Templar inheritance. That, however, was unlikely. There seems to be no indication in the financial records of the French treasury, many of them admittedly lost, that any such sums were received. Furthermore, the costs of the conquest of Rhodes, of the Hospital’s subsequent crusading passagium and, allegedly, of the Master’s own extravagances had left the Hospitallers with immense debts; in 1315 the Master claimed over 154,000 florins from the Convent of the order for the expenses of the «war of Rhodes» and by about 1320 the Hospital’s debts to its two main Florentine bankers alone amounted, admittedly as the result of a steep increase due to compound interest, to 575,000 florins. In 1329 the pope wrote that in 1319 the Hospital’s debts had stood at over 800,000 livres tournois. The Order would have had immense difficulty in finding 300,000 florins or more for the French crown24.

  • 25 Archivio Segreto Vaticano (ASV), Reg. Aven. 7, fos 575-591 = Reg. Vat. 66, fos 335-341: one text i (...)
  • 26 The tenth of 1313 due from 10 French priories was supposed to be worth 260,228 livres tournois (B.(...)
  • 27 J. Delaville le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers à Rhodes, pp. 22-23.
  • 28 ASV, Reg. Vat. 66, fos 339vº-341; N. Fryde, «Antonio Pessagno of Genoa, King’s Merchant of Edward (...)
  • 29 A. Coulon et alii, Lettres secrètes et curiales du pape Jean XXII relatives à la France, t. I, col (...)

8In July 1317 extremely heavy dues were imposed on all seven French priories; a special levy was to raise 80,000 livres tournois designed to repay loans to the Florentines, while their responsions were set at 13,470 livres tournois and perhaps more25. This arrangement was made by the pope acting with a group of senior Hospitallers; it was not designed to help the French crown which had already, in 1312 and 1313, been granted crusading tenths for six years worth vast sums26. The Hospital’s French priories were forced, apparently in 1317, to contract new loans, the Priories of Auvergne and Saint-Gilles borrowing respectively 20,000 and 40,000 livres from the Peruzzi of Florence27. In 1317 the Templar goods in Regno Francie and in Aquitaine and Champagne had been pledged for a fixed period to Antonio Pessagno of Genoa in return for a loan28. It is not known how much was eventually raised or how much of that would have remained after expenditures at Rhodes and repayments to the Florentines, but in 1319/1320 the pope wrote to the King of France of the miserable state of the order which was quasi dispositum ad ruinam, saying that more than 360,000 florins were owed to two Florentine banks alone and «nothing or little» could be expected from the Hospital for a crusade29.

  • 30 The transfer of the Templars’ wealth has been well studied for some areas but there is no satisfac (...)
  • 31 H. Finke, Acta Aragonensia, t. I, p. 325.
  • 32 Texts of 1313, 1316 and 1318 in L. Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers, (...)

9The documents regulating the transfer of the Templars’ goods in France read obscurely and much detail is lacking. The question remains debatable and certainly requires further investigation30. Matters were complicated by the fact that the royal treasury had been in the Temple and remained there after October 1307. The transfer of the Templar possessions was not completed in 1313 and prolonged disputes over many properties and payments dragged on for years. Royal and Hospitaller representatives must have been aware of exaggerated claims and other fictions as they bargained over debts and expenses, and over missing inventories and accounts. In July 1312 Philippe IV reportedly demanded 200,000 livres tournois for expenses in connection with the Templars’ possessions31. In and after 1313 the king, under pressure from the pope, did hand over a large part of the Templars’ possessions in France, but Philippe compelled the Hospital to agree in 1313 to renounce its claims to incomes and movable goods taken from the Temple by the French crown or by its officers, an arrangement revised in 1316 and 131832. In 1313, the Hospital promised within three years to pay Philippe 200,000 livres tournois for the monies which the king pretended that he had lent to the Temple and for the expenses of the administration of the Templars’ lands for six or more years, but with the reservation that from the 200,000 livres there should be deducted the revenues of the goods which had been under sequestration since 1307.

  • 33 E. Brown, The Monarchy of Capetian France and Royal Ceremonial, IV, pp. 23 and 48-52.
  • 34 J. Guerout, Registres du Trésor des Chartes: Inventaire analytique, t. II, p. 40.
  • 35 L. Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers, pp. 229-238; A. Coulon et alii, (...)
  • 36 L. Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers, pp. 234-238.
  • 37 J. Petit, Charles de Valois, pp. 132-133 and 392-393. On 2 August 1312 King Philippe cancelled all (...)
  • 38 Giovanni Villani, Nuova Cronica, t. II, p. 184.

10The crown clearly hoped to secure some money from the Hospital. A document of 28 November 1314 issued by Philippe IV’s successor Louis X agreed that Louis’ brother Charles de la Marche should have 140,000 livres tournois to be paid out of the sums owed by the Hospital for its obligations with regard to the Templars’ goods33; the money was still owed late in 1314, and indeed in June 1315 Charles de la Marche was claiming 200,000 livres tournois which were due to him from the Hospital as had been agreed when Philippe IV had assigned him those monies at Vienne in 1312. Charles’officials seem to have secured some monies, and Louis X promised him what he was still owed of the 200,000 livres. The text of June 1315 still referred to deductions from the 200,000 livres to take account of what both the crown and Charles de la Marche had already received from the Templars’goods but Charles was promised that he would receive the rest34. Papal pressure on the French must have been relieved during the vacancy which lasted from Clement V’s death in April 1314 until August 1316. Many accounts were lacking and the dispute became so detailed and complicated that a revised general arrangement was reached in February 1316. Reference was made to the 200,000 livres tournois mentioned as owing in 1313, a sum evidently still not settled. The Hospitallers agreed to surrender all that the king and his family had secured from the Temple down to 1316, plus two-thirds of what the royal administrators had received from the Templar goods down to the time when they were handed over to the Hospital; two-thirds of all debts and movables owed to the Temple; two-thirds of all arrears due from «farms» or leasing out of Templar lands down to the time they were handed over to the Hospital; and two-thirds of all movables taken from Templar houses and chapels. Furthermore, the Hospitallers would pay the crown over three years an additional 60,000 livres tournois for certain unspecified expenses. These conditions, laid out in extensive detail, should have been to the crown’s advantage35. By a third and complicated settlement of 5 March 1318 the crown was to keep most of what it held or owed with regard to the Temple, including the movables from their houses and chapels, and Charles de la Marche was to retain what he had collected or secured. The Hospital was over the next three years to pay 50,000 livres tournois said to be owing for expenses «and certain other things», but there is no sign that any such sum was handed over36. The rights of Philippe IV’s brother Charles de Valois were reserved; he seems to have been promised a share of the 200,000 livres agreed in 1313 but apparently he received no more than some minor sums, in 1319 and 1320 for example37. The contemporary chronicler Giovanni Villani wrote that the Hospitallers had to «collect and repurchase» Templar lands from the King of France and other rulers, and that after paying off such great loans and the interest on them the Hospital was poorer than it had been before38. Villani’s remark could in the short term have been generally correct but it did not necessarily imply the payment of enormous sums to Philippe IV or his successors.

11How much the Temple was securing annually as profit from its French lands in 1307 is unknown. To what extent the crown profitted from the administration of those lands and from their movables was evidently incalculable; in fact it was one of the questions under dispute with the Hospital between 1313 and 1318. The crown must have benefitted from the Templars’ inheritance in movable goods and incomes which it and its allies had secured, and possibly in the elimination of debts which the king or others may have owed to the Paris Temple. In 1318 the crown was in effect to keep what it had already received. The Hospital secured the Templar’s vast possessions and it seems that it never paid 200,000 or 260,000 livres mentioned in 1313 and 1316 or even the 50,000 livres agreed in 1318. Yet again efficient Hospitaller officials largely frustrated the intentions of the King of France.

Notes

1 Some of Molay’s weaknesses and mistakes are noted in A. Demurger, Jacques de Molay. Karl Borchardt, Damien Carraz and Jean-Marc Roger most kindly helped on particular issues.

2 Molay’s companion of April 1292 Bertran l’Aleman may have been Catalan rather than, as often assumed, German.

3 A. Luttrell, «Templari e Ospitalieri: alcuni confronti», pp. 139-143.

4 J. Riley-Smith, «Towards a History of Military-Religious Orders», p. 281.

5 Id., «The Structures of the Orders of the Temple and Hospital», p. 193; Id., Templars and Hospitallers as Professed Religious in the Holy Land, pp. 49-55 and 68-70.

6 P.-V. Claverie, L’ordre du Temple en Terre sainte et à Chypre, t. I, especially pp. 101-233.

7 Details, not here repeated, in A. Luttrell, «The Election of the Templar Master Jacques de Molay», pp. 28-30. Two royal documents issued at Aix-en-Provence on 5 November 1293 at Molay’s recent (nuper) request may indicate his presence there: R. Filangieri et alii, I Registri della cancelleria angioina, t. 48, p. 148.

8 A. Demurger, Jacques de Molay, pp. 116-118.

9 A. Luttrell, «The Election of the Templar Master Jacques de Molay», pp. 29-30, n. 58. The grant to Otton de Granson survives only in a copy giving the date 1287; A. Demurger, Jacques de Molay, pp. 121-123 and 339, argues that the grant was made by Guillaume de Beaujeu in 1287.

10 After 1294 the Templars’ possessions in Valencia were greatly expanded but why they invested in the great castle at Peñiscola remains unclear. It has been suggested that the brethren planned provisionally to establish their headquarters there: J. Fuguet Sans, «De Miravet (1153) a Peníscola (1294)», p. 67. A. Forey, «A Templar Lordship in Northern Valencia», pp. 61-65, argues strongly against this notion; L. García-Guijarro Ramos, «The Extinction of the Order of the Temple in the Kingdom of Valencia and Early Montesa», pp. 202-205, differs from Forey but without discussing the idea of a provisional convent at Peñiscola. In about 1310 the fictitious Chronicle of Ottokar wrote that in 1291 its Master announced that the Temple would go to fight the infidel in Spain: H. Nicholson, Love, War and the Grail, pp. 80 and 84-85. Molay was in fact in Catalunya in 1294; Ottokar may have reflected some knowledge of Molay’s intentions.

11 A. Demurger, Jacques de Molay, pp. 138-157; P. Crawford, «Imagination and the Templars»; J. Burgtorf, The Central Convent of the Hospitallers and Templars, pp. 136-137.

12 K. Schottmüller, Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens, t. II, pp. 36-38: «magister divisit, postquam fuit in Provincia, et misit fratri suo de Molaio [… parenti?] centum milia florenorum».

13 M. Barber, The Trial of the Templars, pp. 66, 79, 93, 117-118, 120 and 164.

14 A. Demurger, Jacques de Molay, pp. 20 and 82.

15 L. Minervini, Cronaca del Templare di Tiro, pp. 340-342.

16 M. Barber, The New Knighthood, pp. 278-279; I. de la Torre, «The Monetary Fluctuations», pp. 65-67.

17 A. Demurger, Jacques de Molay, pp. 221-228, and M. Barber, The New Knighthood, p. 289, discuss this story without really accepting it; P.-V. Claverie, L’ordre du Temple en Terre sainte et à Chypre, t. II, pp. 271-273, and J. Burgtorf, The Central Convent of the Hospitallers and Templars, pp. 578-579, are sceptical; B. Frale, L’ultima battaglia dei Templari, pp. 48-59, accepts the story but regards the chronicler as a Templar and publishes the loan as of 3,000 rather than 400,000 florins.

18 I. de la Torre, Los Templarios y el origen de la banca en la Europa medieval, pp. 270-272 and 345-347; that author is to be thanked for his trouble in explaining his calculations.

19 E. Brown, Customary Aids and Royal Finance in Capetian France, pp. 29-33.

20 A. Forey, The Templars in the Corona de Aragón, pp. 233-234, 319-327, 340 (n. 137) and 415-419; many authors ignore this problem.

21 A.-M. Legras, L’enquête pontificale de 1373 sur l’ordre des Hospitaliers, pp. 93-97.

22 I. de la Torre, Los Templarios y el origen de la banca en la Europa medieval, especially pp. 34-35, 271-279 and 346; some further reservations are expressed in a review by J. M. Mínguez, in Studia Historica: Historia Medieval, 24 (2006), pp. 376-381.

23 A. Luttrell, «The Hospitallers and the Papacy», with much detail.

24 Ibid., p. 618, n. 126; Id., «The Hospitallers and their Florentine Bankers», pp. 17-20.

25 Archivio Segreto Vaticano (ASV), Reg. Aven. 7, fos 575-591 = Reg. Vat. 66, fos 335-341: one text in F. Blatt and K. Olsen, Diplomatarium Danicum, 2 ser., t. VII, pp. 369-376. The figures given seem partly incomplete and unreliable.

26 The tenth of 1313 due from 10 French priories was supposed to be worth 260,228 livres tournois (B. Causse, Église, finance et royauté: la floraison des décimes dans la France du Moyen Âge, t. I, p. 218).

27 J. Delaville le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers à Rhodes, pp. 22-23.

28 ASV, Reg. Vat. 66, fos 339vº-341; N. Fryde, «Antonio Pessagno of Genoa, King’s Merchant of Edward II of England»; J.-M. Roger, s. v. «Antonio Pessagno».

29 A. Coulon et alii, Lettres secrètes et curiales du pape Jean XXII relatives à la France, t. I, cols. 1018-1021, nº 1227.

30 The transfer of the Templars’ wealth has been well studied for some areas but there is no satisfactory overall work; the sources, published and otherwise, and the bibliography are extremely extensive. Recent studies include M. Miguet, Templiers et Hospitaliers en Normandie, pp. 44-57; A. Forey, The Fall of the Templars in the Crown of Aragon; A. Luttrell, «The Hospitallers and the Papacy», pp. 618-619; J.-M. Roger, «La prise de possession par l’Hôpital de maisons du Temple en Poitou et en Bretagne», pp. 224-228; and contributions in J. Burgtorf, P. Crawford and H. Nicholson (ed.), The Debate on the Trial of the Templars.

31 H. Finke, Acta Aragonensia, t. I, p. 325.

32 Texts of 1313, 1316 and 1318 in L. Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers, pp. 228-238; the most sensible detailed study seems to be L.-L. Borrelli de Serres, Recherches sur divers services publics, t. III, pp. 31-45 (but amend some dates).

33 E. Brown, The Monarchy of Capetian France and Royal Ceremonial, IV, pp. 23 and 48-52.

34 J. Guerout, Registres du Trésor des Chartes: Inventaire analytique, t. II, p. 40.

35 L. Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers, pp. 229-238; A. Coulon et alii, Lettres secrètes et curiales du pape Jean XXII relatives à la France, t. I, col. 361-367, nos 453-454.

36 L. Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers, pp. 234-238.

37 J. Petit, Charles de Valois, pp. 132-133 and 392-393. On 2 August 1312 King Philippe cancelled all Charles de Valois’debts and awarded him 100.000 livres tournois (E. Brown, Customary Aids and Royal Finance in Capetian France, pp. 166-167, n. 80).

38 Giovanni Villani, Nuova Cronica, t. II, p. 184.

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