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Élites et ordres militaires au Moyen Âge

 | 
Philippe Josserand
, 
Luís Filipe Oliveira
, 
Damien Carraz

I. — Les ordres militaires et les elites sociales

Entering the Hospital

A Way to the Elite in the Fifteenth Century?

Zsolt Hunyadi

Texte intégral

  • 1 P. Engel, «Honor, castrum, comitatus», pp. 91-100; Id., «Die Monarchie der Anjoukönige», pp. 169-18 (...)

1The rule of the Neapolitan Angevin king of Hungary, Charles I (1301-1342), caused fundamental changes in the governance of the realm. Charles introduced a system which was in use during the late Carolingian period and it based on the offices and the landed estates collated together. From the beginning of the fourteenth century onwards the only way to rise to the circle of the Hungarian aristocracy was to obtain royal offices and the revenues of the attached landed estates which were known as honores until the first third of the fifteenth century1. The ruler conferred the office and the lands which he could revoke at any time providing no explanation of the withdrawal. As a consequence of the exposure to the pleasure of the king, referred in charters with the expression durante beneplacito, the social mobility of the aristocracy dwindled and these offices were passed over in a quasi-hereditary way during the Angevin rule (1301-1387). The descendants of office-holders who proved to be faithful adherents of the king during their tenure almost automatically inherited the office and the landed estates. Accordingly, they left not so much space for new applicants.

  • 2 J. K. Hoensch, Kaiser Sigismund, pp. 64-80; P. Engel, Gy. Kristó and A. Kubinyi, Histoire de la Hon (...)
  • 3 See J. M. Bak et alii (ed.), The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary, t. II, p. 25. P. Engel, T (...)
  • 4 P. Engel, Gy. Kristó and A. Kubinyi, Histoire de la Hongrie médiévale, t. II, pp. 305-308.

2The accession of King Sigismund of Luxembourg to the Hungarian throne found to be a turning point concerning the entrance to the circle of the elite. Sigismund ceased collating honores, instead he alienated the royal domain in form of perpetual donations, primarily, during the first years of his rule (1387-1392)2. The social change can be observed in the mirror of the terminological shift. Those who rose through the huge donations but did not held major offices were called filii baronum which term did not refer their very agnation but the fact that there is a baron in their family even though they themselves are not office-holders3. By the mid-fifteenth century, the filii baronum label was replaced by the expression barones naturales or barones solo nomine. The latter was to emphasize the difference from the barones (et prelati) veri regni who were still the holders of major offices4.

  • 5 P. Engel, «Die Einkünfte Kaiser Sigismunds in Ungarn», pp. 179-182. See also Zs. Hunyadi, «The Hung (...)

3Sigismund, nonetheless, made several efforts to counterbalance the power of the league of the «old» barons established in the Angevin era and he elevated lesser nobles on a regular basis to his government. In the course of his long-lasting rule (1387-1437), half (c. 60) of the identified (c. 120) royal officers were regarded homo novus, that is, new player in the political arena. One of the ways of climbing up the social ladder from the level of the lesser nobility was to obtain ecclesiastical offices or benefices. Besides those of the archbishops and bishops, the prior of the Hospitaller Hungarian-Slavonian priory gradually belonged to the prelates of the realm from the beginning of the fifteenth century onwards5.

  • 6 Zs. Hunyadi, «The Choice of Hungary».
  • 7 F. Szakály, «Phases of Turco-Hungarian Warfare», pp. 65-111; Gy. Rázsó, «Hungarian Strategy against (...)

4The rule of Sigismund created a new situation for the Hungarian-Slavonian priory as the king «reinterpreted» the concept of ius patronatus or that of collatio6. In addition, as with the properties of other ecclesiastical establishments, he often let (or better to say, kept) the priory vacant and appointed secular governors (gubernatores) to collect its revenues. Hungarian historiography explained the king’s attitude by pointing out that the treasury almost constantly suffered from shortage of money. In other words, Sigismund wanted to assure the liquidity of the treasury by appropriating the incomes of the Hungarian-Slavonian priory. Some scholars, however, emphasized that the establishment and the maintenance of the defensive system of the border castles (castra finitima) on the southern frontiers of the kingdom required enormous financial efforts7 (see map 1, p. 103).

5For this very reason, Sigismund did not eliminate the system of honores in the South and a remarkable proportion of the incomes of the offices (those of the wardens) he ordered to be rendered for the military needs against the Ottoman Turks.

6This attitude proved to be a turning point in another respect, namely, from this time onwards, locals were appointed as priors of Hungary, since Sigismund gave priority to the frontier defensive system and regarded the appointment of those in charge of the management as raison d’État. Accordingly, from the beginning of the fifteenth century onwards the preponderance of the foreign officers ceased.

Map. 1.—The southern frontier forts, 1403-1437. Based on E. Fügedi, «Medieval Hungarian Castles in Existence at the Start of the Ottoman Advance», p. 63c. © Judit Ruprech

PRIORS AND MAJOR OFFICERS OF THE HUNGARIAN-SLAVONIAN PRIORY IN THE LATE MIDDLE AGES

Name

Title

Tenure

Emeric Bwbek

prior Aurane

1392-1405

Bartholomew Caraffa

priore di Roma e d’Ungheria

1405

Johannes de Varras a

gubernator prioratus Aurane (provost of Csázma)

1405

Vacancyb

--

Andrea de Capponic

administrator prioratus

1408

Michael Ferrand

prior Ungarie

(1405) 1408-1417

Vacancyd

--

1417

Albert of Nagymihály

prior Aurane

1417-1434

Robert de Dianae

prior Hungarie

1428-1430

Johannes Cavallion (Romei)f

prior Ungarie

1433-1434

Matkó of Tallóc

gubernator Aurane

1434-1439

Jovan of Tallóc

prior Aurane

1438-1445

Jacopò de Soris

Prior

1446-1475?

Thomas Szekler of Szentgyörgy

(gubernator), prior

(1446) 1453-1461

John Szekler of Hídvég

prior

c. 1461-c. 1468

Bartholomew Berislavić

prior

1475-1512

Peter Berislavić

gubernator

1513-1517

Matthias of Baracs

prior

1521-Feb. 1526

John of Thah

prior

1526

a A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Slavorum, t. I, pp. 344-345; J. Delaville le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers à Rhodes, p. 335.
b National Library of Malta (
Malta), Libri bullarum, cod. 333, fos 93-94.
c Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Carteggio della Signoria, reg. 24, f° 8v°.
d
Malta, Libri bullarum, cod. 340, f°158v°.
e
Malta, Original doc., cod. 45, f° 207r°-v°; Libri bullarum, cod. 348, fos 126v°-127v°; cod. 351, fos 112r°-113v°.
f
Malta, Original doc., cod. 27, nos 5-6; Libri bullarum, cod. 350, f° 183r°; cod. 351, fos 36v°-37r°, f° 37v°.

  • 8 A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Historica Hungariam, t. II, pp. 244-246.
  • 9 Zs. Hunyadi, «The Choice of Hungary».

7Most of the priors of the late fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century or rather their families, rose during the Angevin period, which turned against even Sigismund of Luxembourg in the second decade of his rule. In addition, from this time onwards, the Hungarian rulers, especially Sigismund, laid claim not only for the appointment of the Hospitaller prior, but sometimes deposed priors as happened to John Palisna and Emeric Bwbek upon their rebellions against the ruler. According to contemporary reports of the Hospital and that of the papacy, many of the Hospitallers’ landed properties were occupied and usurped by powerful noblemen from the beginning of the fifteenth century8. Some scholars have asserted that the situation as a whole was closely connected to the Great Schism, but it is still unproven9. Certainly, both the grand master of the Hospital and the popes protested against Sigismund’s intervention. The king’s action seemed particularly illegal when he entrusted laymen—mostly the current Slavonian and/or Croatian-Dalmatian warden (banus)—with the governance of the estates of the Hungarian priory, even though there were priors appointed by the grand master. These reports undisputedly pointed out the illegitimate intervention of the Hungarian ruler, but at the same time they failed to figure out the very motivation of Sigismund.

  • 10 N. Budak, «John of Palisna», p. 286; A. Luttrell, «The Hospitallers in Hungary», p. 276; Zs. Hunyad (...)
  • 11 Zs. Hunyadi, The Hospitallers in the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary, pp. 104, 109.
  • 12 P. Engel, Középkori magyar genealógia, n° 50.
  • 13 Id., «The Estates of the Hospitallers in Hungary», p. 296.
  • 14 A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Historica Hungariam, t. II, pp. 172-176. See E. Mályusz, Kaiser Sigism (...)
  • 15 S. Ljubić, Monumenta spectantia, t. V, pp. 163-165.

8It is advisable to have a closer look at the affairs which lasted for decades and finally elevated the Hospitaller priors among the prelates of Hungary. After the deposition of John of Palisna10, Emeric Bwbek became the prior of the Hungarian-Slavonian priory from 1392, but in effect only from 139411. He was the member of a middling noble family which rose very quickly. Emeric Bwbek started his career as a royal officer of a Hungarian county (Fejér) but in the meantime his father12, Detric Bwbek, was appointed as palatine of the kingdom, that is the most powerful aristocrat of the realm. Through his family relations, Emeric became the member of the royal court and as such he followed his king to Nicopolis in 1396. His assumed loyalty, however, ceased soon. Emeric Bwbek joined the league of aristocrats who—being left out from the late fourteenth-century donations—conspired against Sigismund in 1401. They went so far as to imprison the king and they made Emeric Bwbek the warden of Slavonia in the same year. Having been extricated, Sigismund deprived Emeric Bwbek from the wardenship in 1402 but the king did not attempt to depose the rebellious Hospitaller as prior13. Emeric Bwbek never pretended to be an adherent of the king and it was openly manifested by the fact that he also participated in the subsequent rebellion against Sigismund. The above league of barons invited Ladislas of Naples (also known as Ladislas of Durazzo) to the Hungarian throne and the rebels crowned him in 1403 in the presence of Emeric and Detric Bwbek among other aristocrats at Zara in Dalmatia14. Emeric Bwbek, moreover, for the backing the Angevin claimant, gave Vrana and its belongings to the military leader of Ladislas of Naples which he sold to Venice in 1409 and thus it had been lost for the Hospital15. By the autumn of 1403, however, the majority of the rebels surrendered and asked for the king’s pardon. Sigismund pardoned Emeric but he deposed him as prior and appointed lay governors in November of 1405.

  • 16 A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Slavorum, t. I, pp. 344-345.
  • 17 I. Kukuljević, «Priorat vranski», pp. 7-8; Gy. Nagy, A nagymihályi és sztárai gróf Sztáray család o (...)
  • 18 Zs. Hunyadi, «Albert de Nagymihály», p. 56. Gy. Nagy, A nagymihályi és sztárai gróf Sztáray család (...)
  • 19 Th. Bogyay, «Drachenorden», p. 1346.
  • 20 P. Engel, A nemesi társadalom a középkori Ung megyében, p. 37.
  • 21 Gy. Nagy, A nagymihályi és sztárai gróf Sztáray család okmánytára, t. II, pp. 176-177; I. Nagy et a (...)
  • 22 G. Fejér, Codex diplomaticus Hungariae, t. X, vol. 6, p. 244; E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I (...)
  • 23 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I, p. 150.

9The vacancy in the priory became widely known and the pope appointed Bartholomew Carraffa but he died unexpectedly before taking his office16. Thus the pope and grand master appointed Michael Ferrand, respectively in 1405 and 1408. He bore the prior’s title until 1417, but there is no record to prove that he ever came to Hungary or, at least, attempted to take this position17. The reason for his absence was that Sigismund wanted his own appointee to govern the priory in the person of his adherent, Albert of Nagymihály, sometime before 1408. The ancestors of Albert of Nagymihály were the retainers (familiares) of higher nobles during the Angevin rule18. He himself was a married layman and the confident of Sigismund who grew up in the royal court. He was also invited by the king to the knightly Order of the Dragon, that is to the circle of the ruling elite, as homo novus upon its foundation in 140819. Albert participated in wars against the Turks (1411-1412) as well as against Venice20. Once widowed, he entered the Hospital. Sigismund lobbied a lot in favor of Albert of Nagymihály at Philibert de Naillac, especially, at the council of Constance where all of them were present in 1417 and 1418. Sigismund was successful as Philibert de Naillac appointed Albert of Nagymihály Hungarian-Slavonian prior in February 141821. Moreover, the Hungarian king conferred him the office of warden (banus) of Croatia and Dalmatia in 1419 and thus Albert unquestionably belonged to the barons, that is the most powerful aristocrats of the realm until his death in 143422. In return of the royal backing, Albert of Nagymihály fought not only against the Turks but also against the Hussites in 1420-1422 to which he even recruited troops at his own expenses23.

  • 24 J. K. Hoensch, Kaiser Sigismund, pp. 119-147.
  • 25 E. Mályusz, «The Four Thallóci Brothers», pp. 137-176.
  • 26 Ibid., pp. 150-151.

10By the end of Sigismund’s rule, several political and administrative changes took place, notwithstanding the approaching Ottoman Turkish menace. The king managed to consolidate his power and thus during the second half of his rule no barons manifestly threatened his power24. In addition he conferred baronial titles to his adherents who remained loyal to him for decades. In order to fully balance the power of the major office-holders, Sigismund introduced a system of «twin» office-holding, that is, he appointed two officers to the same office, very often brothers or relatives, as happened in the case of the Tallóci brothers25. The practical importance of this new system manifested in system of frontier castles where the officers always had to be present in order to provide prompt reaction for the Turkish operations. This system outlasted Sigismund as it properly functioned well until the beginning of the sixteenth century. It might have affected the prior office of the Hospitaller priory too. Following the death of Albert of Nagymihály in 1434, Sigismund appointed Matkó of Tallóc as governor of the goods of the priory26. Since he was already the royal officer and the captain of Belgrade, Sigismund expected him to play a crucial role in the maintenance of the defensive system of the southern frontiers.

  • 27 Ibid., pp. 157-158.
  • 28 F. Szakály, «The Hungarian-Croatian Border», p. 146.
  • 29 P. Engel, The Realm of St Stephen, pp. 283-285.
  • 30 A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Slavorum, t. I, pp. 382 sqq; E. Mályusz, «The Four Thallóci Brothers», (...)
  • 31 C. Imber, The Crusade of Varna, p. 11.
  • 32 E. Mályusz, Kaiser Sigismund, p. 166.
  • 33 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I, p. 168; J. K. Hoensch, Kaiser Sigismund, pp. 438-440.

11Matkó of Tallóc originated from a well-to-do burgher family based on the island of Curzola (Korčula) of Dalmatia and he moved to Hungary through Ragusa (Dubrovnik) being accompanied by his brothers: Petko, Frank and Jovan (John). Following the death of King Sigismund (1437), the youngest brother Jovan was appointed to the office of the prior in 1438 which he took by 1439 the latest27. His main duty was the same as his brother’s: organizing the defensive system28. When the Mamluks besieged Rhodes, the troops of the Ottoman Sultan Murad attacked Belgrade in 1440. Jovan of Tallóc successfully defended the castle but after the assault he resigned from being the captain of Belgrade as he had to pass over the captainship of the castle to John Hunyadi29. In the same year, Jovan asked for permission to enter the convent at Rhodes. Pope Eugene IV ordered the papal legate, Giuliano Cesarini, in February 1444 to arrange it30, but Jovan first had to take part in the crusade launched by the pope in January to expel the Ottoman forces from the Balkans. Indeed Jovan himself, together with his brothers Matkó and Frank, fought against the Turks at Varna in 1444 together31. All of them survived the otherwise tragic battle where even the Hungarian king died, but Frank fell in captivity and was released only months later. The idea of Jovan to join the convent at Rhodes never came true as he was killed in 144532. After the death of Matkó, the oldest brother, the great antagonist of the Tallóci brothers, Ulrich of Cilli (Celje) attacked both the properties of the family as well as the belongings of the Hospital. Ulrich besieged the headquarters of the order, the castle of Pakrac, and in the course of the attack, Jovan was deadly injured33.

  • 34 A. Luttrell, «The Hospitallers in Hungary», p. 277; P. Engel, «The Estates of the Hospitallers in H (...)
  • 35 E. Mályusz, Kaiser Sigismund, p. 166.
  • 36 NAH, Dl. 14786, Dl. 14807; I. Kukuljević, «Priorat vranski sa vitezi templari hospitalci», p. 19; J (...)
  • 37 NAH, Dl. 19253, Dl. 19669, Dl. 22341, Dl. 36670. Malta, Original doc., cod. 76, f° 26r°; I. Kukulje (...)
  • 38 L. Thallóczy and J. Gelchich, Diplomatarium Ragusanum, pp. 676-677; L. Thallóczy, Jajcza (bánság, v (...)
  • 39 V. Fraknói and A. Ipolyi, Relationes oratorum pontificiorum, pp. 341-342.

12It has been debated ever since that the Hungarian-Slavonian priory did not send the payments to the convent34. From the tenure of Jovan of Tallóc, the Hungarian-Slavonian priors and governors or administrators spent a remarkable part of the incomes for the military preparations against the Turks. They are also known to levy special taxes from the tenants and leaseholders of the landed estates of the priory35. Moreover, the Tallóci brothers levied the same extra taxes on their own estates as they did on the Hospitaller lands. Doing so, they risked to loose their tenant peasants who had the right to leave their tenants as soon as their lord expected more than the general seigniorial revenues regulated by the customs of the realm. In order to increase the incomes in cash, later on the priors began to pledge the lands of the priory as it happened during the tenure of Thomas Szekler of Szentgyörgy36 and that of Bartholomew Berislavić in the second half of the fifteenth century37. As the sign of the last efforts against the Ottomans, the younger Berislavić, namely Peter, pledged almost all the landed estates of the priory, as he had no right to alienate them38—reported by the papal legate Antonio Burgio in the second decade of the sixteenth century39.

  • 40 Malta, Chapters general, cod. 283, f° 1r°; Libri bullarum, cod. 376, f° 116, 132; cod. 358, fos 65v (...)
  • 41 NAH, Dl. 106517; A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Historica Hungariam, t. II, pp. 243-249.
  • 42 P. Engel, The Realm of St Stephen, p. 291; E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I, p. 172.
  • 43 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I, p. 165.

13Thomas Szekler of Szentgyörgy was appointed as governor of the priory in 1446 by the acting ruler of the kingdom, by John Hunyadi who acted as regent. Thomas, who was a close relative of John Szekler, the Croatian-Dalmatian-Slavonian warden, and who most likely was a retainer (familiaris) of Hunyadi, bore the prior’s title only from 1453 perhaps because the order appointed Jacopò de Soris Hungarian-Slavonian prior in 1446 which title he used until 147540. The effort of the Hospital to install its own nominee was partly based on the investigation of 1447 which reported most of the preceptories and landed estates of the priory occupied originally by the christianissimus rex Sigismundus41. As an adherent of Hunyadi, Thomas fought against the Turks in the battle of Kosovopolje in 1448 and he participated along with Hospitaller troops in the defence of Belgrade in 145642. Thomas outlived Hunyadi who died shortly after the triumph of Belgrade, but loosing his promoter stopped his rising carrier during the last five years in the office of prior43.

  • 44 NAH, Dl. 16051, Dl. 16727; G. Pray, Dissertatio historico-critica de prioratu Auranae, p. 54; L. Th (...)
  • 45 P. Engel, Gy. Kristó and A. Kubinyi, Histoire de la Hongrie médiévale, t. II, p. 420.
  • 46 L. Thallóczy, Jajcza (bánság, vár és város) története, p. 45.
  • 47 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent János, t. I, p. 178.
  • 48 Collectio Hevenesiana, Budapest, University Library, cod. 36, p. 7.

14After the death of Thomas, a lay governor was in charge of the properties of the priory but soon, around 1461, another «Szekler» took the prior’s office, a certain John of Hídvég, but his kinship cannot be fully reconstructed44. On the basis of the sources at our disposal he seems to be related to both Thomas of Szentgyörgy and to John Hunyadi. Both his career and activity are somewhat obscure. One of the very facts he is known of was the defence of the castle of Jajca against the troops of Sultan Murad II in 146445. John led the priory until his death in 1468 although there was an appointed governor of the priory in the person of Emeric Szapolya46. These years were followed by disorder since the order still regarded Jacopò de Soris the legitimate prior but King Matthias Corvinus appointed lay governors, for instance, Nicholas of Újlak in 1471, who also acted as Bosnian king47. The long lasting disaccord between the Hospital and the Hungarian ruler seemed to come to an end by the appointment of Bartholomew Berislavić as prior of the Hungarian-Slavonian priory in 1475, or, better to say, in 1477 when Matthias let him governing the goods of the priory48.

  • 49 P. Engel, Középkori magyar genealógia, n° 153.
  • 50 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent János, t. I, p. 183.
  • 51 I. Kukuljević, «Priorat vranski sa vitezi templari hospitalci», pp. 29-30; G. Wenzel, Marino Sanuto (...)
  • 52 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent János, t. I, p. 191.
  • 53 I. Katona, Historia critica Regum Hungariae, t. XVIII, p. 513.
  • 54 L. Thallóczy, Jajcza (bánság, vár és város) története, p. 213.

15The origin or the social standing and the early career of Bartholomew are almost unknown. All what is known that he belonged to the kindred of the late warden Borics and that most likely started his political activity as the member of the order49. The reservations of the Hungarian king ceased soon and Bartholomew became an adherent of Matthias during the last decade of his life. Moreover, after the death of Matthias he took side with John Corvin, the illegitimate son of Matthias, but the league of barons on the side of the Jagiellonian claimant Wladislas II imprisoned him50. It was Matthias’ widow, Queen Beatrice of Aragón, who intervened in his release. Under the pressure of his adherents, King Wladislas imprisoned Bartholomew again in 1495, this time for his life-time. The brethren of the priory protested against the process in Rome but the all they could achieved that a new prior was appointed in the person of Andrea di Martini51. There is no trace of Andrea’s arrival to Hungary and Bartholomew was released in 1499. Surprisingly, he managed to return not only to the lead of the priory but also to the political life. In 1505 he participated at the general assembly held at the camp of Rákos as of the prelates of the realm52. Two years later he was the member of the delegation appointed for the negotiation between King Wladislas II of Hungary and King Sigismund of Poland and Bartholomew himself signed the treaty in 150753. In the same year, the Hungarian king appointed him as the warden of Jajca which was not only a merit but rather a difficult task to fulfill on the front-line54 (see map 2).

Map. 2.—Hungarian border fortresses at the turn of the 15th-16th centuries. Based on F. Szakály, «The Hungarian-Croatian Border Defense System and its Collapse», p. 158b. © Judit Ruprech

  • 55 J. M. Bak et alii, The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary, t. IV, pp. 100-101.
  • 56 On the late medieval Jagiellonian rule in Hungary see, recently, M. Rady, «Rethinking Jagiello Hung (...)

16It is tempting to think that the more important role the priors played in the military activity in the Ottoman wars, the higher prestige they enjoyed in the circle of the aristocracy. From the rule of King Matthias, the priors were always regarded as prelates of the kingdom who had the right to lead their troops under their own banner (known as domini banderiati). From the mid-fifteenth century they also had the right to be present at the royal councils. In addition, by the token of the article 20 of the law of 1498 the status of the Hungarian-Slavonian prior was secured among the prelates, that is, in the circle of elite55; in return, the Hungarian kings, Wladislas and Louis II of Jagellonian origin, kept attempting to reserve their right to have a say in the appointment of the prior56.

Notes

1 P. Engel, «Honor, castrum, comitatus», pp. 91-100; Id., «Die Monarchie der Anjoukönige», pp. 169-182; P. Engel, Gy. Kristó and A. Kubinyi, Histoire de la Hongrie médiévale, t. II, p. 420. For somewhat different considerations on the topic, see E. Fügedi, «Castles and castellans in Angevin Hungary», pp. 49-65.

2 J. K. Hoensch, Kaiser Sigismund, pp. 64-80; P. Engel, Gy. Kristó and A. Kubinyi, Histoire de la Hongrie médiévale, t. II, pp. 115-120. For the political situation, see Sz. Süttő, Anjou-Magyarország alkonya, passim.

3 See J. M. Bak et alii (ed.), The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary, t. II, p. 25. P. Engel, The Realm of St Stephen: A History of Medieval Hungary, 895-1526, pp. 204-205.

4 P. Engel, Gy. Kristó and A. Kubinyi, Histoire de la Hongrie médiévale, t. II, pp. 305-308.

5 P. Engel, «Die Einkünfte Kaiser Sigismunds in Ungarn», pp. 179-182. See also Zs. Hunyadi, «The Hungarian Nobility», pp. 616-617.

6 Zs. Hunyadi, «The Choice of Hungary».

7 F. Szakály, «Phases of Turco-Hungarian Warfare», pp. 65-111; Gy. Rázsó, «Hungarian Strategy against the Ottomans», pp. 226-237; F. Szakály, «The Hungarian-Croatian Border», p. 148.

8 A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Historica Hungariam, t. II, pp. 244-246.

9 Zs. Hunyadi, «The Choice of Hungary».

10 N. Budak, «John of Palisna», p. 286; A. Luttrell, «The Hospitallers in Hungary», p. 276; Zs. Hunyadi, The Hospitallers in the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary, pp. 62-63.

11 Zs. Hunyadi, The Hospitallers in the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary, pp. 104, 109.

12 P. Engel, Középkori magyar genealógia, n° 50.

13 Id., «The Estates of the Hospitallers in Hungary», p. 296.

14 A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Historica Hungariam, t. II, pp. 172-176. See E. Mályusz, Kaiser Sigismund, pp. 63-69.

15 S. Ljubić, Monumenta spectantia, t. V, pp. 163-165.

16 A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Slavorum, t. I, pp. 344-345.

17 I. Kukuljević, «Priorat vranski», pp. 7-8; Gy. Nagy, A nagymihályi és sztárai gróf Sztáray család okmánytára, t. II, p. 183; I. Nagy et alii, Codex diplomaticus patrius, t. III, p. 307. National Library of Malta (henceforth: Malta), Libri bullarum, cod. 333, f° 93v°, cod. 340, f° 158r°-159r°; J. Delaville le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers à Rhodes, p. 335.

18 Zs. Hunyadi, «Albert de Nagymihály», p. 56. Gy. Nagy, A nagymihályi és sztárai gróf Sztáray család okmánytára, t. II, pp. 176-178, 183-187, 189-191, 200-212, 232-235, 238-239, 241-243, 247-248, 295; G. Fejér, Codex diplomaticus Hungariae, t. X, vol. 6, pp. 113-116, 128-133, 208-209, 234-235, 244-246, 492-493, 590-591, 594, 741, 761-762, 771-773, 837-840, 846, 944-946; t. X, vol. 7, pp. 120-125, 339, 344-346, 446-449, 564-566; P. Palásthy, A Palásthyak, t. I, p. 241; National Archives of Hungary (NAH), Budapest, Collectio Antemohacsiana, original charters (henceforth: Dl.), Dl. 11157, Dl. 11493, Dl. 11911, Dl. 12364, Dl. 12641, Dl. 33058; J. Házi, Sopron szabad királyi város története, t. I, vol. 2, p. 193; S. Barabás, A római szent birodalmi széki Teleki család oklevéltára, t. I, pp. 454-456; I. Tkalčić, Monumenta Historica liberae regiae civitatis Zagrabiae, t. II, pp. 50-51; I. Nagy et alii, Codex diplomaticus domus senioris, t. IX, p. 574; L. Thallóczy and A. áLdásy, A Magyarország és Szerbia közti összeköttetések okmánytára, p. 72; L. Thallóczy and A. Áldásy, Codex diplomaticus partium regno Hungariae, pp. 163-171; L. Thallóczy and A. Áldásy, Codex diplomaticus comitum de Blagay, pp. 299-300; Malta, Libri bullarum, cod. 340, f° 158v°, cod. 350, f° 190; J. Delaville le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers à Rhodes, p. 335; P. Engel, Gy. Kristó and A. Kubinyi, Histoire de la Hongrie médiévale, t. II, p. 420.

19 Th. Bogyay, «Drachenorden», p. 1346.

20 P. Engel, A nemesi társadalom a középkori Ung megyében, p. 37.

21 Gy. Nagy, A nagymihályi és sztárai gróf Sztáray család okmánytára, t. II, pp. 176-177; I. Nagy et alii, Codex diplomaticus patrius, t. III, pp. 303-305; J. Delaville le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers à Rhodes, p. 335; E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I, p. 148.

22 G. Fejér, Codex diplomaticus Hungariae, t. X, vol. 6, p. 244; E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I, p. 149.

23 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I, p. 150.

24 J. K. Hoensch, Kaiser Sigismund, pp. 119-147.

25 E. Mályusz, «The Four Thallóci Brothers», pp. 137-176.

26 Ibid., pp. 150-151.

27 Ibid., pp. 157-158.

28 F. Szakály, «The Hungarian-Croatian Border», p. 146.

29 P. Engel, The Realm of St Stephen, pp. 283-285.

30 A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Slavorum, t. I, pp. 382 sqq; E. Mályusz, «The Four Thallóci Brothers», pp. 160-161.

31 C. Imber, The Crusade of Varna, p. 11.

32 E. Mályusz, Kaiser Sigismund, p. 166.

33 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I, p. 168; J. K. Hoensch, Kaiser Sigismund, pp. 438-440.

34 A. Luttrell, «The Hospitallers in Hungary», p. 277; P. Engel, «The Estates of the Hospitallers in Hungary», p. 291; Zs. Hunyadi, «Adalékok a johannita magyar-szlavón», pp. 31-34.

35 E. Mályusz, Kaiser Sigismund, p. 166.

36 NAH, Dl. 14786, Dl. 14807; I. Kukuljević, «Priorat vranski sa vitezi templari hospitalci», p. 19; J. Házi, Sopron szabad királyi város története, t. III, pp. 290-291; G. Fejér, Codex diplomaticus Hungariae, t. IX, vol. 2, p. 194; G. Pray, Dissertatio historico-critica de prioratu Auranae, pp. 48-50; I. Nagy et alii, Codex diplomaticus domus senioris, t. IX, p. 480; t. X, p. 182; L. Thallóczy and A. Áldásy, A Magyarország és Szerbia közti összeköttetések okmánytára, pp. 227-228; I. Tkalčić, Monumenta Historica liberae regiae civitatis Zagrabiae, t. II, pp. 263-264; L. Thallóczy and J. Gelchich, Diplomatarium Ragusanum, p. 616; L. Thallóczy and S. Horváth, Codex diplomaticus partium regno Hungariae, p. 190; V. Fraknói, Monumenta romana episcopatus Wesprimiensis, t. III, pp. 184-185; I. Nagy et alii, Codex diplomaticus patrius, t. I, pp. 367-368.

37 NAH, Dl. 19253, Dl. 19669, Dl. 22341, Dl. 36670. Malta, Original doc., cod. 76, f° 26r°; I. Kukuljević, «Priorat vranski sa vitezi templari hospitalci», p. 24; V. Fraknói, Monumenta romana episcopatus Wesprimiensis, t. III, p. 285; L. Thallóczy, Jajcza (bánság, vár és város) története, p. 77, 145, 208, 213-214; L. Bártfai Szabó, A körösszeghi és adorjáni gróf Csáky család története, t. I, vol. 1, pp. 480-482; G. Fejér, Codex diplomaticus Hungariae, t. X, vol. 4, p. 169; L. Thallóczy and S. Horváth, Codex diplomaticus partium regno Hungariae, p. 269.

38 L. Thallóczy and J. Gelchich, Diplomatarium Ragusanum, pp. 676-677; L. Thallóczy, Jajcza (bánság, vár és város) története, pp. 250-251; L. Thallóczy and S. Barabás, Codex diplomaticus comitum de Frangepanibus, t. II, p. 306.

39 V. Fraknói and A. Ipolyi, Relationes oratorum pontificiorum, pp. 341-342.

40 Malta, Chapters general, cod. 283, f° 1r°; Libri bullarum, cod. 376, f° 116, 132; cod. 358, fos 65v°-66r°, fos 82v°-83r°; cod. 1649, fos 565v°-572r°; I. Bosio, Dell’Istoria della sacra religione, pp. 228, 354; A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Historica Hungariam, t. II, pp. 249-250.

41 NAH, Dl. 106517; A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Historica Hungariam, t. II, pp. 243-249.

42 P. Engel, The Realm of St Stephen, p. 291; E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I, p. 172.

43 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I, p. 165.

44 NAH, Dl. 16051, Dl. 16727; G. Pray, Dissertatio historico-critica de prioratu Auranae, p. 54; L. Thallóczy and S. Horváth, Codex diplomaticus partium regno Hungariae, pp. 218-223; E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent, t. I, p. 177.

45 P. Engel, Gy. Kristó and A. Kubinyi, Histoire de la Hongrie médiévale, t. II, p. 420.

46 L. Thallóczy, Jajcza (bánság, vár és város) története, p. 45.

47 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent János, t. I, p. 178.

48 Collectio Hevenesiana, Budapest, University Library, cod. 36, p. 7.

49 P. Engel, Középkori magyar genealógia, n° 153.

50 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent János, t. I, p. 183.

51 I. Kukuljević, «Priorat vranski sa vitezi templari hospitalci», pp. 29-30; G. Wenzel, Marino Sanuto, pp. 86, 118, 134.

52 E. Reiszig, A jeruzsálemi Szent János, t. I, p. 191.

53 I. Katona, Historia critica Regum Hungariae, t. XVIII, p. 513.

54 L. Thallóczy, Jajcza (bánság, vár és város) története, p. 213.

55 J. M. Bak et alii, The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary, t. IV, pp. 100-101.

56 On the late medieval Jagiellonian rule in Hungary see, recently, M. Rady, «Rethinking Jagiello Hungary», pp. 3-18.

Table des illustrations

Légende Map. 1.—The southern frontier forts, 1403-1437. Based on E. Fügedi, «Medieval Hungarian Castles in Existence at the Start of the Ottoman Advance», p. 63c. © Judit Ruprech
URL http://books.openedition.org/cvz/docannexe/image/1269/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 92k
Légende Map. 2.—Hungarian border fortresses at the turn of the 15th-16th centuries. Based on F. Szakály, «The Hungarian-Croatian Border Defense System and its Collapse», p. 158b. © Judit Ruprech
URL http://books.openedition.org/cvz/docannexe/image/1269/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 115k

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