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I. Memoria de Portugal em Roma

Seeking Rerum Lusitanorum in the Eternal City

Forging Portuguese National Memory in Rome under D. João V

James W. Nelson Novoa

Abstract

Rome in the 1740s was the scene of a major operation of Portuguese memory construction through an initiative of D. João V. The vast project of the gathering of archival and library data in Vatican and Roman holdings undertaken through the efforts of a series of erudite clerical Roman figures and the resident Portuguese ambassador, Manuel Pereira de Sampaio (1691-1750), which would constitute the important collection of documents known as the Rerum Lusitanorum, currently held in the Ajuda library is a telling example of that kind of forging of collective memory under the auspices of an eighteenth-century monarch. The article attempts to reconstruct some of the motivations and people involved in the enterprise and to better understand the spirit which imbued it.

Termini per la ricerca

Testo integrale

At the outset I must thank the very kind staff at the Ajuda library (BA) for their assistance and patience with my visits to the libraries and queries. Particular thanks are due to Drs. Cristina Bastos and Fátima Gomes for their continuous support for my research there.

1In that singular flourishing of learning, music and visual culture in Portugal under the reign of D. João V (1707-1750) Rome was a central part of the equation. The need to guarantee legitimacy with the backing of the Holy See was, of course, incumbent upon every sovereign Catholic state. This was especially the case for Portugal after the resolution of the long drawn out conflict of the Restauração, which was finally resolved with the recognition of Portugal´s independence in 1669. By the beginning of the eighteenth century it had secured a place of equal footing for itself on the European stage and Rome was one of the cardinal points of its diplomatic activities. The need to be present in Rome through diplomatic representation and public ostentation of national identity and piety was likewise something which all Catholic rulers had to factor in.

  • 1 An overview of D. João V’s relations with the Holy See appears in BRAZÂO, Eduardo (1937)- D. João e (...)

2Aside from the need to have Rome as a ready interlocutor to secure advantages and privileges on a geopolitical level it was equally important to be present in the city and its court. The Magnanimo chose a variety of means of being present in the Eternal City by carefully and craftily cultivating public national self representation, making use of the various instruments which all European nations had at their disposal to exert fascination and respect on the part of the papacy and the denizens of the city1. As the seat of the Catholic church with its intricate institutions as much concerned with the political history of Europe as with the administration of the Church in the world the city housed important archival collections and libraries that were fundamental for creating national narratives and retelling the histories of nations. Among the projects supported by D. João is a relatively little studied project of recuperating national memory by actively scouring Roman archives in search for relevant material. The story is as much about Rome as it is about Portugal. In the pages which will follow we will encounter the project, some of the people involved in it and how it was part of a larger project of attempting to forge, foment and systematise Portuguese national memory in the first half of the eighteenth century.

  • 2 CUNHA LEÃO, Francisco da, (coord), (1998) – Jesuitas na Asia: catálogo e guia, Lisboa: Instituto Cu (...)
  • 3 For an overview of the history of the library see CUNHA LEÃO, Francisco (1992) – A biblioteca da Aj (...)

3For many scholars of early modern Portugal the collections of the Rerum Lusitanorum in what was once formerly the Royal Library, by their scope and content are often linked to the early years of the Portuguese Inquisition and to the presence of the Portuguese in Asia. Indeed, the recent guide of documents, which allows scholars to navigate this veritable sea of documents, has brought the importance of this resource to scholars2. Scholars of the Portuguese Inquisition know of it as Alexandre Herculano (1810-1877) made extensive use of some of a section of its documents, known as the Symmicta Lusitanica in the preparation of his monumental História da Origem e do Estabelecimento da Inquisição em Portugal (1854). The historian was librarian there from 1839 to 1877 and it was during his tenure as royal librarian that he came to catalogue the said nucleus of documents which we deal with here. The origins of the Ajuda library go back the middle of the fifteenth century as the original royal library of Portugal and its vicisitudes were intimately linked to Portugal’s often fraught past over the space of the centuries. Its current location, in the Ajuda quarter, dates from after the 1755 earthquake when the royal palace facing the Tagus was entirely destroyed3.

  • 4 HERCULANO, Alexandre (1903) – A Symmicta Lusitana. Arquivo Histórico portugués, vol 1 ano de 1903, (...)
  • 5 On Herculano’s use for his history of the Inquisiton see MARCOCCI, Giuseppe (2010) – Symmicta Lusit (...)

4Herculano himself wrote disparagingly of the collection as a mishmash of documents copied in Rome, seemingly without any connection among them other than that they regarded Portugal in some loose way, an «obra fraca» in his words, oddly stating that the documents were not copied from the Apostolic Vatican Archive4. Alluding to some of the contents of the collection he singled out three of the volumes, which contained important and original information about the forced conversion of Portugal’s Jews in 1497 and the early activities of the six tribunals of the Inquisition from 1536 to 1544 which was presented by Portuguese New Christians in Rome to support their case against the D. João III´s project of the tribunal. Unbeknownst to him the Vatican Apostolic Archive does indeed possess a copy of these documents which could conceivably have been the source for the copyist of the version in the Symmicta collection5. His dismissal of the content and form of the collection reveals his ignorance of the intricacies involved in the gathering of the documents and the sheer wealth of information which was culled from Roman archives during the life of D. João’s project in addition to the variety of texts which were available to readers and scholars through it. In reality, the project undertaken under D. João V’s reign was at once erudite, symbolic and political. A quick overview of the project reveals some of the complex strategies for representing nationhood both at home and abroad and allows us to consider the interplay between the recasting of history and the projection of the present.

Fashioning Portuguese memory in Rome

5The project itself, of which we remain still very much in the dark, was undertaken in the 1740s, with a view to making full use of the rich sources which Rome had to offer a nation like Portugal when attempting to represent its history. The endeavour was at once grounded in diplomacy and with a view to being able to construct a national narrative based on a wide variety of documents in which Portugal figured as a protagonist either through its relations with Rome or other nations over the centuries and the evolution of those relations, its presence in the Eternal City or through dealings with the overseas territories linked to its empire. By bringing together a vast array of documents of various provenance, forming a collection and grouping them together with a view to creating a corpus of texts around the organizing principle of telling Portugal’s story for Portugal a narrative could be forged and the self image of a nation could be presented and represented.

  • 6 See the biographical sketch in VALE, Teresa Leonor M, (2015) Arte e diplomacia. A vivência romana (...)
  • 7 VALE, Teresa Leonor M, (2010) – «As encomendas de arte italiana de D. Fr. José Maria da Fonseca Évo (...)
  • 8 VALE, Teresa Leonor M, (2015) – A capela de São João Batista da Igreja de São Roque. A encomenda, a (...)

6The man entrusted with this vast project of gathering of the sources in Rome was the Portuguese diplomat and cleric Manuel Pereira de Sampaio (1691-1750). Born into the minor nobility, he undertook studies in medicine before taking up religious orders and later received a commandry of the Order of Christ in 1742. It was in the same year that he was made resident ambassador of Portugal after having lived in Rome since 17326. An insider of the Roman scene for many years his presence in the Eternal City coincided with that of his predecessor as the ambassador of Portugal the Franciscan Frei José Maria da Fonseca Évora (1690-1752) who lived in Rome from 1712 before leaving the city to become the bishop of Porto in 1740. For many years an important instructor and animator of the order’s spiritual life in Rome in the convents of Aracoeli, the Franciscan went on to become an able and savvy diplomat serving as Portugal’s ambassador from 1728 to 1740, especially instrumental as a go-between linking the courts of Rome and Lisbon in the acquisition of works of art for D. João V7. Pereira de Sampaio was to follow his lead, being instrumental in collecting art work in Italy and in contributing artwork for the chapel of São João in the church of São Roque8.

  • 9 Correspondence from the Ajuda library cited in BRAZÂO, Eduardo, (1945) – D. João V. Subsídios para (...)

7A fine connoisseur of the ins and outs of the papal court and the Roman Curia the commendador was an ideal choice for the project of finding and copying out archival sources in Rome. It would seem that the initial idea of the gathering of a collection of documents regarding Portugal was with a view to creating a sort of repository for the Roman diplomatic delegation of Portugal as is borne out by correspondence between Sampaio and the Neapolitan Jesuit Giovanni Battista Carbone (1694-1750), D. João V’s court mathematician, present in Portugal since 1722. Writing in 1744 the comendador lamented the fact that Portugal was still without its own diplomatic archive and library unlike other nations in Rome9.

  • 10 «Nota dei libri da me sottoscritto comprati per ordine di sua eccelenza il Signor commendador Zamaj (...)

8With his years spent in Rome and his intimate knowledge of the working of the papal court he surely would have got a feel for Roman libraries and archives and who would be in the know about where relevant documents could be found. The extant records of the expenses incurred by him during his tenure in Rome make extensive references to spending for paper, binding, copies and books. A list of books dated 16 December 1745 which Sampaio had ordered to be purchased reveals a vast series of interests comprising the natural sciences, history, law, theology, arquitecture and literature10. It is possible that these books would have been chosen by the cultivated comendador to be sent to his ruler for either his personal use or the enter the royal library. His extensive correspondence with Sampaio reveals him to have been a man of considerable interests and learning. Undoubtedly, he could be relied upon to provide the latest works in a variety of fields and to keep Portugal abreast of the latest developments in the sciences and humanities.

  • 11 NIZZA DA SILVA, Maria Beatriz (2009) – D. João V, Lisbon: Temas e Debates, pp. 125.

9A cultivated ruler with an avid interest in the natural sciences and the humanities D. João V had an extensive network of diplomatic agents like Sampaio who also scoured the libraries and bookshops of European courts on the lookout for the most recently published titles and for works that were more obscure11. The cultured monarch had three libraries to fill: the royal library in the Ribeira palace, that of the convent and college of Necessidades entrusted to the Oratorians, built between 1743 and 1750 and that of the royal convent and palace of Mafra founded in 1717 inhabited by Franciscan friars. These important libraries could all boast prominent holdings which made the court of D. João V on par with that of other European ones in which the display of learning and book acquisition played an important role.

The Rerum Lusitanorum: an instrument of national narrative

  • 12 BRAZÃO, Eduardo (1945) – D. João V. Subsídios para a história do seu reinado, Porto: Portucalense e (...)
  • 13 «Copia degli indici della Collezione Generale di documenti e scritture estratte dagli archivi della (...)

10Currently comprising 223 volumes (222 manuscript volumes and one printed one) the Rerum is a vast collection of what often seem to be disparate texts the organizing principle of which is that they somehow relate to Portugal and its history in some way. It was only really studied in earnest for the first time by the erudite Portuguese diplomat Eduardo Brazão (1907-1987) who, thanks to a thorough perusal of the collection and relying on documents in the Ajuda library, endeavoured to tell the story of the collection, providing an index of the contents of the volumes as well as identifying some of the people involved in its creation as well as dealing with some of the motivations which very likely were behind the undertaking of the collection. He is also to be credited with the reconstruction of the likely form that the collection took when it was brought together, initially comprising some 237 volumes some of which were subsequently lost when the royal library was sent to Brazil in exile with the royal family between 1808 and 1812. The Portuguese national library was at the basis for the National Library of Brazil in Rio de Janeiro12. It remains unclear when it was actually present in its current form in the 220 volumes in the Ajuda library when Alexander Herculano would have been able to examine it. A list of the volumes in the collection from at least 1845-1846 contained in the documentation of the papal nuntio to Portugal, Camillo di Pietro (1806-1884) confirms that the Rerum did indeed exist in those volumes in the Ajuda library in those years13.

  • 14 GOMES, Fátima, (2018) – «Papéis jesuítas nas coleções da Biblioteca de Ajuda: notas para um context (...)

11The only subsequent work in any systematic way is that of the careful and on going reconstruction of the collection at the hands of Dr. Fatima Gomes, a current librarian at the Ajuda library. Her work on the volumes of the Rerum, its indices and the payments made out by and for Manuel Pereira de Sampaio indicate that while he was most certainly the compiler of a considerable number of the volumes of the collection he could have been assisted in his task. A detailed description of all the works present in the volumes of the collection, identifying all of their contents and hearkening back to their provenance in the Roman libraries of the period remains a desideratum14.

  • 15 On volume nine of Muratori’s Annali were purchased under the orders of Sampaio for 23,60 scudi. On (...)

12The grouping together of historical sources with a view to constructing a national narrative was fully in keeping with the spirit of early eighteenth-century erudition, imbued with the ideas of the Enlightenment for which the burden of fact and proof was paramount. It had a previous precedent in Ludovico Antonio Muratori’s Rerum Italicarum scriptores, a vast collection of documents regarding the history of the Italian Peninsula from late antiquity to the middle ages, drawing upon a variety of sources, published between 1723 and 1751 in twenty-five volumes. A veritable model of the Enlightenment spirit of cataloguing and gathering documents it would not be far fetched to assume that a cultivated man like Sampaio, fully inmersed in the Roman and Italian culture of his time could have had Muratori´s example of gathering historical documents as one to follow in his project for gathering sources for Portugal’s past. In the documentation regarding the payments for books purchased in Rome Muratori’s works occupied a prominent place and it is very possible that the Italian historian inspired the commendador in his choice of texts to be used for the project and in its configuration15.

  • 16 Vols. I, LI-LXI and CXLIII of the Rerum BA.
  • 17 Vols LXIV-LXXXIV BA.
  • 18 GOMES (2018) – Papéis jesuítas. pp. 11-13.

13The 237 volumes, which comprised the collection, could all be invoked as linked to Portugal, its relations to the Holy See and its place in the world. Briefs and bulls made out to Portuguese monarchs or which involve Portugal occupy an important place16. There are numerous documents, which involve missionary activity in Asia and concern the Malabar Chinese rites controversies in which Rome ruled against Portugal’s padroado17. The abundance of documentation concerning missions caused Fátima Gomes to suggest that there was a veritable Jesuit universe present in the collection in its gathering of information regarding Chinese religions and lore. Many of the works copied out in Rome do most certainly provide detailed description of Chinese religious beliefs, customs and history18.

  • 19 Vols. CLXII-CLXIV BA.
  • 20 Vol. CXXXXIV BA.
  • 21 Vol CXXXV BA.

14There are several sources which touch upon Rome, the papal court and its etiquete and social norms would undoubtedly have been of interest as much for the court of Lisbon as for diplomats who would have to live in Rome19. There are sources, which hinge upon Portugal´s resonance in Rome and the papal court. Two noteworthy examples have to do with the presence of Portuguese diplomacy in the city during the critical period of the Restauração, which provide sources for D. Miguel of Portugal the bishop of Lamego´s (1601-1644) harried and unsuccessful attempt to be recognized as Portugal’s ambassador in Rome in 1641: a part of Teodoro Ameyden’s (1586-1656) Diario della città e corte di Roma della santità di Urbano VIII20 and cardinal Giovanni Battista Spada’s (1597-1675) Racconto delle cose più considerabili che sono occorse nel governo di Roma which he kept when he was governor of Rome from 1635 to 164221. These and other works in the collection allow Portugal to further make a case for its legitimacy as a recognized player on the world stage, having gained its autonomy in Rome and displaying its continuous active presence in the city throughout the centuries.

  • 22 RUZZA, Onorio di (1996) – Quattro secoli di cultura. Profili-Bibliografici degli scrittori e artist (...)

15Thanks to the efforts of Brazão and Gomes we are able to get a glimpse of some of the people involved in this vast undertaking of the identification and compilation of data in Roman sources. Two names seem to stand out in the extant documentation: that of the Maronite prelate Stefano Evodio Assemani who we will deal with more at length and one Father Edoardo di San Francesco Saverio or Filippo Saverio Franchesini (1707-1767), a Carmelite religious, a noted preacher and scholar in his own right who, like Assemani, was hired by Sampaio as part of his search for archival material. Though documentation is not abundant regarding this Carmelite but it is known that Saverio was an important official in the Roman Inquisition, working as consultant to the congregation of the Holy Office and the Index in addition to being the author of editions of the works of Lactantius (240-320)22. He was the kind of man who, like Assemani, must have known the inner workings of the Curia well and had privileged access to Roman libraries and archives. Those were the kinds of men who would have been sought after by Sampaio in his endeavour to gather the sort of documents required for his erudite Roman project.

Stefano Evodio Assemani erudite Maronite and Roman insider

  • 23 The bibliography on Assemani is relatively scarse. See the entry on him by LEVI DELLA VIDA, Giorgio (...)
  • 24 ASSEMANI, Stefano Evodio (1792) – Bibliotecae Mediceae, Laurentianae et palatinae. Codicum mms (sic (...)

16Fleshing out what went into the creation of the collection, its genesis, execution and identifying the people involved remains to be done. What we know is that the man whom know Pereira de Sampaio entrusted with the task of identifying most of the manuscript sources, copying them out and assembling the better part of the documentation was Stefano Evodio Assemani (1711-1782). A native of Tripoli in what was then Ottoman Syria and is now Lebanon, he went to Rome in 1720 at the behest of his better known uncle, Giuseppe Simonio Assemani (1687-1768) who enabled him to study at the Maronite College and obtained him the post of scriptor of Syriac and Arabic at the Vatican Library in 1730 when he relinquished the post. Assemani would go on to become titular bishop of Apamea in 1736 and prefect at the Apostolic Library at the death of Giuseppe Simonio in 176823. He is most noted to scholars as the author of a catalogue of oriental manuscripts in the Laurenziana and Riccardiana libraries dedicated to Francis I, Holy Roman Emperor (1745-1765) and the Grand Duke of Tuscany from 1737 to 176524.

  • 25 «[...] Giovanni V. Ré Fedelissimo di Portogallo, di cui [l'Assemani] godeva la grazia, e dal quale (...)
  • 26 ASSEMANI, Stefano Evodio (1751) – Delle lodi di Giovanni V re fedelissimo di Portogallo. Recitato l (...)

17In his writings at no point did Assemani seem to allude publicly to his having overseen the entreprise of coyping out the sources for the Portuguese sovereign nor having been instrumental in the reconaissance effort of identifying the sources. After D. João V’s death on 31 July 1750 the Maronite prelate delivered a funeral oration at the National Portuguese Church of Sant’Antonio dei portoghesi25. A year after the king’s demise he gave another oration before the Accademia degli Arcadi on the occasion of a gathering at their usual meeting place at the Bosco Parrasio on the Gianicolo to commemorate D. Joao V. The monarch had been a noted member of the academy and an important patron who purchased the academy’s meeting place in 172626. In the typical rhetorical flourish of such texts Libanio Biblio, Assemani’s academic name, praised the Portuguese king for his piety, dedication to culture and learning and defence of the faith and his support for the urban development which made of Lisbon a major capital, celebrated by all.

  • 27 ASSEMANI, Stefano Evodio (1748) – Acta sanctorum martyrum orientalium et occidentalium in duas part (...)
  • 28 Acta sanctorum martyrum orientalium et occidentalium in duas partes, fols. 25-30.

18One of Stefano Evodio Assemani’s lasting contributions to scholarship was a two volume work entitled Acta sanctorum martyrum orientalium et occidentalium in duas partes distributa adcevunt acta Simeonis stylitae omnia nunca primum sub auspiciis Johannis V lusitanorum regis e bibliotheca apostolica prodeunt. As the title indicates it was a vast enterprise in erudition. In its two volumes the Maronite prelate brought together sources in Syriac regarding Middle Eastern and Western martyrs, providing a Latin translation and extensive commentary throughout. As the title also indicates it was dedicated to João V Pio Victori Pacifico. The long dedicatory letter spells out the Portuguese monarch’s attributes as ruler of a vast Christian empire and in particular as sovereign who contributed to making of Lisbon one of the most acclaimed cities in Europe27. In addition, his struggle against the Muslim enemy is evoked throughout and in particular his victory in the Battle of Matapan of 1717 over the Turkish fleet, a telling testimony of how the event, which took place three decades before, still provided the king with social capital28.

  • 29 SIDARUS, Adel Y. and VON KEMNITZ, Eva-Maria, (2012) «Christian Arabic and Oriental manuscripts in (...)
  • 30 Nasser GEMAYEL Bulus al-Haddar, alias Pablo (Paulo) Hodar, moine antonin maronite (1720-1780). Vi (...)

19Why did João V choose to support Assemani’s book and have Sampaio confide him the work of gathering the material for the Rerum? Was it part of a general orientalising strategy on the part of the Magnânimo, with a view of perhaps stressing Portugal’s role as an intermediary between east and west as a world power? The Portuguese king did not seem to have had a special penchant for oriental studies and lore nor did he make a concerted effort to have scholars with oriental languages settle in Portugal. The introduction of the study of oriental languages would have to wait for the reign of his successor D. José (1750-1777)29. The study of these languages and their lore in Portugal was fomented formally by another Maronite, Búlus al-Haddar, better known as Paulo Hodar (1723-1780), becoming professor of oriental languages in Coimbra in 1773 where he taught Hebrew30. It is possible that some degree of interest in things oriental were not entirely far from D. João’s considerations in giving his support to Assemani or that his support of the publication could be construed as some form of outreach to oriental Christians like Assemani, oppressed under the Ottoman yoke which the Portuguese ruler had fought against. It is most likely that Sampaio was simply led to him given the erudite circles Assemani would have been privy to thanks to his prestigious uncle and his own budding career. In those years the commendador must have rightly seen in him, with his background in Maronite college, ties to De Propaganda Fide and its archive, to the Vatican library and other Roman libraries as the ideal man for the job.

A repository of Portuguese memory

20The Ajuda library does allow us to study the payments given to Assemani by Sampaio but we remain in the dark about how he went about his work. Who was actually hired by the Maronite prelate and how did they go about their work? How much of the decision making as to what was to be copied and why was made by Sampaio? What informed Sampaio’s decisions and formed his views about what was actually to enter into the Rerum? Was he made aware of just what was available in Roman libraries and archives by informed sources and then did he decide on what was to be copied? How much was the Portuguese king involved in the enterprise and what active interest did he take in it? Why were the documents sent to Portugal and why did they not remain to constitute a diplomatic archive and library in Rome? When were the documents sent to Portugal and where did they arrive at first? In which library or libraries were they housed before they made it to Ajuda? Was the collection from its outset conceived of as being destined to Portugal’s permanent diplomatic mission in Rome or was that to be but a mere interval? Would it have occupied a place and a role at the royal library, perhaps as an ancillary tool to serve for the policy decisions at court? In the extant documents few clues are offered and few names surface. For now there seems to be fewer leads to follow in Rome but perhaps a meandering paper trail can offer new leads. A thorough perusal of the payments and systematic study of the books purchased in Rome by Sampaio could surely clear up some of the many doubts which surround this collection.

  • 31 The information of Eduardo di San Savero is provided in WOLF, Hubert, (ed) (2010) – Prosopographie (...)

21Both Assemani and Saverio were members of the Accademia dell’Arcadia so it is possible that as members of the same prestigious Roman group of which the Portuguese monarch was also a member of could have provided a context for erudite contacts that would have provided copyists and people like these two men with archival and library skills. Consulting the extant archival documentation of the academy for the relevant years may yield some surprises and provide further leads in identifying some of the people involved in the project and in understanding how it was carried out31.

22While we are still in the dark about the origins of the project and its execution we are left with this undeniably important scholarly enterprise, the Rerum itself, a veritable repository of Portuguese historical memory and a resource which deserves to be better known and used on account of the sheer variety of sources available to scholars in the collection. The project must, of course, be seen in the light of the spirit of the period which saw its conception and realization. The construction of a narrative of national memory through the careful study of the past grounded in documents, in the gathering of historical artifacts with a view to cataloguing and classifying the past was in keeping with the Enlightenment models then in vogue. The project was in keeping with the Magnânimo´s carefully crafted project of self representation as himself as a great European Catholic ruler, a bulwark of the faith against rampant Islam and other enemies in the face of Roman diffidence. By carefully constructing a national narrative of Portuguese identity and memory D. João V and all the individuals involved in the project Rome in their different ways managed to be able tell to Portugal’s story anew both for Portugal itself and for the world.

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NELSON NOVOA, James W. (2020) – «The Portuguese New Christian nação as a Catholic Diaspora in Rome». In Nicholas TERPSTRA (ed.). Reframing Reformation: Understanding Religious Difference in Early Modern Europe. Essays and Studies, 44. Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, pp. 191-214.

NIZZA DA SILVA, Maria Beatriz (2009) – D. João V, Lisbon: Temas e Debates.

RODRIGUES, Manuel Augusto (1985) – D. Paulo Hodar, presbítero maronita, professor de línguas orientais. (1773-1780). Algumas notas sobre Hebraístas e Arabistas Portugueses. Boletim do Arquivo da Universidade de Coimbra, pp. 1-65.

RUZZA, Onorio di (1996) – Quattro secoli di cultura. Profili-Bibliografici degli scrittori e artisti della provincia romana dei carmelitani scalzi (1597-1997), Rome: Teresianum.

SIDARUS, Adel Y. and VON KEMNITZ, Eva-Maria, (2012) «Christian Arabic and Oriental manuscripts in Portugal and the contribution of Arab Christians to the beginning of Oriental studies (shift from the 18th to the 19th century)». In Juan Pedro MONFERRER SALA, Herman TEULE and Sofia TORALLAS TOVAR (ed.). Eastern Christians and their Written Heritage. Manuscripts, Scribes and Context, Leuven: Peeters, pp. 29-43.

TAVEIRA DA SILVA, Manuel, (2012) – Frei José Maria da Fonseca de Évora. Itinerarium. LVIII, pp. 213-269.

VALE, Teresa Leonor M, (2010) – «As encomendas de arte italiana de D. Fr. José Maria da Fonseca Évora (1690-1752) ». In FERREIRA ALVES, Natália Marinho (ed.). A Encomenda. O artista. A obra, Porto: CEPESE, pp. 585-601.

VALE, Teresa Leonor M, (2015) – A capela de São João Batista da Igreja de São Roque. A encomenda, a obra, as coleções, Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional Casa Moeda.

VALE, Teresa Leonor M, (2015) – Arte e diplomacia. A vivência romana dos embaixadores joaninos, Lisbon: Scribe, pp. 63-85.

WOLF, Hubert, (ed) (2010) – Prosopographie von Römischer Inquisition und Indexkongregation 1701-1813, Viena: Ferdinand Schöningh.

Note

1 An overview of D. João V’s relations with the Holy See appears in BRAZÂO, Eduardo (1937)- D. João e a Santa Sé. As relações diplomáticas de Portugal com o governo pontifício. Coimbra: Coimbra editora.

2 CUNHA LEÃO, Francisco da, (coord), (1998) – Jesuitas na Asia: catálogo e guia, Lisboa: Instituto Cultural de Macau. See in addition the documents from the appendix in HALIKOWSKI SMITH, Stefan (2011) – Creolization and Diaspora in the Portuguese Indies. The Social World of Ayutthaya, 1640-1720. Leiden: Brill, pp. 304-309.

3 For an overview of the history of the library see CUNHA LEÃO, Francisco (1992) – A biblioteca da Ajuda das origens a actualidade. Cadernos de Biblioteconomia, arquivística e documentação, 1, pp. 193-199.

4 HERCULANO, Alexandre (1903) – A Symmicta Lusitana. Arquivo Histórico portugués, vol 1 ano de 1903, pp. 369-370.

5 On Herculano’s use for his history of the Inquisiton see MARCOCCI, Giuseppe (2010) – Symmicta Lusitana. In Dizionario storico dell’Inquisizione, vol. III, Adriano PROSPERI (ed.). Pisa: Edizioni della Normale, pp.1552-1553 and NELSON NOVOA, James W. (2021) – «Being a New Christian in Sixteenth Century Rome». In Matthew CONEYS WAINWRIGHT; Emily MICHELSON (eds.). Religious Minorities in Early Modern Rome. Leiden: Brill, pp.192-236 and NELSON NOVOA, James W. (2020) – «The Portuguese New Christian nação as a Catholic Diaspora in Rome». In Nicholas TERPSTRA (ed.). Reframing Reformation: Understanding Religious Difference in Early Modern Europe. Essays and Studies, 44. Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, pp.191-214.

6 See the biographical sketch in VALE, Teresa Leonor M, (2015) Arte e diplomacia. A vivência romana dos embaixadores joaninos, Lisboa: Scribe, pp. 63-85.

7 VALE, Teresa Leonor M, (2010) – «As encomendas de arte italiana de D. Fr. José Maria da Fonseca Évora (1690-1752) ». In FERREIRA ALVES, Natália Marinho (ed.). A Encomenda. O artista. A obra, Porto: CEPESE, pp. 585-601, TAVEIRA DA SILVA, Manuel, (2012) – Frei José Maria da Fonseca de Évora. Itinerarium. LVIII, pp. 213-269.

8 VALE, Teresa Leonor M, (2015) – A capela de São João Batista da Igreja de São Roque. A encomenda, a obra, as coleções, Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional Casa Moeda.

9 Correspondence from the Ajuda library cited in BRAZÂO, Eduardo, (1945) – D. João V. Subsídios para a história do seu reinado, Porto: Portucalense editora, pp. 36-38.

10 «Nota dei libri da me sottoscritto comprati per ordine di sua eccelenza il Signor commendador Zamajo e dei denari che o ricevuti per pagarli con i loro prezzia tutto il dì 16 dicembre 1745» ms. 49-VIII-14 (527) BA.

11 NIZZA DA SILVA, Maria Beatriz (2009) – D. João V, Lisbon: Temas e Debates, pp. 125.

12 BRAZÃO, Eduardo (1945) – D. João V. Subsídios para a história do seu reinado, Porto: Portucalense editora.

13 «Copia degli indici della Collezione Generale di documenti e scritture estratte dagli archivi della Santa Sede e dagli altri di Roma sotto il Re Giovanni appartenente alla Reale Biblioteca di Ajuda in Lisbona (1318-1718)», Nunziatura di Lisbona vol. 48, fol. 5. Archivio Apostolico Vaticano.

14 GOMES, Fátima, (2018) – «Papéis jesuítas nas coleções da Biblioteca de Ajuda: notas para um contexto». In Atas do colóquio internacional. A misião jesuíta da China nas coleções da Biblioteca de Ajuda, http://www.palacioajuda.gov.pt/pt-PT/estudos/ATAS/PrintVersionContentDetail.aspx?id=946.

15 On volume nine of Muratori’s Annali were purchased under the orders of Sampaio for 23,60 scudi. On 5 October 1745 Sampaio paid 50 scudi for binding volume seven of Muratori’s Antiguitates Italicae. This may have been a scribal error as the work, published between 1738 and 1742 was comprised of six volumes. 49-VIII-14, BA, unnumbered folio. Payment was made for Muratori’s 1742 Dei difetti della giurisprudenza though an amount is not provided. In addition, six scudi were paid for Il Paradiso perduto cioè il Burnero attributed to Muratori but which must have been Paolo Roli’s (1687-1765) translation of John Milton’s Paradise Lost published partially in 1729 then in its entirety in 1735. On the translation see DORRIS, George (1965) Paolo Rolli and the First Italian Translation of Paradise Lost. Italica, 42 no 2, pp. 213-225

16 Vols. I, LI-LXI and CXLIII of the Rerum BA.

17 Vols LXIV-LXXXIV BA.

18 GOMES (2018) – Papéis jesuítas. pp. 11-13.

19 Vols. CLXII-CLXIV BA.

20 Vol. CXXXXIV BA.

21 Vol CXXXV BA.

22 RUZZA, Onorio di (1996) – Quattro secoli di cultura. Profili-Bibliografici degli scrittori e artisti della provincia romana dei carmelitani scalzi (1597-1997), Rome: Teresianum, pp. 88-89. I must thank Silvano Giordano O.C.D for shedding light on this for me. WOLF, Hubert, (ed) (2010) – Prosopographie von Römischer Inquisition und Indexkongregation 1701-1813, Viena: Ferdinand Schöningh, pp. 434-435.

23 The bibliography on Assemani is relatively scarse. See the entry on him by LEVI DELLA VIDA, Giorgio, (1962) – Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 4, https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/stefano-evodio-assemani_(Dizionario-Biografico) and the recent article by FARINA, Margherita, (2021) Stefano Evodio Assemani e la collezione orientale della Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana a Firenze, Paroles de l’Orient, 47, pp. 319-354.

24 ASSEMANI, Stefano Evodio (1792) – Bibliotecae Mediceae, Laurentianae et palatinae. Codicum mms (sic) orientalium catalogus sub auspiciis, Florentiae Ex Typographio Albiziano.

25 «[...] Giovanni V. Ré Fedelissimo di Portogallo, di cui [l'Assemani] godeva la grazia, e dal quale era stato rimunerato di congrue Pensioni. [...] Passato agli eterni riposi il sud(dett)o Monarca, fù egli [ancora l'Assemani] prescelto à fare non solo l'Orazione funebre, ma anche tutte l'Iscrizzioni allusive al Soggetto, e alle lugubri circostanze nella Reggia Chiesa di S. Andrea de Portoghesi,(sic) ed il tutto fù da lui egregiamente eseguito, e dato alla pubblica luce con somma soddisfazione degl'Eruditi». Archivio Biblioteca 12, fols 100r/v, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. I am indebted to Dr. Piergiorgio Parodi of the said library who kindly located this document and transcribed it for me.

26 ASSEMANI, Stefano Evodio (1751) – Delle lodi di Giovanni V re fedelissimo di Portogallo. Recitato l’anno MDCCLI nella solenne adunanza degli Arcadi tenuta nel Bosco Parrasio in morte del medesimo da Stefano Evodio Assemani, arcivescovo d’Apamea detto in Arcadia Libanio Biblio, In Roma nella stamperia di Angelo Rotili e Filippo Bacchelli nella strada del Monte della Farina. Con licenza de’ superiori. On D. João V’s patronage see FERRARIS, Paola, (1995) – «Il Bosco Parrasio dell’Arcadia (1721-1726)». In Sandra VASCO ROCCA and Gabriele BORGHINI (eds), Giovanni V di Portogallo (1707-1750) e la cultura romana del suo tempo, Rome: Ministero per i beni culturali e ambientali. Istituto centrale per il catalogo e la documentazione, pp. 137-152.

27 ASSEMANI, Stefano Evodio (1748) – Acta sanctorum martyrum orientalium et occidentalium in duas partes distributa adcevunt acta Simeonis stylitae omnia nunca primum sub auspiciis Johannis V lusitanorum regis e bibliotheca apostolica prodeunt. Romae. The dedicatory letter is dated 6 February 1747.

28 Acta sanctorum martyrum orientalium et occidentalium in duas partes, fols. 25-30.

29 SIDARUS, Adel Y. and VON KEMNITZ, Eva-Maria, (2012) «Christian Arabic and Oriental manuscripts in Portugal and the contribution of Arab Christians to the beginning of Oriental studies (shift from the 18th to the 19th century)». In Juan Pedro MONFERRER SALA, Herman TEULE and Sofia TORALLAS TOVAR (ed.). Eastern Christians and their Written Heritage. Manuscripts, Scribes and Context, Leuven: Peeters, pp. 29-43 and LOPES DE BARROS, Maria Filomena, (2014) From the History of Muslims to Muslims in History: Some Critical Notes on ‘Arab-Islamic Studies’ in Portugal. Hansa. Journal of Judaic and Islamic Studies, 1, pp. 29-40 https://journals.openedition.org/hamsa/876

30 Nasser GEMAYEL Bulus al-Haddar, alias Pablo (Paulo) Hodar, moine antonin maronite (1720-1780). Vie, oeuvre et contribution au développement de l’orientalisme en Péninsule ibérique. Parole de l’orient, 27 (2002), pp. 281-290 and Manuel Augusto RODRIGUES (1985) – D. Paulo Hodar, presbítero maronita, professor de línguas orientais. (1773-1780). Algumas notas sobre Hebraístas e Arabistas Portugueses. Boletim do Arquivo da Universidade de Coimbra, pp. 1-65.

31 The information of Eduardo di San Savero is provided in WOLF, Hubert, (ed) (2010) – Prosopographie von Römischer Inquisition und Indexkongregation 1701-1813, Viena: Ferdinand Schöningh, pp. 435.

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University of Ottawa, jwnovoa@gmail.com

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