Nasrid elites: investment and management of rural properties in the Vega of Granada

Sandra Suárez García

Résumé

We analyze the main trends of the Nasrid elites in investment, acquisition and exploitation of rural estates located in the “Vega de Granada”, the peri-urban area that surrounded the capital of the Nasrid emirate. First, we approach the Vega as a historical region, then we offer some notes on the particularities of the various Nasrid elites and their properties. Particular attention is paid to property belonging to the Nasrid royal family, including the women of the dynasty. Among these assets we will highlight the munà: estates that had functions of recreation, agricultural exploitation and representation of power.

Entrées d’index

Keywords : property, exploitation, investment, management, Vega of Granada, Nasrid emirate

Note de l’éditeur

This article is linked to the R&D project «Aristocratic property in Nasrid Granada and its transfer to Castilian society after the conquest (13th-16th centuries)» (HAR2015-64605-C2-2-P) of the University from Granada, of which the author is a researcher thanks to the help for predoctoral contracts [BES-2016-076263] from the Ministry of Economy, Industry and Competitiveness (Now Ministry of Science and Innovation / Ministry of Universities). And also to the project “The peri-urban area of an Islamic city: the Vega of Granada (14th-16th centuries)” (P18-RT-3588).


Texte intégral

Introduction

The Vega through aristocratic property

1The city of Granada (Andalusia, Spain) became in 1238 the capital of the Nasrid emirate, founded by Muḥammad Ibn al-Aḥmar. This kingdom survived until 1492, at which time the Crown of Castile integrated this territory into its own domain after a long war. The fact of being the capital of the kingdom turned the city into a prosperous place, praised by all those who, from far or near, came to contemplate its splendor. Beyond the lustrous buildings of the city, dominated by the imposing city-palace of the Alhambra, travelers and chroniclers were especially fascinated by the surroundings of the city. That territory was known as the Vega, the peri-urban area of the capital fertile, with wide crop areas and recreational places for the elites. The berber Ibn Baṭṭūṭa gives: some details about this area when he travels through the territory of al-Andalus:

«Después continúe la marcha hasta Granada, capital del país de al-Andalus, novia de sus ciudades. Sus alrededores no tienen igual entre las comarcas de la tierra toda, abarcando una extensión de cuarenta millas, cruzada por el famoso río Genil y por otros muchos cauces más. Huertos, jardines, pastos, quintas y viñas abrazan a la ciudad por todas partes. Entre sus parajes más hermosos se cuenta la «Fuente de las lágrimas» un monte donde hay huertas y jardines, sin parecido alguno posible.» (FANJUL, S., et.al., 2017, 978-979)

2In a similar way reacted the famous Egyptian merchant and doctor ‘Abd al-Bāsiṭ, amazed by the beauty and fertility of the surroundings of the capital (ÁLVAREZ, 2014, 89). Although, the author who has most perfectly portrayed the city of Granada during the Nasrid emirate is undoubtedly the illustrious vizier Ibn al-Jaṭīb. Two works that best serve to understand the city of the fourteenth century are the Iḥāṭa1 and the Lamha2. In both, the vizier transmits the idea of ​​an equally fertile Vega, with a dense and complex settlement structure. Thus, we see that in the Vega there are a large number of qurà3, in which the majority of the population would live, and beautiful munà (sing. munya), many of them in the hands of the emir (‘INᾹN, 1955 1, 99; 115-133). The munà have generally been interpreted as recreational estates in which entertainment and relaxation are combined with agricultural exploitation (SÁNCHEZ, 2018, 18). Although it is true that many of these aristocratic estates could have other purposes that we will discuss in greater detail. In addition, there were orchards, gardens, towers, dovecotes and other spaces associated with a class that possesses a certain socio-economic, political and military preponderance. Thus, it was unquestionable beforehand that part of the settlement of the Vega was defined by the presence of certain Nasrid elites, especially members of the ruling dynasty. Yet, we knew very little about the interest that these individuals could have in the acquisition of these assets, their administration, management and profitability.

3Once the city was taken by the Crown of Castile, Christian travelers such as Jerónimo Münzer or Andrea Navagero also allow us to get to know the city and some of the transformations it underwent between the end of the 15th century and the beginning of the 16th. In these testimonies, not only social and economic changes are perceived, but also alterations in landscape. There are undoubtedly references to the splendor of the Generalife (ESPINAR, 2008, 116), probably the best-known munya in Granada. But we cannot ignore the writings that tell us about those palaces that have fallen into decline due to abandonment (FABIÉ, 1879, 286-287). So, one might ask, what were those properties like? Who owned them during the Nasrid emirate? What happened to this assets after the conquest? What were their material characteristics? And above all, what impact did they have on the settlement and population of the Vega? During the last years, this has been a center of scientific interest since the start of the R&D project “Aristocratic property in Nasrid Granada and its transfer to Castilian society after the conquest (13th-16th centuries) [HAR 2015-64605- C2-2-P] and the author's current doctoral thesis. At present, this subject continues to be investigated in the R + D project “The peri-urban area of an Islamic city: the Vega of Granada (14th-16th centuries)” [P18-RT-3588]. In this work we will focus the analysis on the latest data and hypotheses established around the idea of investment and management in rural properties, focused on the diverse Nasrid elites.

Nasrid elites

4When we think about elites of medieval Islam we must necessarily speak of a diverse and complex reality. At a theoretical level, and following Heidemann's general but very useful description, elites are groups of people noted for their military, judicial, religious and / or economic status, which will grant them benefits such as power, wealth or influence, among others (HEIDEMANN, 2016, 153). In this sense, our analysis focuses on the private property of social groups whose membership to one of these various elites is hardly questionable. This includes the emir and all members of the Nasrid royal family (Banū al-Aḥmar); the lineages closest to power such as the Banū al-Sarrāŷ, Banū Mufarriŷ, Banū Bannigaš or Banū Kumāša but also other families that seem to have less preponderance but nevertheless still appear repeatedly in written sources (such as the Banū al-Qabšanī). Likewise, properties whose owners had to have a certain status (socio-economic, political, military, judicial ...) have been taken into account due to the position they held or the treatment they receive in certain documentary records: vizier, qā‘id, qāḍī , teacher, knight, sheik, etc.

5Despite this diversity, the first results obtained in our study show that a large part of the properties linked to these elites in the Vega de Granada belonged, in fact, to the Nasrid royal family. During the Nasrid Kingdom there was a financial institution called mustajlaṣ. It is one of the three treasures of the Nasrid State, just like in other medieval Islamic states, along with the bayt al-māl (Public Treasury) and the bayt al-māl al-muslimīn (Treasure of the community of believers) (MOLINA, 1999-2000, 104-106). The mustajlaṣ was made up of the private goods of the emir, with an inalienable character (at least theoretically). In any case, it is possible to distinguish the particular and private goods of the emir as an individual (those which are certainly alienable and which he was able to possess long before he ascended the throne) from those which are part of the mustajlaṣ, which belong to him by position. The mustajlaṣ served to allow the proper functioning of the “Royal House” and also to maintain, as a notable Castilian document affirms «a las reynas commo a los caualleros y otras personas de su casa»4 (PEINADO, 1995a, 305). The truth is that, as other authors such as Molina López or Jiménez Mata (2001, 453) have already pointed out, it is sometimes very complex to differentiate the goods of the bayt al-māl from the mustajlaṣ. To this we would add the difficulty of knowing if a property belongs to the private possessions of a certain sultan, which would be alienable and not be part of the mustajlaṣ. However, in some cases we are fortunate enough to be able to differentiate one treasure from another quite accurately, especially thanks to the list of goods belonging to the mustajlaṣ provided by the former vizier of Muḥammad V, Ibn al-Jaṭīb.

6All these difficulties are also found in the research of the properties of the famous "Moorish queens", so called in the medieval Castilian documentation. These were women who belonged to the Nasrid royal family, such as the emir's mother, aunts, sisters, or wives. Much of the properties of these queens pass directly into the hands of the Crown of Castile thanks to the negotiations carried out by the royal secretary Hernando de Zafra5 after 1492, or to members of a new Castilian elite linked to the conquest. Among the latter we can cite notable figures such as Andrés Calderón (PEINADO, 1995b), Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba “El Gran Capitán” (ESPINAR 2016), Francisco de Bobadilla (HERNÁNDEZ, 1995) or Zafra himself (LADERO, 2005).

Investment and management in rural properties

Why invest in rural properties

7Since the beginning of Islam, the tendency to invest in large rural estates by certain elites (especially political and / or military) seems evident. In this sense, we can go back at least to the agricultural expansion of the Umayyad caliphate by Hishām ibn 'Abd al-Malik and the proliferation of agricultural estates in the Diyār Muḍar that helped their owners to finance themselves (HEIDEMANN, 2007, 47). Also in the Iberian Peninsula, and after the conquest of the year 711, creations of large agricultural and recreational estates by the new established power are quickly observed. It is worth mentioning, for example, the registration in the Ajbar Maŷmū‘a of a munya founded in Córdoba before 746 by ‘Ᾱmir, one of the leaders of the Yemenis (LAFUENTE, 1867, 68). This trend continues during the Caliphate of Córdoba6 and extends to the Nasrid Kingdom itself, thus the creation of munà and other types of productive spaces are hallmarks of the Andalusian ruling elite.

8The munà are undoubtedly the properties that most perfectly show a series of functionalities associated with certain needs of the elites. In the first place, the munya serves as a recreational residence, so it responds to a longing for pleasure: a place intended for entertainment, relaxation and leisure. When we talk about properties of the royal family, it is also a space of retirement from the hustle of the court. To fulfill these purposes, the most striking munà will provide locations of great beauty for their occupants, although very few are preserved today. However, it is worth mentioning briefly the splendid Generalife (Ŷannat al-‘Arīf) in the immediate surroundings of the Alhambra, or the Alcázar Genil (Qaṣr al-Sayyid), of Almohad origins but reformed during the Nasrid emirate. On a generic level, it implies the existence of architectural elements intended for pleasure, such as decorated pavilions, up to the provision of well-kept gardens. The characteristics of these idyllic settings were of such importance that even relevant agronomists such as Ibn Luyūn wrote in detail about which trees and flowers should gird «una casa entre jardines»7 (EGUARAS, 2014, 272). Special attention must also be paid to the notion of rest and healing, within this recreational facet of the munà. It is worth taking the example of the emir Yūsuf III, who, being ill, rested in his munya of qaṣr al-Nublū in the year 819 of the hegira (1416-17 A.D.) (TRILLO, 2018, 564). Being generally in remote areas of the city or its outskirt, surrounded by beautiful gardens and orchards, with access to many water resources (pools, irrigation networks), these were excellent places for rest and recovery, both physical and mental.

9Regarding the productive purpose of these estates, it is evident that the munà generated significant income even in times of great scarcity or uncertainty. Therefore, it is worth considering the words of Ibn al-Jaṭīb, who pointed out that some of the munà that surrounded the capital «rentan al año medio millar de dinares de oro, a pesar del escaso coste de las verduras en esta ciudad»8 (MOLINA, et.al., 2010a, 104) as implying the market relationship that existed between these estates and the product consumption of the city of Granada. Obviously the Granadian vizier could only speak for his own context, the 14th century, but these high incomes obtained by munà of the Vega are also perceived in the transition to the Castilian domain throughout the late 15th and early 16th centuries, with estates that provide more than 40,000 or 60,000 maravedíes annually, in the case of Daralgazi and Darabenaz (SUÁREZ, 2018, 162-163) (MALPICA, 1981, 22-23). When we consider the productive purpose of the munà, it should also be noted that we are not only talking about the resources and benefits obtained through agricultural crops. It is increasingly clear that a large part of the estates studied in the Vega had their own productive network that could further increase the income of this elites. This happened especially through the transformation of products generated on the property such as wheat, olives and flax. Especially relevant are dovecotes, mills or pools for cooking flax. In some cases we even find almadrabas for the manufacture of tiles and bricks in the vicinity of some property, as in the case of the Nublo (TRILLO, 1995, 876). On the other hand, the latest studies carried out point to the possibility that these extensive estates geared more towards obtaining economic benefits than serving as recreational holdings. This somewhat inverts the traditional view offered on the munà, generating a new logic in which the Nasrid elites, and especially the royal family, actively seek great economic benefits. In this case, Daralgazi should be mentioned again. This royal munya located in the south of Granada had a great diversity of cultivated lands, in addition to a main house and other auxiliary buildings such as a corral (SUÁREZ, 2018, 155), and nevertheless, the main house is never described as a grand palace. Sumptuousness and structural remains are not preserved. Perhaps its own antiquity at the time of the conquest, and a possible semi-dilapidated state avoided such descriptions, but it all leads us to think that the property was more important for the rich crops associated with it than for the characteristics of the central building or the beauty of its gardens.

10Despite the fact that the functionalities of recreation and exploitation are the most predominant, there are other minor ones that should be taken into consideration. Especially when we talk about royal estates we observe the importance of the aulic function: locations that are perfect for the representation of power and its exercise. In this sense, we can see how the Alberzana could serve as a meeting place for state agents (TRILLO, 2008, 348), or the Alcázar Genil to accommodate illustrious guests such as the infante Felipe de Castilla (ORIHUELA, 1996, 335). Likewise, the Chronicle of Don Pero Niño tells us about how during the incursions of Don Álvaro de Luna in the Vega of Granada in the year 1431, in the Alcázar Genil there were «gran gente de Moros» (DIEZ and LLAGUNO, 210), describing the palace as a possible meeting space for military reinforcement. In this sense, the diplomatic and political-military use of the munà must be taken into account.

11However, it must be pointed out that some of the functionalities of the munà were necessarily altered over the centuries, especially considering that during the first centuries of the Islamic rule of the Peninsula, they also served as experimental laboratories for the introduction of new crops, as occurred with the munya of Al-Ruṣāfa in Cordoba (GAYANGOS, 1843, 2010). Between the 13th and 15th centuries this was probably not something common since most of the plants had already been acclimatized, although it is possible (despite the lack of information) that some munà continued to serve as places of experimentation with already known crops.

12Parallel to the investment in munà or other types of large estates dominated by a main house and associated crops, it is also worth mentioning the evident interest in acquiring new land. Undoubtedly, both in al-Andalus and in other areas of the medieval Iberian Peninsula, land ownership could be a good indicator ̶ not the only or essential ̶ of a person's wealth. This is not merely applicable to the so-called "rural elites", but also to those who inhabit the city and have greater ties to power, such as the emir, his immediate family or the great lineages we already mentioned. What is most interesting is to observe the important economic transfer between urban elites and the desire to invest in rural estates and land. These are properties that would benefit their owners with the delivery of rents, taking into account that direct exploitation seems unlikely in view of the data obtained so far. Afterwards we will focus in greater detail on exploitation systems in the section dedicated to property management.

13The possession of land and the interest in investment of this elites is easily appreciated in the famous documentos arábigo-granadinos9 (Arabic-granadian documents), Arabic texts generally associated with the Nasrid kingdom and the early days after the conquest, which in many cases are buying-selling processes of rural goods, especially valuable irrigated pieces of land. Studies dedicated, for example, to the Alitaje area show a high density of properties associated with the Royal Heritage that end up being transferred to other political-military elites and accumulated in some cases by intrinsically urban elites (RODRÍGUEZ, 2016, 63-64).

Ways of acquisition

14The settlement of the Vega is defined, in general and as we have already seen, by the presence of qurà (sing. qarya). And yet, we have also been able to verify the existence of other inhabited and cultivated spaces belonging to members of diverse Nasrid elites. It is worth asking, therefore, what were the mechanisms followed by the members of these elites to access large tracts of land in the Vega, and in some cases, establish considerable agricultural estates in them. We will focus, first of all, on the forms of acquisition that the Nasrid royal family could have to expand their heritage. Accordingly, vivification practices, buying and selling processes, inheritances, donations and expropriation operations will be mentioned.10

15As Trillo has already pointed out with precision, it is highly likely that in some areas of the Vega de Granada there are phenomena of vivification of dead lands, called mawāt (TRILLO, 2017, 142). This was a type of uncultivated land that was not exploited in any other way by the community (AKBAR, 2004, 25). The land considered mawāt could be occupied by cultivating it, through construction, or by irrigation, among other ways. Vivification could be especially common in the western area of the Vega where royal properties have been found that surely served livestock purposes before becoming irrigated or rainfed land (TRILLO, 2017, 142). Thus we can cite, for example, several drinking troughs11 such as manhal al-Sanīnāt (SECO DE LUCENA, 1961, 19), manhal al-Liṭāj (SECO DE LUCENA, 1961, 32 and others), manhal Jalaf (RODRÍGUEZ, 2016, 53) or manhal Nublū (SECO DE LUCENA, 1961, 38 and others), all of them associated with the Nasrid Royal Heritage. It should be noted, in connection with this, a provisional triangulation of Delaunay that marks the main axes of distribution and accumulation of properties that belonged to the Nasrid royalty. We can observe three large areas that are found in bordering points of the Vega of Granada: the westernmost area, the southern area and the immediate surroundings of the Alhambra city-palace. It is also especially striking to see how these main axes coincide with the main rivers of the Vega: the Genil, the Darro and the Monachil. This dispersion and distribution of royal property can be linked to vivification processes, especially in the periphery of the Vega.

Figure 1 - Delaunay triangulation of properties associated with the Nasrid royal family (Granada and the Vega)

Image 10000000000004DB0000036FEBC4AA298E8ED1C7.jpg

16On the other hand, we can mention the buying and selling processes that emirs could carry out to expand their properties. In some documentary sources there are transactions that the emir or members of his family carried out with private owners, but also with the Public Treasury itself, which leads us once again to the permeability of the Nasrid Treasury, already pointed out by authors like Seco de Lucena (1974, 26). To cite an example, we can see the acquisition made by Muḥammad X el Cojo (the Lame) in the year 1448 of the bath of Axautar that belonged in fact to the bayt al-māl ( نيت المال) (GASPAR, 1907, 21).

17Under the logic of the inheritance system in the Islamic world, the emir and other members of the reigning dynasty could obviously receive inherited assets like any other inhabitant of the kingdom and the same can be applied to voluntary donations. However, it should also be pointed out that the bayt al-māl received part of the inheritances of those who died without male heirs, in addition to all the assets of those who had no heir at all (SÁNCHEZ, 1914, 168). And although they are not properties that belong to the mustajlaṣ, we can observe very clear cases in which the emir seems to embezzle land and other properties following his personal interests, even when they were received through inheritances and destined to the Public Treasury. Very illustrative is the case of the death of Haxa, daughter of the late qā‘id Lindeyl b. Hudeyl whose assets must have passed to the bayt al-māl and which were subsequently offered in public auction, being curiously acquired by Zoraya, mother of the Infantes of Granada, sons of the emir (MALPICA Y TRILLO, 1992, 391).

18Another issue of crucial interest is the expropriation of assets to expand the Royal Heritage. Molina López (1997, 108) has pointed out that the Arabic root of mustajlaṣ (j-l-ṣ) can be linked to the verb "to remove" or "to extract" and even "to confiscate". Hence, it is very plausible that at least part of the development or perhaps even the origin of this heritage may be due to expropriations carried out by the emir, as has already been noted in other places and times of dār al-Islam, as in the case of the Abbasid caliphate (THOLIB, 2009, 350). We know that this also occurred during the Nasrid emirate, as Ismā‘īl II l is said to have taken qurà and orchards from Ibn al-Jaṭīb and annexed them to his mustajlaṣ (MOLINA, 2001, 91). The policy of granting goods by the emir to his political-military elites should also be read in the key of royal confiscations. It is quite possible that there were important dependency relationships linked to the will of the emir to give or take property in the form of land, houses, stores and other real estate.

19The women of the royal family deserve a mention of their own, before passing on to other members of the Nasrid elites. As is logical and we have already been able to observe, the Nasrid emir probably protected his family financially, giving various gifts to his closest companions to ensure their maintenance. Consequently, it is also easy to suppose that the emir's mother, aunts, sisters, wives, sons and daughters were under his direct protection. Following this idea, a trend has been observed that involves transferring assets belonging to the Nasrid mustajlaṣ to these close groups. This would go, at least in theory, against the fact that the mustajlaṣ was inalienable, which is very evident in the action carried out by Emir Muley Hacén who «tomó e aplicó, para sy e para la Casa Real, todo lo que halló vendido e enagenado, e puso en sus libros todo lo que tenían las reynas e Infantes e otros caualleros enteramente12 (PEINADO, 1995a, 304). This short excerpt illustrates a palpable reality of sales made illegally with mustajlaṣ goods, which makes us question the validity of some purchase-sale contracts that occur between members of the royal family, the mustajlaṣ and ​​the Public Treasury. For example, the aforementioned purchase made by Zoraya acquiring goods that should have belonged to the bayt al-māl or before this, around 1448, the purchase of several orchards made by the daughters of Muḥammad IX el Zurdo (the Left-handed), Ᾱ’iša and Fāṭima, from their own father (SECO DE LUCENA, 1947, 378). It is evident that the women of the royal family benefited from the protection of the emir and enjoyed a certain economic independence thanks to this type of concessions, although many could be revocable. Trillo considers that the handing over of mustajlas properties to women of the royal family also served to maintain their social status and facilitate the exploitation of these estates (2017, 128). Likewise, these queens usually had their own majordomos or stewards, which also allows them to be represented and manage their affairs without the need for the intervention of other members of their family, as we will soon see.

20No less important in these investment dynamics are the individuals belonging to the Nasrid political-military elite who are not a direct part of the royal family. Not surprisingly, any individual could carry out purchase-sale transactions, receive goods from inheritances or donations. It is also true that the practice of the vivification of mawāt lands was not limited to the Emir or his family, therefore, this could also be a mechanism for the acquisition of properties among this social group. Along with these options, we must speak of something that is specifically applicable to the emirate's elites: the delivery of land in compensation for services. Especially in western areas of the Vega such as the surroundings of the Alitaje, a large presence of members of influential Nasrid lineages has been observed (many of them with important positions such as qā‘id) which has led to the possibility that they had received their goods in compensation for services performed for the State (RODRÍGUEZ, 2016, 56). In some cases, this reality is confirmed in the preserved Arab documents, as in the case of the knight Muḥammad b. Muḥammad b. 'Uṯmān al-Šakūrī who receives from the emir, on the 22nd of muḥarram of 865 / 7 November 1460, lands at the drinking trough of Alitaje. The knight did not have to pay for them since the king is said to have contracted a loan with him, in addition to the services he provided (SECO DE LUCENA, 1961, 33).

Rural property management

21 Once we have broadly observed what interests could exist on the part of the diverse Nasrid elites in extending their properties and what were the most common ways to do so, we should focus on the management and administration of these assets. Large tracts of land and especially profitable estates such as the munà necessarily required significant investments in time and effort to promote their yield. Especially in the case of royal properties, which can hardly be managed directly by their owners, a figure appears that will be crucial to understand the profitability of these properties: the wakīl or mayordomo (steward, majordomo). These were individuals in charge of the administrative and management tasks of this type of property, chosen by their owners, although very probably they also had other types of occupations such as the representation of their superiors. In this sense, the correct choice of the majordomo was something extremely important and on which, to a large extent depended the profitability of an estate. This was already understood in a large number of Andalusian agronomic treaties, which emphasized the need to hire capable and obedient individuals for these positions (EL FAÏZ, 1994, 427). This, too, was a question common to other Andalusian times and geographies, since we can take the example narrated by Ibn Ḥayyān of Muḥammad I (823-886) and his son 'Abd al-Raḥmān III who gave their children alcázares and estates for their maintenance, and in addition to it «[Muḥammad I] les escogía, entre la gente más notable y honrada, un administrador (wakīl) al que confiaba sus asuntos y la supervisión de sus gastos e ingresos, así como la administración de su alcázar y fincas, pagándoles por ello un salario suficiente [...] [‘Abd al-Raḥmān III] les escogía los administradores (wakīl) más capaces, a los que confiaba sus asuntos, incrementando todo ello con excelentes secretarios (kuttūb) que controlaban a los administradores, tomándoles cuentas, registrando el montante de las rentas que cada cual tenía y escribiéndole cuanto tenía alguna necesidad13 This brief fragment allows us to observe not only the determination of the rulers to choose good administrators of their children's estates (and probably their own as well) but also that the first of the Umayyad caliphs of Córdoba even put a control system on these butlers, thanks to the surveillance carried out by some secretaries.

22In the Nasrid emirate the importance of majordomos is easily observed and we are fortunate to know some precise data on estates and their managers, and in a few cases, even on their functions. The most exciting example is undoubtedly that of two women of Nasrid royalty who owned, respectively, the qarya of Beas and the future village of Huétor Santillán14. About the year 1390 the inhabitants of these qurà did not reach agreements on the limits of these villages, so the queens had to intercede through their mayordomos, one called «aballa fijo de hamet almohagin»15 and the other «mahomad fijo de yuçaf abenyçam»16. In addition to offering a vision of the majordomos as intermediaries between peasant groups and the royal family, it also allows us to observe the responsibility that fell into their hands, since they acted on behalf of their queens. Likewise, this document can be interpreted along the lines of peaceful collaboration for the resolution of conflicts between these members of the ruling dynasty and the indigenous population.

23In some cases it is possible that the mayordomos exercised government functions, although it is a disputed matter. This can be observed in the case of Otura in which we are told of several mayordomos and representatives of queen Çeti. This information stems from a lawsuit of 1556 studied in detail by Galán and Peinado (1995) between the convent of Santa Cruz la Real and the city of Granada, about the village of Otura. In this context, some witnesses tell us about the stewards of this population and their responsibilities in the times imminently before the conquest. Muhammad Alpuxarrí is mentioned as mayordomo of Otura for four years, and «cobraba por la dicha reyna los diezmos» but besides him there was another who «cobraba los pechos e derechos e mestamas» (GALÁN et.al., 1995, 221). Another mentioned steward is qā‘id Çalor who held the position for 13 or 14 years and after him qā‘id Mahalep / Molehed, who served as governor in the qarya and collected the queen's income (1995, 221). Some witnesses go so far as to affirm that this qā‘id had jurisdiction over the qarya, although this issue is discussed. Likewise, it is stated that this qā‘id guarded the qarya with 80 knights / spears (GALÁN et.al., 1995, 221), which links a certain degree of military power to property control. However, as these authors have already pointed out, the testimonies of this lawsuit could be highly manipulated by the intentions of the convent. It is evident, however, that the Otura stewards collected the rents for their queen and they probably acted as intermediaries between the villagers and the queens. Along with rent collecting, we know that some mayordomos could have authority over regulations related to the irrigation of certain royal properties. Thus, in the inheritances of Nublo and Darabenaz the farmers who watered the land (regadores) were appointed by the king's stewards17. They also charged the part of the water from the ditches (acequias) that belonged to the king of Nublo and Darabenaz18 During the last days of the emirate, the personal majordomos of the queens also appear as important intermediaries and representatives in the transfers of property. Here we must necessarily mention Ibn Muqātil who was the steward of Fāṭima, again a woman from the Nasrid royal family, owner of the qarya of Ṣujayr and acted in the sale of that property on behalf of this queen (SECO DE LUCENA, 1947, 382). Ibn Muqātil will also act in Boabdil's purchase of the qarya of Dur, which belonged to Fātima and Umm al-Fath, both daughters of emir Muḥammad X (PEINADO, 1995b, 333-336), among many other economic transactions. Likewise, we believe that the mayordomos who managed a productive property were in charge of hiring and controlling the workforce. Probably they themselves, or subordinates directly designated by them, were aware of the production and avoided any type of fraud. It is undoubted that these men could, thanks to the good development of their work, gain prestige and wealth. The closeness to the emir and other members of the Nasrid royal family should facilitate their social advancement. On this subject, we recommend the brief analysis carried out by Ženka (2012, 170-177).

24Regarding the employment of majordomos outside the Nasrid royalty, it is highly probable that the greatest lineages also hired capable mayordomos to manage some of their assets (Ženka 2012, 170-177; PEINADO 1993, 339). For example, we know of a steward who served El Valencí «un moro cauallero muy principal»19. In fact, it is interesting to observe how some of the aristocratic estates will be managed by Nasrid mayordomos for decades after the conquest, since the Castilians will also employ administrators, including first Muslims and later moriscos, for similar tasks, as in the case of the hiring of Gonzalo el Gazi from La Zubia, as majordomo of Láchar by don Álvaro de Luna (PEINADO, 1993, 327 and 338). Undoubtedly, these men had a great knowledge of the management of properties of this type that the conquerors could not yet replace with Castilian administrators or workers.

25As for the income obtained, especially by the Nasrid monarchs during the late emirate, there are still many studies to be done. However, we know for example that in the case of El Nublo the emir received half of what the land produced and the tenants received the other half. (TRILLO, 2018, 566-567). Apart from this remarkable benefit, as Trillo San José correctly points out, he would take the tithe of the lands (2018, 566-567), although this payment would probably be the only thing that would remain in the hands of the emir after the transfer of El Nublo to his children. In the case of Beas de Granada, we have even more detailed information. Thanks to the investigations carried out that focused on the first years after the conquest, we know that the queens collected a third of the pan de las heredades, literally the “bread of the inheritances” (linked to the production of cereal), the third part of the silk, the tithe, the right of alazel and the right of cattle and in addition to this, each house offered a hen (PEINADO, 1995a, 314). In other cases we know more specifically what the total income of a certain inheritance was, as we have already seen in the case of Daralgazi and Darabenaz during the first years after the conquest and it is quite possible that similar benefits were obtained during the end of the emirate. In any case, on the benefit of these estates, more in-depth studies will appear soon.

Conclusions

26The study of the property that belongs to the different Nasrid elites in the territory of the Vega de Granada is providing important data on the knowledge of the ways of life and economic maintenance of these social groups. In all likelihood, over time, it may change the current conception of Andalusian elites. In this sense, observing the investment dynamics of mostly urban elites of the capital in this peri-urban and practically rural environment is extremely interesting. In fact, the Vega is shown as a medieval region that both generates and transforms wealth. We must add to the undeniable fertility of this peri-urban area, praised by so many medieval travelers, the proximity of the emirate's capital. At present, a certain positive synergy between the Vega and the capital is already perceived, thanks to the sales of products generated in peri-urban munà in urban markets. This type of dynamics should only have fueled the desire of these elites to invest part of their wealth in obtaining, managing and operating rural estates.

27Especially in the case of the Nasrid royal family, we observe an important tendency to invest in land and associate the closest members of the emir with certain inheritances so that they enjoy greater economic independence, including women of the ruling dynasty. The properties of the royal family are not only a resource to support members of the family, but they also had to provide significant income to the Crown, especially in times of greatest need, apart from fulfilling other needs and functions. This is evidenced very clearly at a time when the emir makes use of his patrimony and even the State’s assets to compensate other members of the Nasrid political-military elite for their services (as it is appreciated so well in the studies dedicated to the Alitaje); or when he is in need of selling his patrimony, perhaps to defray expenses related to the important conflicts that the emirate experienced throughout its existence, as it has already been pointed out by other authors (for example MOLINA et.al., 2010b, 238).

28In parallel, it is very likely that the most important lineages will try to take advantage of these dynamics, acquiring highly profitable estates that belonged to the royal heritage. It is also becoming increasingly clear that a large part of the agricultural holdings that belonged to the Nasrid elites in the Vega of Granada served productivity and profitability, rather than recreational functions or representations of power. This gives us a picture of Nasrid elites who are very interested in economic investment and obtaining important benefits, beyond the positions (political, military, administrative, etc.) they hold. It should be asked, accordingly, during the next studies, if there are imitation attitudes on the part of the most important Nasrid lineages to emulate the investments in peri-urban and rural exploitations of the royal family.

Figure 2 - Location of some places mentioned in the text

Image 10000000000005E10000042C3E92F4127DCDB57E.jpg

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Notes de bas de page

1 There is no complete translation of the Iḥāṭa, but we have the edition of ‘INᾹN, ‘Abd Allah (ed.) (1955) ̶ Al-Iḥāṭa fī tārīj Garnāṭa. El Cairo: Dār al-Ma‘ārif.

2 A good translation into Spanish in CASCIARO RAMÍREZ, José; MOLINA LÓPEZ, Emilio (trans.) (2010) ̶ Historia de los Reyes de la Alhambra. El resplandor de la luna llena acerca de la dinastía nazarí (Al-Lamha al-badriyya fi l-dawlat al-nasriyya). Granada: Universidad de Granada. (Two volumes).

3 Qurà (sing. qarya) is a Arabic term, from which the Castilian “alquería” derives, which refers to a type of settlement that has been much debated. Broadly speaking, these are rural villages that can have different neighborhoods inside and control a certain territory. See JIMÉNEZ PUERTAS, Miguel (2002) ̶ El poblamiento del territorio de Loja en la Edad Media. Granada: Universidad de Granada. p. 182. In some cases they have been linked to irrigation systems. MALPICA CUELLO, Antonio (2010) ̶ La vida urbana en Al-Andalus y su papel en la estructura del poblamiento y la organización social. Imago temporis. Medium Aevum. Lleida. Vol. 4, p. 403. It is also possible that originally the first qurà in al-Andalus were occupied by clan groups and tribal factions. TRILLO SAN JOSÉ, Carmen (2006) ̶ La organización del espacio de la alquería en la frontera nororiental del Reino de Granada. Studia Histórica, Historia Medieval. Salamanca. Vol. 24, pp. 227-228. So far it seems that most of the population of the Vega lived in this type of habitat.

4 “the queens and knights and others of his house (household)” (Own translation).

5 These negotiations were studied early in GASPAR REMIRO, Mariano (1912) ̶ Partida de Boabdil allende con su familia y principales servidores. Revista del Centro de Estudios Históricos de Granada y su Reino. Granada. Vol. 2, nº 2, pp. 57-111.

6 There are a large number of studies on these munà. To cite just a few recent studies: LÓPEZ CUEVAS, Fernando (2014) ̶ Las almunias de Madīnat Qurṭuba. Aproximación preliminar y nuevos enfoques. Revista Anahgramas. Vol 1, pp. 161-207 y MURILLO REDONDO, Juan; LEÓN MUÑOZ, Alberto; LÓPEZ CUEVSA, Fernando (2018) ̶ La aportación de la arqueología al estudio de las almunias cordobesas: el ejemplo de al-Ruṣāfa. Almunias. Las fincas de las élites del Occidente Islámico. Poder, solaz y producción. Granada: CSIC, Patronato de la Alhambra y el Generalife, Universidad de Granada. Pt. 2, pp. 25-45.

7 Own translation: “a house among gardens”.

8 Own translation: “produce a profit of half a thousand gold dinars a year, despite the low cost of vegetables in this city”.

9 There is currently a large bibliography on this type of sources, but it is worth mentioning some general approaches such as BARCELÓ, Carmen y LABARTA, Ana (1990) ̶ Los documentos árabes del reino de Granada. Bibliografía y perspectivas. Cuadernos de la Alhambra. Vol. 26, pp. 113-121 or the more recent work ÁLVAREZ DE MORALES, Camilo (2010) ̶ La geografía documental arábigogranadina. In Documentos manuscritos árabes del Occidente musulmán medieval. Madrid: CSIC.

10 This structuring is inspired by the one already established by Trillo San José in TRILLO SAN JOSÉ, Carmen (2018) ̶ El Espacio rural en el Reino de Granada (ss. XIII-XVI). Balance y perspectivas. Proyecto de Investigación concurso de cátedra de Universidad. Granada: Universidad de Granada. [Unpublished].

11 About these drinking troughs, a recent study: VIDAL CASTRO, Francisco y RODRÍGUEZ GÓMEZ, María Dolores (2020) ̶ Sobre ganadería nazarí: abrevaderos en las actas notariales y un documento árabe de compraventa de 1474. In Estudios de Frontera 11. La realidad bifronte de la frontera. Homenaje a Carmen Argente del Castillo Ocaña. Jaén: Diputación Provincial. Pt. 33, pp. 475-493.

12 Own translation: “he took and applied for himself and for the Royal House everything he found sold and alienated, and put in his books everything that queens and infants and other knights had entirely”.

13 In own translation: “[Muḥammad I] chose, among the most notable and honest people, an administrator (wakīl) to whom he entrusted his affairs and the supervision of his expenses and income, as well as the administration of his fortress and estates, paying them a sufficient salary […]['Abd al-Raḥmān III] chose the most capable administrators (wakīl), to whom he entrusted their affairs, augmenting all this with excellent secretaries (kuttūb) who controlled the administrators, taking them into account, registering the amount of the income that each one had and writing to him how much he had any need.”

14 It is possible that the queens did not own the entire qurá but that their property coexisted with private owners, which is especially evident in the case of Beas in some post-conquest documents. So for example Pedro de Rojas seizes land in Beas that had not belonged to the queens' heritage. See PEINADO, 1995a, 313.

15 Archivo General de Simancas, Cámara de Castilla, Diversos de Castilla, 40, 30, 7. This document has also been briefly discussed in MARTÍNEZ, 2015, 673-676. Although the interpretation given by this author is quite different.

16 Archivo General de Simancas, Cámara de Castilla, Diversos de Castilla, 40, 30, 7.

17 Archivo Municipal de Granada, 3455, 1, 7r.

18 Archivo Municipal de Granada, 3455, 1, 7r.

19 Archivo General de Simancas, Patronato Real, 34, 4, 66. In own translation: “a very principal Moorish knight”.


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