Minds and spaces: politics and policies in 15th century Cantabria
Résumés
This chapter focuses on the conceptualisation of political spaces in the Merindades of Asturias de Santillana and Trasmiera in the fifteenth century, and it concentrates particularly on the spaces that were of an administrative and jurisdictional nature. In the first instance, the dual analytical approach taken from the perspectives of Geography and Psychology is addressed, which in this context, has been applied to Historiography. Specifically, the research centres on the state of the art of the field, provides a review of sources from royal archives utilised, and presents a detailed commentary on the administrative terminology specific to the period. Secondly, the chapter addresses the conceptualisation of administrative and jurisdictional spaces in the specified historical context which are divided up into two phases, the first spanning 1400-1450, and the second 1450-1500. Both stages are studied through three different lenses, in terms of divergence, collisions and interchanges between political minds; and through different phenomenological approaches, namely the continuities and changes in rhetoric and political psychologies, political and territorial coherence in seignorial jurisdictions and noble groupings, the Royal Corregimiento government over the Merindades in question, the coalitions formed from political communities, and royal interventions in judicial affairs.
En este capítulo, se trata la cuestión de la conceptualización de los espacios políticos de las Merindades de Asturias de Santillana y de Trasmiera a lo largo del siglo XV, especialmente de aquellos espacios de naturaleza administrativa y jurisdiccional. Primero, se abordan la doble perspectiva analítica tomada de la Geografía y de la Psicología que, en este contexto, se ha aplicado a la Historiografía; el estado de la cuestión acerca del tema, la presentación de las fuentes empleadas procedentes de archivos regios y una precisión terminológica relativa a los vocablos administrativos utilizados en la época. Segundo, se estudia la conceptualización de los espacios administrativos y jurisdiccionales en el contexto histórico indicado, cuyo tiempo se ha periodizado en dos fases (1400-1450 y 1450-1500); desde tres ópticas, a saber: las divergencias, las colisiones y los intercambios entre las mentalidades políticas; y a partir de diversas líneas fenomenológicas, a saber: las continuidades y los cambios en la retórica y psicología políticas, y la coherencia política y territorial entorno a las jurisdicciones señoriales y agrupaciones nobiliarias, el Corregimiento regio sobre las citadas Merindades, las coaliciones de las comunidades políticas y las intervenciones regias en materia judicial.
Entrées d’index
Keywords : Castile, Late Medieval Cantabria, Merindad of Asturias de Santillana, Merindad of Trasmiera, political spaces, political minds
Palabras claves : Corona de Castilla, Cantabria bajomedieval, Merindad de Asturias de Santillana, Merindad de Trasmiera, espacios políticos, mentalidades políticas
Note de l’auteur
This paper is part of the Research Project: Política, instituciones y gobernanza de las villas y ciudades portuarias de la Europa Atlántica en la Baja Edad Media: análisis comparativo transnacional (HAR2017-83801-P) (AEI/FEDER,UE) – 2018. Translation adviser: Stephen Bellas, London Bank University.
Texte intégral
Introduction
1This chapter has four main objectives. Firstly, it takes my own research, centred on the power conflicts in the historical districts of royal and seignorial Administration in Cantabria during the Late Middle Ages, to the next stage. Conflicts were formerly regarded as simple processes of social and political change, and they are now beheld as catalysts for mental transformations, occurring in the first half of the 15th century, but spanning the whole hundred years period (DE INÉS, 2018; DE INÉS, 2019). The second objective is to discuss not so much the concepts of political space, but rather the evolution of them. Thirdly, this research presents results from previously unpublished sources. The fourth objective is to contribute to furthering the historiography of the Late Middle Ages in Cantabria, thereby integrating this into the historiography relating to the same period in Castile, as well as presenting these findings as part of the historiography relating to social and political change in Late Medieval Europe.
2The scope of the research addresses three specific dimensions. As far as Geography is concerned, it focusses on the Merindad de Asturias de Santillana, the area between Santander and San Vicente de la Barquera (E-W), from the sea to the Campoo inland region (N-S); and the Merindad de Trasmiera, from Castro Urdiales to Santander (E-W), from the sea to Burgos Mountains (N-S)1. Campoo and Liébana were the other two areas of Medieval Cantabria surveyed, but the preference here is to consider these separately allowing them to be studied in more depth in future research. Only toponymic references that are of particular significance are considered, rather than more concrete ones.
3In terms of chronology, for the purpose of this research, the 15th century is divided into two periods: 1400-1450 and 1450-1500. Some sources which precede and supervene these periods are used when they are deemed necessary to place a fact or process into a context.
4As regards sources themselves, some of those utilised were previously unpublished. There is one such source which contains litigation relating to vassals (1437-1438) and another relating to valleys (1439-1444), which are in deposit at the Royal Court Archive in Valladolid (Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid). The information extracted from these sources enables the period between 1400 and 1450 to be addressed2.
5A significant volume of documents has been compiled from the General Archive in Simancas, General Seal Registry (Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello), where the Royal Registry from the period between 1450-1500 are conserved3. Documents dated before 1481, were published by Solórzano (2016). Besides, this research uses documents from Simancas, Castile Chamber, People Section (Cámara Castilla, Pueblos); from the National Historical Archive in Madrid, Osuna Section (Archivo Histórico Nacional, Sección Osuna); from the Provincial Archive of Cantabria (Archivo Provincial de Cantabria) and from several collections in books4.
6The majority of these documents are extracts from different trial types, especially royal commands issued ordering political authorities to fulfil justice, or to those held to determine administrative matters. What is most interesting about this type of sources is the political discourses, from which researchers are able to distil perceptions about the medieval reality from different angles, and to emphasise how it was subjectively described by individuals and communities, based on distinctive and varied social and political characteristics according to where they found themselves on the stratum.
7Resources had to be deemed as historiographically significant, as well as being historically representative, to be selected as part of this paper. Furthermore, documents had to fulfil two criteria: firstly, to be related to social and political relationships between plaintiffs and spaces, and the findings obtained had to outline their political dialectic.
State of the art and methodological and conceptual approach
8In early sixteenth century Cantabria, geographical space was viewed by its dwellers in two principal ways. On the one hand, it was regarded as the oldest of all Castile, as it was said: «these towns and lands at the time of the Moorish conquest are the oldest of these kingdoms» («las dichas villas e tierra es lo más antyguo destos reynos al tiempo que fueron conquistados de los moros»). The other perception was of a land whose mountainous orography rendered the supply of victuals extremely challenging, because it was said: «this terrain of mountains, hillocks and crags yield little tillage» («las dichas tierras son montannas montes e pennas en lo cual ay muy poca labrança»)5.
9In general, the way humans view the space they occupy and exploit this is a construct, and for this reason, History requires researchers in the disciplines of Geography and Psychology to unravel how people in Medieval Cantabria lived and how they conceptualised space. This must be undertaken by exploiting historical sources to decipher the information that these contain.
Geography and Psychology
10Geographical research in Cantabria has pursued three broad lines of inquiry which have been the main focus in the field, namely: research into certain dimensions of physical geography, landscapes modified by humans, and current conservation proposals which relate to the anthropic impact on the environment. (MEER, 2009). From a review of previously published studies, certain ideas which are fundamental in Geography emerge as important and as such should be taken into consideration within the field of History. Firstly, ground composition and orography influenced how human spaces were organised and articulated (FRONCHOSO, 2016). Secondly, climate affects human habitability and risks (ORTEGA et al., 2015). Thirdly, forests and rivers defined which natural resources individuals could exploit (DELGADO, 2010). This leads us to a conclusion that the relationship between the environment and humans was expressed in terms of adaptation and adaptability (DELGADO, 1997).
11Moreover, Psychology reminds us that the brain, the mind and the mentality are different categories in researching the topography of the human psyche. First, the brain is considered as the physical organ which conveys every perceptive process, and whose cellular decline leads to diseases such as Alzheimer’s (COSACAK et al., 2020). Secondly, the mind is the psychical space where humans store their concepts, which is structured by experiences and emotions created by them (MEY, 2015). Thirdly, mentality is the cultural construction from those concepts, experiences and emotions (LAI, 2010)6.
12Psychology also maintains that these three elements are actually parts of a whole entity which works as one (BROWN, 2018; WILSON, 1979). Anatomy and physiology, psyche and emotions work together: what happens at the neurological level happens at the psychological level too. For instance, perceptions and sharing perceptions between subjects (psyche, emotions) shape the brain and its neuronal connections (anatomy, physiology) (HARI, 2017).
13Three particular elements should be distinguished; although the distinction should be considered more functional than actual: conceptualisation is considered as the process, conception as the fact and the concept as the product (LANE et al., 2019; SON, 2019)7. The relation between these terms can be seen as follows. Conceptualisation consists of various stages: perception, inception, internalisation, understanding, awareness, criticism and reaction (NAVOT et al., 2017; TAYLOR, 2011)8. During the process, conception (internalisation, understanding, awareness and criticism) implies the creation of concepts (topoi, categories and so on). This resembles a kind of cycle between material and mental worlds; semantics are linked to behaviour (GOODMAN, 1972).
14In accordance with Schoeller, Perlovsky and Arseniev (2018), as the mind affects the material world, it models itself appropriately. According to Prager and Curfs (2016), human actions in the world depend on mental processes. More precisely, human-relationship environments arise from how people perceive the natural world around them (BOIRA, 1991, 16-20), and the process occurs in every person; their biological and cultural frames will form their mentalities based on specific concepts (KURUVILA et al, 1995; MARTIN, 1988). Actions influence mind as it dictates how individuals must behave, no matter whether they understand the impulse to act as the cause or the reason (QUELOZ, 2017).
15Spatial intelligence is developed when the mind attempts to explore and make sense of the world (SARNO, 2012), and it creates its own mental space when translating concepts to a universally shared linguistic field, such as that which occurs with symbolic mathematical language (GUACHÚN et al, 2019). Through this process, humans as individuals manage concepts from the material world in the mental world (GOULD et al., 1974; GRAHAM, 1976), and they come to their own opinion on how to change the material world. Chorematics is one of the clearest examples of how humans crystallise, or rather elaborate, personal representations of real spaces with which they show others how they envisage these spaces, or even create models to help others to concoct their own vision of the space that surrounds them (ARCÍA, 1998).
16 This is the point at which Geography and Psychology converge. This binomial (material space and conceptualised space in the mind) has been a matter of intense academic debate. Behavioural and Perception Geography, as well as Humanistic Geography, have all contributed to analysing this binomial. Its key focus consisted of seeking to ascertain precisely how people perceive, make sense of, and experience the space around them (TUAN, 2018), or how they fail to do this (AUGÉ, 1995, 83), or they only observe the space they occupy without internalising what it means to them (BAUMAN, 2006, 108)9.
17As occurs in History, this line of inquiry in Geography has addressed the issue of source material: people have the need to find their own personal views and social propensities, but results are naturally divergent and they must be interpreted by specialists in many disciplines (WOOD, 1970). There is no other way of doing this but to recur to the people themselves, and to ask them about what they really think (in the field of Geography), and to research historical archives (in the field of History) with the aim of sourcing information about human mentalities (SACKS, 2019). For this very reason, historians speak of subjectivities; of the fact that reality is different for each individual (SMAIL, 2006). It is for this reason that Psychology has some keys to deciphering information where more explicit past references or semantics are lacking or absent.
18In conclusion, when experts approach medieval texts, which might lack clarity, they must endeavour to examine these by undertaking an in-depth analysis of their rhetorical and semantic dimensions to achieve a clearer understanding. By so doing, knowledge about how humans conceive space from perspectives in Geography and Psychology can play a role in helping History shed light on this area of research more rigorously by adopting a more robust evidence-based method.
History and Historiography
19With regard to historiography, all of the previous premises are accessible because minds and mentalities changed throughout History (BARROS, 1993). On the whole, spatial concepts changed over time (GOHARI et al., 2016). The process begins with perception and ends with human reaction in the material world. Respectively, in historiography, experts decode minds in order to access the minds of humans from the past. Consequently, one advancement in historical research has been to consider the mental world in past societies as equally as complex as they are in the present day (BERTRAND et al., 2015, 27-30, 59).
20People in the past cultivated relatively complex views about the spaces where they lived (FERNÁNDEZ, 2001, 22-30; GARCÍA, 2001). Geography, History, Archaeology, Anthropology and other disciplines converge in research aims, such as Organización social del espacio, which set out to comprehend the dialectic between spaces and people, and how they organised, articulated and conceived themselves and spaces (GARCÍA, 2004). Specifically, divergent perceptions, conceptions and usages of the material (natural) world by exploiters and defenders in Cantabria during the Early Modern Period have already been researched (FERNÁNDEZ, 2018).
21With regard to the Middle Ages, historians have considered the hypothesis of people perceiving La Montaña in a polysemic way, for example, geographically and administratively fragmented, and particularly distinct from other spaces in terms of identity (ORTEGA, 1987, 5-8). Due to physical compartmentalisation, since the 11th century, Asturias de Santillana distinguished itself from Asturias de Oviedo (RUIZ, 1999). This distinction remained for centuries in lay administrative districts, from the High Middle Ages to the Late Middle Ages (MARTÍN, 2002; PEÑA, 1989, PÉREZ, 1979; ZUBIETA, 2008).
22Valleys are key to understanding the geographical composition and administration in Medieval Cantabria. They were actually the primitive units of habitation and relationships, which were finally adapted to the feudal monarchy in Castile (DÍEZ, 1990; DÍEZ, 2002). Furthermore, villages (Aldeas, Lugares in Medieval Spanish) and plots (Solares in Medieval Spanish) were also references to articulate spaces jurisdictionally (DÍEZ, 1990, 80-107; PEÑA, 1995, 103-175)10. The result was a mosaic of bonds in terms of judicial and tax dependence (ESTEPA, 2003, 416-426; JULAR et al., 2009; MARTÍNEZ, 1981: 101-216).
23Some ports were created and promoted by the royal power on the seashore from the 13th century onwards and they flourished, eventually becoming prosperous towns and embedded in the Atlantic commercial networks (SOLÓRZANO, 2009); as seaports were arising on every coastal shore in Europe, for instance as a result of the Vikings’ expansion (CLARKE et al., 1991). From that point on, urban foundations developed very differently; Dublin being a clear example of this (BRADLEY at al., 2009). Cantabrian ports experienced their own evolution, as was revealed in research several years ago (SOLÓRZANO, 2007-2008). People interiorised their political identities in light of how they conceived the privileges bestowed on their towns by the King (SOLÓRZANO, 2009-2010). In this sense, space and culture were closely aligned.
24The relationships between space and political culture embrace many aspects like for example the different dimensions of political identities. On the territorial side, it is important to note the differentiation of individuals based on their place of origin or their place of habitual residence (for example, mother country or nation, place of birth or citizenship) the institutions of which linked people politically (LADERO, 2005).
25The social dimension refers to a community or an individual based on the social group that the individual belonged to, and the extent to which took a proactive role in Assemblies, and levels of engagement in political affairs where the social group in question could undertake political action. As a consequence, from this political experience these social groups or individuals developed their own political identity and culture (CARRASCO, 2016). In both the territorial and social dimensions, political identity was constructed based on the social and political action in the spaces in which human interaction occurred. In this sense, depending on the importance of the town and of the social group that lived in them, or on other factors such as town planning. Individuals aligned themselves each with their own identity and political culture (JARA 2014).
26Bauman’s Liquid Modernity is a useful concept which contains uncertainty, contingency and mutability from both societies and people, but also liberalisation (2016, 7-20). Indeed, it could be argued that this kind of Liquidity may be observed in every society, including that of Late Medieval Europe and Castile (ASENJO et al., 2015; BLOCKMANS, 1997), essentially as a result of the versatility of political practices and the polysemous nature of mentalities (REGUERA, 2001). The feudal system was characterised by active structures, as well as by changing situations (VILAR, 2013, 52–107).
27Transformations occur from natural evolution, but also from crises and conflicts (FREUND, 1995, 264-265; IRADIEL, 2004). By envisaging medieval societies as if they were historical (instead of chemical) dissolution, historians may execute a kind of conceptual electrolysis and use products to make their own intellectual progress (SANTOS et al., 2012). Once having done this, two components are mainly separated: toponyms and formulas. These could both be applied to ethnographic research (ECHEGARAY et al., 1988; GÓMEZ, 1999).
Minds and spaces: concepts and the Administration
28Through toponyms, it is possible to imagine the reality from the past that these refer to, so there could be multiple explanations for their origins. For example, medieval toponyms in Medieval Northern Castile designated places by their characteristic features, they described the observed reality (whether this were an anthropic or a natural reality), or by a particular person with whom spaces were associated (LÍBANO, 1995).
29Later on, toponyms came to be different concepts, although names remained relatively the same11. Similarly, formulas were also adjectives that were employed to portray simultaneously and refer to a portion of any space. Notwithstanding, formulas differed from toponyms to some extent. The first were much more plastic than latter ones in meaning, mainly in geo-administrative terms. Consequently, this chapter is focused on formulas, instead of toponyms, which have already been studied extensively (GONZÁLEZ, 1999).
30In late Medieval Cantabria, people perceived and understood space and they were aware of how it affected their daily life. This is evidenced in how they expressed themselves in documents (HYMES, 1977, 29-65). Semantics of La Montaña conveyed several aspects, explicitly and implicitly. On the one hand, meanings were related to physical features (ORTEGA, 1987, 5-8). La Montaña was so rocky and difficult to cultivate (montaña brava y pobre), difficult to traverse (muy estéril y de acarreo) and difficult to govern (as fragosa as notaries found it difficult to travel from one village to another to undertake their duties)12.
31On the other hand, depending on the accuracy of the transcriptions, historians might develop an enhanced understanding of how space was perceived by medieval minds. In the singular (montaña) emphasised features of landscapes such as orography and hydrography, but in the plural form (montañas) seemed to allude to a specific territory, which was characterised by its rugged topography (Cantabrian Mountains)13.
32In 1487, it was said that the Council (Concejo) of Ampuero was situated in La Montaña14, 15. In 1497, Receptor Juan de San Pedro went to La Montaña to collect money from dwellers in the Carriedo Valley, so that they could continue their litigations in the courts16, 17.
33In 1492, the Catholic Monarchs granted a special license to import millet bread to La Montaña de Trasmiera18. In 1495, Las Montañas were cited when men were recruited from Campoo and Asturias de Santillana, as territories beyond Burgos19. They were also mentioned as a kind of district as Castilla Vieja, Mena, Burgos and the Corregimiento of Biscay, Encartaciones and Tierra Llana were20. In 1500, Las Montañas appeared as part of the Diocese of Burgos, related to Merindad of Castilla Vieja and Merindad de Trasmiera21. In a word, La Montaña and Las Montañas were understood as if they had their own entity: undoubtedly geographical, presumably historical and possibly administrative.
34Cantabria consisted of four counties, two of which were the Merindad de Asturias de Santillana and the Merindad de Trasmiera. Concurrently, they were divided into many areas of influence based on jurisdiction and taxes, economic activities and cultural issues, as well as being aligned to different political royal or lordly authorities. Researchers must make sense of the minds of people from medieval times from the record that they themselves documented, in order to try to comprehend how medieval people conceived their own spaces (GARCÍA, 2001), and specialists in Cantabria are actively engaged in this endeavour at this current time (MARTÍN, 2019).
35Regarding administrative formulas, Merindad itself referred to the county (SÁNCHEZ, 2007), whose territory was usually called Comarca (MARTÍN, 1996)22,23. Corregimiento also alluded to the administrative section, which was ruled by chief magistrates whose scope of governance in geographical terms varied depending on the period24.
36The establishment of the Corregimiento in Castile was implemented unevenly in the sense that different Corregidores were responsible for different sizes of geographical control and varying sizes of population. In addition to widespread resistance to the posting of the Corregidores by the Kings, in each territory specific problems arose (DACOSTA, 2001), although the original aim was that the institution would operate with relative uniformity across all territories of the Monarchy (GUERRERO, 1994).
37In addition, the establishment of the Corregimientos was a staggered and evolutionary process given the Corregidores’ powers were defined over time, and the institution became distrusted by governed communities who cherished their political autonomy and were intent on defending it (ASENJO, 2017; HERNANDEZ, 2005). Despite the same legal entity existing in Portugal in the office of the Corregedores, the fact that this was another kingdom with its own institutional model requires the similarities and differences to be approached comparatively. The rural nature of the inland areas of Asturias de Santillana and Trasmiera provide valid scope for comparative analysis for example between these and Leiria, in Portuguese Extremadura (GOMES, 1994).
38In contrast with Castile, the royal governance in Aragon was implemented territory by territory, that is each territory was treated on a case by case basis (MOLAS, 1993). In addition to the Great Crown Sinods, the Monarchs appointed higher ranking officers such as the Justicia Mayor and the Gobernador General, but their authority did not emanate from the King but from Law (SARASA, 1999).
39Terms related to the organisation of political territories changed during the Middle Ages, in accordance with the region in Castile, the historical period and the political context (POLO, 2002). In Medieval Cantabria, Valle and Tierra were responsible for economic and political administrative aspects (DÍEZ, 2002)25. Alfoz (of Loredo) and Onor (of Miengo) were exceptional, but they were similar in nature to those of Valle (GARCÍA et al., 1989, 109-101)26. Junta was aligned to the Assembly where every representative or individual from any Concejo or Valle was invited to attend the official meetings at which they could make proposals and be part of the political decision-making process27. In contrast, the Hermandad was a group that was organised along military lines whose membership was composed of organised dwellers, and this entity defended everybody against damage caused by robbers and barons (GONZÁLEZ, 2006)28. Abadía, Mayordomado or Condado were jurisdictional entities which were governed by ecclesiastical or lay lords; and Término depended on towns29.
40In the 14th century, some spaces were integrated into other larger spaces and within these there were smaller plots. For this reason, in terms of their composition, the plots were clearly differentiated from each other. Noble lineage sources such as endowments and contracts, distinguished the Merindad de Asturias de Santillana from the Merindad de Trasmiera, the Merindad de Liébana, the Merindad de Pernía and the Merindad de Campoo30. In 1371, King Henry II granted the Merindad de Liébana, the Merindad de Pernía and the Merindad de Campoo to his brother Tello. In 1395, Henry III did so in favour of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Admiral of Castile (ORTIZ, 1985, 74)31.
41The Merindades consisted of several valleys and noble states, which were relatively autonomous in terms of jurisdiction (Toranzo, Polaciones, Peñamellera)32. King Ferdinand IV granted Sancho Sánchez de Velasco, Adelantado Mayor and Merino Mayor of Castile, the Soba and Ruesga valleys (1300) (SOJO, 1931, Vol. 2, 248). King Alfonso XI endowed Gonzalo Ruiz de la Vega, Lord de la Vega’s brother, with the valle de Piélagos (1335) and valles de Carriedo, Villaescusa, Cayón, Camargo, Cabezón [and] Alfoz de Loredo (1341)33. King Henry II rewarded Fernán Pérez de Ayala by giving Valdáliga (1370), and King John II did the same with Iguña, San Vicente and Rionansa valleys to Juan de Manrique (?)34.
42Despite the fact that nobles held the jurisdiction of valleys and villages, these units did cease to pertain to the Royal Administration nominally, because it was broadly known that lords exerted power on behalf of the Monarch. In 1394, Henry III formally separated the jurisdiction dually owned by Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Admiral of Castile and Lord de la Vega, and García Sánchez de Arce, who was Alcalde in Asturias de Santillana (PÉREZ, 1979, document IX).
43Therefore, even though it appears royal and seignorial valleys and villages were both widely considered as part of the Merindades, they each conserved their own distinct individual political identity. For instance, Beltrán de Guevara’s possessions were located in the Merindades de Asturias de Santillana, Trasmiera, Liébana y Pernía, but they belonged to the Lord’s jurisdiction (1431)35. However, these also belonged to noble states, as if they formed a single unit. Following the agreement in 1338, Ruiz de Villegas and Teresa González sold her father’s valleys to Garcilaso II, Lord of de la Vega, and his wife doña Leonor, in 135136. What is more, conceptualised spaces occasionally pertained to higher and more or less volatile units. For example, apart from the Merindad, there were privileged areas because of their metallurgical or cattle breeding potential.
44From Faya de Antón to Llanes, Merinos were prevented from collecting taxes from ironworks, between 1335 and 1499 (BLANCO et al., doc. 39). Later on, in 1480, Castilla Vieja con Laredo was deemed a tax-free space for the same reason, that is it contained ironworks. (SOLÓRZANO, 2016, 134). Some areas in Trasmiera and Espinosa de los Monteros shared similar rights in the sense that they could move cattle across boundaries for cattle breeding purposes (1396) (SOJO, 1931, Vol. 2, 179, 492). Isabella I of Castile absolved García de Zorrilla, from Espinosa de los Monteros, who had killed Juan de Zorrilla, from Soba (1478). It is not clear whether this murder was a consequence of rivalries over privileges (SOLÓRZANO, 2016, 86).
45Merindades were also used as administrative units for collecting taxes and recruiting soldiers for the Hermandad. Trasmiera was required to send several individuals to the Fuenterrabía soldiery (1480)37. The Corregimiento de las Cuatro Villas de la Costa de la Mar, Trasmiera y valles de Peñamellera, Peñarrubia, Ribadedeva, Lamasón y Herrerías was instructed to be incorporated in the tax collection district of the Hermandad (1480) (SOLÓRZANO, 2016, 146). Some villages (such as Fresno, in Campoo) were exempt and they did not have to contribute with soldiers (1486)38.
46Obviously, all of these measures were undertaken with the aim of setting in train a sustainable governance structure, in its royal and seigniorial facets. That is to say, Lord de la Vega, who possessed the Mayordomado de la Vega, could integrate valleys in a higher jurisdictional structure (his seignorial state) managed by means of administrative institutions and courts. Aristocrats also engaged local and regional noblemen, individuals and administrators, who, given their local knowledge and connections, were in a privileged position to assure the continued rule of their administrative leader. For instance, Juan Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, lieutenant of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Lord de la Vega, tried the case of Illana García against García Pérez de la Vega, a sheriff (1400)39. Another example illustrates how Juan Téllez, Henry II’s nephew, granted Pero Gómez part of his estate, in 138440.
47Conceptualised spaces (such as the Merindad) were associated with territories which were relatively delineated (its Comarca), and this connection was translated into institutions (the Hermandad), as well as ordinances, taxes, officials and soldiers. Santillana was the capital (the Cabeza) both of the Merindad, and of the Hermandad (1430, 1439)41; although this administrative unity expired with the establishment of the Hermandad of Santander which was founded in 1476 (SOLÓRZANO, 1998, 309)42. Trasmiera organised its own divisions of the Hermandad, and in territorial terms it took advantage of the existence and functional role of the Juntas (Junta de Cesto in 1498, Escalante in 1500, Junta de Cudeyo in 1500) for the purposes of expedience43.
48Spaces were subject to recurrent public expressions, such as Juntas. Depending on which representatives from valleys, villages and councils were appointed, who met in Santillana, territory attached to the Merindad de Asturias de Santillana (and to the Royal Administration) changed. The majority of deputies from valleys and villages, such as Lord de la Vega, gathered to hold a Junta on September 4th, 1430. However, Santander and San Vicente de la Barquera (autonomous), Valdáliga (under Guevara’s lordship), Herrerías (autonomous?), Castañeda, Cartes and Toranzo (under Manrique’s lordship) did not attend. The reason for holding this Assembly was to resolve the issue of the occupation of some valleys and villages by the Count of Castañeda44. Manrique’s attorneys did not attend because the Lord did not want the appropriation issue to be publicly discussed at what was the highest forum at regional level.
49In other words, common perception of major political spaces (as Merindad) was strictly linked to the political context and popular will. It is worth noting that valleys, towns and villages formed a political coalition aimed at achieving benefits from the Crown or lords, but this union would serve the sole purpose of achieving their aims in the context of this struggle and would cease to exist formally once this was achieved. In 1436, it seems every valley (and town?) in Asturias de Santillana agreed to grant proxy powers to a delegate before the authorities45. This union was progressively dissolved between September 1439 and January 144046. Despite this, the representative of Santillana was always intent on introducing himself as the official representative of the Merindad47.
50Nevertheless, how people attached meaning to the space they inhabited and worked in, that is their valley, did not necessarily correspond to any geographical reality. Valleys were not necessarily territorially determined. On the contrary, there were conflicts not only over disputes about jurisdictional borders, but also over valleys commandeering spaces or resources from another valley. For example, the use of natural resources (woods, water, grass) in mounts and pastures caused many confrontations and litigations48. Regardless of the fact that two or more powers would often fight over the land jurisdiction and their dominions being diminished, the concept of specific spaces did not disappear.
51Lugares of Valmaseda, Castillo, Colindres and Limpias were transferred from the Merindad de Trasmiera into Velasco’s states and into the County of Biscay, and the dwellers of those valleys exploited this jurisdictional instability to embolden their own political culture and defend their interests (1399-1497)49. The Abadía de Santillana kept the memory of its pre-eminence, even when Lords de la Vega and lineages ingested jurisdictional portions from the first during the whole 14th and 15th centuries (DÍEZ et al., 1983)50.
Minds and spaces: politics and policies
52During the second half of the 15th century, two apparently opposite phenomena occurred in Medieval Cantabria. On the one hand, past administrative elements remained intact at least in conceptual terms, and the jurisdictional fragmentation continued to occur meaning that the division of the Administration along royal and seigniorial lines persisted. On the other hand, new structures emerged, and these subsumed the older structures providing the historical context in the region with new senses of social and political coherence.
53First, traditional lands and borders remained ingrained in the minds of Medieval Cantabrians and this impacted significantly in their political decisions and practices. Sources reveal how the Merindad de Trasmiera and the Merindad de Asturias de Santillana continued to be known by these names. Trasmiera appeared as such in many documents, but Asturias de Santillana was not always known by this name, perhaps due to the fact that Santillana was the capital of the Marquisate of Santillana, and its Merindad was much more fragmented into many jurisdictions than Trasmiera51.
54Despite this, according to some documents, Asturias de Santillana was identified as one of the Northern Castile regions, such as (the Kingdom of) Galicia, (the Principality of) Asturias de Oviedo, (the County of) Biscay, (the Province of) Guipúzcoa and (the Merindad Mayor de) Castilla Vieja were52. Despite the inclusion of Asturias de Santillana in this group of regions, it is important to underline that it possessed less political prestige than for example the Kingdom of Galicia and the Principality Asturias de Oviedo.
55The Merindades also endured as geo-political spaces (SOLÓRZANO, 2016, document 90). However, the fact there were occasional mentions of Asturias de Santillana as a principality and Trasmiera as a province and not as a Merindad, possibly indicated that the Royal Court’s use of terms, such as: the Provincia de Trasmiera and the Principado de Asturias de Santillana, was erratic or even erroneous53.
56Moreover, the Merindades were administrative references and they operated on a territorial, military and fiscal level54. For example, in 1491, the estuary of Treto and the Término of Escalante were used as geo-political markers to delimitate where Juan de Escalante was allowed to build mills55. The generality associated with the Merindad de Asturias de Santillana leads to the interpretation that, in 1497, the Alcalde Mayor in Santillana ruled the area on behalf of his Lord, the Marquise, because the centre of the seignorial authority was established in this town56. Probably, other Alcaldes, who were jurisdictionally bound by the Mayor, conducted the Administration throughout the entire noble estate57.
57Secondly, the territory also presented a common feature which challenges any scope for generalisation. The only conclusion that can be drawn is that any generalisation, given the fragmentation, cannot be made. The Merindad de Asturias de Santillana was referred to as a homogenous entity allows us to interpret the opposite to any kind of generalisation: the political fragmentation and the variability of many particular cases. Indeed, the fragmentation was the most inner gene in the political DNA of Medieval Cantabria. Thus, a logical method to penetrate them and to link mental and material worlds involves to analyse formulas and tones (from enunciative, formulative and informative angles) in documents so as to infer contents in minds and, eventually, senses about individuals’ actions, accordingly to thoughts that made them act as people did.
58For instance, in 1460, Trasmiera was organised into several Juntas, touching on lower administrative districts, as well as to municipal associations and governments (Junta de Cesto, Junta de Voto)58; into many councils (the Concejos of Laredo, Ampuero, Limpias, Colindres, the Concejos de la Junta de Cesto), and into a couple of towns (Villas) with their Términos (Laredo, Castro Urdiales). There was a sort of correspondence between concepts, institutional structure and political actions. Cesto and Laredo agreed themselves in supplying terms in order to confront Ampuero, Limpias and Colindres for using the bay and the port of Santoña59. The Juntas of Cudeyo and Ribamontán were conceived separately, but they were ruled by the same Alcalde in 1493 and 149460.
59Términos or municipal lands were usually well-defined. As the councils marked borders, the mount wards watched over the cattle from other valleys and villages, and they prevented it from being fed with their pastures. More often than not, conflicts arose because of these reasons, such as it happened to Udalla against Rasines and Espinosa in 149761.
Lineages, noble states, political coherence and cohesion
60There were –new or noticeably strengthened– structures which provided Cantabrian territory with political coherence in its own administrative trajectory. It is known how linajes and bandos were the most common keys of social cohesion and political articulation in Northern Castile, by grouping people and by submitting them to higher individuals’ decisions (DACOSTA, 2014; SOLÓRZANO, 2005a)62.
61Noble states ruled by the Velasco, Manrique and Mendoza linages were specific jurisdictional units that conveyed the political articulation of the Merindades. In 1475, the Soba and Ruesga valleys, which entirely belonged to the Velasco Family, reached an accord with Pero Fernández de Velasco that was of paramount importance, and would have enduring repercussions for the future which fixed an amount of money which would be paid as taxes, which were called Alcabalas63.
62They also signed a pact in which dwellers would be protected from being attacked by any other power, such as the Crown itself, by the Lord (feudal terms)64. This quest for a common front resulted in both actors sharing a common view about the jurisdiction, which was expressed by similar discourses, by an understanding that the Velasco’s Lordship should continue intact, and by agreeing that the specific formal arrangements that had been agreed would be operationally feasible and sustainable over time. This could be considered as a form of interchange of minds or, more specifically, the interchange of ideas between minds.
63In the 1490s, the noble states were territorially well conceptualised. For instance, the Toranzo Valley was part of Manrique’s state, the Count of Castañeda; as the Carriedo and Cayón valleys were of Mendoza’s state, the Marquisate of Santillana65. The Merindades even seemed to be absorbed by the noble states66. But, from 1478 to 1492, the Toranzo Valley sustained a discourse about political autonomy based on its specific territory, where municipal officers had supposedly worked without any intervention from any entity external to the valley. Additionally, no external or higher authority had ever taken prisoners or forced neighbours to appear in their courts.
64The Count of Castañeda used entirely different arguments to defend his stance. Supposedly, Toranzo belonged to one of the Lord’s states, as did the Iguña, Buelna, Ruinansa and San Vicente valleys. The Count believed that the valley was ruled by powerful and roguish people. Furthermore, as the large distance between Toranzo and all the other states meant that all inhabitants from Toranzo were required to attend the Lord’s Court, the Count established his own court in Cartes (SOLÓRZANO, 2016, documents 87, 89, 92, 94-96, 98)67. A very similar controversy ensued in the Carriedo Valley68. What occurred in effect could be described as a collision of minds. Both agents in a conflict conceived space differently, and they expressed themselves and acted coherently in political terms. Debates pointed to divergences in mentalities69.
65The community of Escalante defended itself against Ladrón de Guevara’s intention to impose the Lord’s privilege over villagers’ in the area of tax collection (Alcabalas) in 148870. This document points at the link of the Puebla de Escalante, which was located in Trasmiera, to Biscay’s jurisdictional rights, but this aspect should be considered separately. Secondly, this example depicts two different minds, underpinned by their respective documents and memories, which collided. Therefore, political articulation needed arbitration from the Queen.
66Seignorial administration endured the whole second half of the 15th century, as it crystallised in the 1440s and 1450s. In 1497, Diego de Villegas, from Villasevil de Toranzo, confirmed that he defended himself before Marquisate of Santillana’s Justice (around 1479), and before that of the County of Castañeda’s (around 1493) over a number of murders in which he had been involved, which were essentially lucha de bandos71. Notwithstanding, Diego was pardoned by King Ferdinand, as his son, Prince John, and his daughter-in-law, Princess Margaret, had married in one of his residences72.
67As in other regions of Castile, noble states in Cantabria created institutions and administrative charges that were modelled on those that were utilised by the royal institution, such as the Corregimiento (MUÑOZ, 2008). In 1500, it was said that the County of Castañeda was ruled by the seignorial officer who was called Corregidor and Governor73. Significantly, the institution was subject to the royal authority, as the management of the Manrique’s administrator was examined by two judgers sent by the Catholic Monarchs, as well as the Kings ordered the other officers in the County of Castañeda to fulfil the justice.
The Corregimiento: institution and district
68Despite the fragmentation of Medieval Cantabria, the Administration characterised territories based on concrete political criteria. The Royal Officers ruled Asturias de Santillana and Trasmiera along the same lines as other Castilian provinces in regard to taxes, military recruitment and the high royal jurisdiction, as well as in other general issues such as regulation of weights and measures, collection of weapons for the Army or funeral expenses covering any member of royalty74. As regards trade, the towns of Laredo, Santander and Castro Urdiales were grouped with Toledo, Valladolid, Medina del Campo, Burgos and ports in Osma, Sigüenza, Calahorra, Murcia, Cartagena, Almansa, Yecla and Noya’s dioceses and regions (1497)75. The Corregimiento in Cantabria comprised valleys and Juntas, towns and villages within the Realengo76.
69The Corregimiento disappeared at the end of the first half of the 15th century. However, in 1475, the Catholic Monarchs designated Juan de las Casas to be the Corregidor de las Cuatro Villas de la Costa de la Mar (San Vicente de la Barquera, Santander, Laredo and Castro Urdiales), Sámano, Vecio, Guriezo, Peñamellera, Peñarrubia, Lamasón, Ribadedeva, Herrerías y valles adherentes (SOLÓRZANO, 2016, document 41)77.
70Firstly, this appointment confirmed that Juan de las Casas as Corregidor had jurisdictional prerogatives in governance, justice, military control, taxes, investigations and inquiries relating to crimes, and processes to remove nobles from the district’s land when their power could affect the impartiality of any litigation78. Secondly, the duration of the office depended entirely on royal will79. Thirdly, the appointment required the consent and obedience of the people. Fourthly, this convergence of jurisdictional areas, which were to span a greater geographical space, could indicate that the jurisdictional areas, that previously might have enjoyed increased jurisdictional autonomy, would now be subject to the authority of this new overarching institution and converging in a common jurisdictional space, which was the Corregimiento80.
71More than a decade later, in 1488, another royal document referred to the Corregimiento as occupying Santander, Laredo, San Vicente de la Barquera and Castro Urdiales, the Merindad de Trasmiera, the Vecio Valley, Peñamellera and other territorial assets81. The fact that another document from 1495 confirmed very similar governance conditions to those mentioned above relating to the same jurisdictional space, denotes the Royal Administration by means of the Corregidores was gradually gathering momentum and consolidating82.
72Other sources specify that the entry of new Corregidores required some guarantees so as to avoid past hurdles. For example, the Royal Justice required them to declare their patrimonial goods so that it could claim compensation over people who were sentenced by the Corregidores unfairly83. For instance, the Kings ordered Fernando de Ribera and Juan de Deza to examine his predecessor’s rulership. That was called Juicio de residencia84. Fernando de Ribera was commanded to continuing ruling the Corregimiento afterwards85. The appointment of this officer was accepted by Laredo, Castro Urdiales and the Junta of Sámano; but Santander, San Vicente de la Barquera, Peñamellera, Trasmiera and other valleys and villages refused to countenance the appointment. It was unclear, at the time, what the basis for their declining to approve the appointment was.
73The Corregimiento was both the institution and the district. Territory under its authority consisted of the Cuatro Villas de la Costa de la Mar and Merindad de Trasmiera, and it was clearly separated from the County of Biscay and lands around Burgos City, to where some men took refuge in 1497 having been expelled from the Corregimiento86. Seignorial valleys and vassals were subject to the jurisdiction of the Corregidores as ordered by the royal authorities for the duration of litigations committed to them until these were brought to a conclusion. For example, Juan de Mier, from Cabuérniga in the Marquisate of Santillana, who was probably the Lord’s vassal, pleaded before the Corregidor for some patrimonial assets87. After the officer concluded the trial, which had been committed by the Monarchs, Juan de Mier appealed for royal protection once the sentence was executed.
74The Catholic Monarchs supported the existence and sustainability of the institution for the reason that it would be pivotal to safeguarding their effective organisation and control of the territories. The fact that extending the new Corregidor Día Sánchez de Quesada’s term of office, beyond the customary one-year period was established as a possible arrangement, indicated the extent to which the institution of the Corregidor was bound by the will of the Kings. As a result, towns, valleys and villages had to obey88.
75That signified they were subject to the Corregimiento89. The Corregidores assigned their officers (Alcaldes) in valleys, Juntas and villages; for instance, in Trasmiera: Limpias (1475), Guriezo (1475), Liendo (1480, 1491), Cudeyo (1487), Limpias (1491), Trucíos (SOLÓRZANO, 2016, documents 55, 62, 138), Siete Villas (as well as with their own Merino, 1498) and so on90.
76Administrative units appeared to be subject to Corregimiento, even when the position of Corregidor was vacant. When the period of office expired, the Corregidores were required to abandon Cantabria, and the Kings sent judgers to examine the quality of their rulership. In the meantime, these judgers governed the land as acting Corregidores and, after a certain time and depending on the royal will, could be nominated the new Corregidores. For instance, Gonzalo Sánchez de Castro ruled the Corregimiento, and he was in charge of scrutinising Fernando de Ribera residency trial (Juicio de residencia) in 149391.
77Additionally, in case of the position of lower officers being vacant, people recurred to the nearest eligible counterparts in the district. For example, in the absence of an Alcalde for the Junta of Siete Villas, the inhabitants of the district requested the assistance of the Alcalde of Junta of Ribamontán to try the case over the murder of Pero Gómez del Mazo, from Ajo in Trasmiera92.
78 In Physics, every action causes a reaction (FRASER, 2005)93. But it depends on material features and environmental conditions (SHARMA, 2016); that is to say, it is matter of relativity (TUVAL et al., 2014). Sociologically speaking, this is translated into changes and its natural consequence: resistance (KLIMOVA, 2018). Politically, reforms usually need adjustments in economic and social concerns (CUERVO, 2003); especially when measures affect lands (ROBLEDO, 2015). In fact, one of the most recurrent conflicts in Spanish History is about lands and forestry (SERRANO, 2019).
79With regard to Medieval Cantabria, two documents enlighten how problems emerged in the eastern part of Trasmiera and the western part of Asturias de Santillana. First, Castro Urdiales, the Guriezo Valley and the Junta of Sámano were transferred into Trasmiera, into the County of Biscay and into Trasmiera again (SOLÓRZANO, 2016, document 51)94. In 1476, Álvaro de Gaona was appointed as the Corregidor in Trasmiera and in Castro Urdiales for a maximum period of six months (SOLÓRZANO, 2016, document 72).
80The fact that the extraordinarily short duration of this Corregimiento was recorded, when the period of office was ordinarily a whole year, indicates that there was a problem, but the specific reason for this unusually short incumbency was atypically not documented. Perhaps Gaona’s undertaking here was deliberately designed simply to resolve a specific conflict, or because the previous Corregimiento was cut short and brought to an abrupt end, and Gaona should have finished the rest of the six-month term. Probably, the interruption would be explained with the assassination of Juan de las Casas, whose case is introduced below.
81Secondly, as valleys of Guriezo and Liendo, and villages of Colindres and Limpias, in the Junta of Seña, protested against trespasses from the Corregidor in their privileged jurisdiction in 1492, something similar happened to several valleys in Asturias de Santillana from 1491 onwards95. In this case, valleys of Peñarrubia, Peñamellera, Lamasón and Herrerías seemed to have nominated their own officials, but this prerogative was granted to the Count of Castañeda by the royal power96. From then on, the nobleman managed the provision of officers97. Notwithstanding, the Corregidores attempted to appropriate the right of designating Merinos, which was contested by the Count and investigated by the Crown98. The interpretation here outlines the idea of an unclear conception of the jurisdiction, although the territory was defined.
82This could indicate that administrative borders frequently might not have aligned with how people viewed borders in their own minds. For instance, Fernando de Guazo, who came from Toranzo, was promoted to Merino in Campoo, but he maintained some hostilities with inhabitants from his home valley99. Indeed, some Merinos in Campoo came from the Toranzo Valley100. In a word, personal relationships and mobility of people went transcended physical and institutional markers, and they reveal the actual plurality of conceptions, much more liquid and plastic than they might have been thought.
Political coalitions and identity
83Common troubles, dangers or risks motivated the appointment of deputies who represented the same interests. That did not mean at all the creation of new communities further than what was a kind of transitory coalitions, whose members could sustain any sort of common culture based on being inhabitants in a specific regional space, and on protecting themselves from threatens as lords and criminals were101. Otherwise, in Europe, Castile and the Northern Coast, repeated concurrences might have resulted in a common culture about social practices, political vindications or even social and political identities (CHITTOLINI, 2009; GUERRERO, 2009-2010; SOLÓRZANO, 2006).
84For instance, Pedro de la Puente, from the Junta de Voto, represented the Merindad de Trasmiera. He alluded to how royal officers committed abuses in the whole Corregimiento, accordingly to whom the document was addressed (1493)102. Besides, five Juntas in Trasmiera agreed to form a coalition twice. First, they jointly nominated one single spokesperson, Fernando de Carriazo from Galizano. Secondly, they together refused to refund Carriazo the money he spent during the four or five months he stayed in Madrid, so as to be able to continue to litigate on behalf of the Juntas (1486)103. In other words, these communities constituted a coalition to pursue their common interests, in favour or against the same man, but the union only existed for the duration of the cases and, after they were concluded the joint endeavour, ceased to operate.
85Other cases reveal more durable associations, like when they defended their goods, and when they were ruled by power agents too. On the one hand, from 1486 to 1493, Valdáliga with Treceño, the Councils of Lamasón, Peñarrubia, and Peñamellera valleys and sometimes Herrerías and Rivadedeva showed the idea of union when they complained about having been forced to contribute to taxes much more than they were supposed to do by law. The Corregidores would have contradicted royal privileges, which had been endowed much earlier104.
86Therefore, the Council of Peñamellera requested that the official notary designated be one of its own inhabitants. Similarly, the Valley of Lamasón formed a coalition, which was called Comunidad de términos, to exploit natural resources105. To summarise, communities developed their political culture, institutions and space, that were sustainable in terms of their existence and effective orchestration (OLIVA 2014).
87On the other hand, the Royal Administration shared this point of view and it was taken advantage of in administrative terms. For example, Alcalde Miguel Navarro ruled Rivadedeva, Peñamellera and Lamasón. Moreover, the Alcabalas were collected from the same area consisting of Peñarrubia, Peñamellera, Lamasón, Valdáliga and Herrerías (BLANCO et al., document 131)106.
88Herrerías presents the most significant case107. People aspired to obtain royal authority to recognise their political entity as an autonomous community. Their acquittal was backed by the fact that they had been exempted from paying some taxes for much time (Alcabalas, Tercias, Pedidos), as well as they were used to ruling on their own108. Dwellers even attacked the Alcalde from Peñamellera, who went to Herrerías to execute a sentence over taxes109. When the Carriedo Valley, which pertained to the Marquis of Santillana’s states in Cantabria, rebelled against its Lord, they argued that seignorial officers charged the aforementioned valley with too much tax110.
89These cases exemplify how communities found the key of their political identity in what made them different from others, which usually lay in their royal privileges (GUERRERO, 2012). When their rights were attacked, communities would attempt to defend themselves against malefactors to protect their rights which were essentially what defined them as a community, and what differentiated them from other peoples.
90Colindres epitomises how the community, consisting of people from different social strata, and led by its most preeminent men (Alcaldes, Escuderos y Hombres buenos), and institutionally organised around the Council (Concejo), protested against the Corregidor attempting to designate just one Alcalde for the whole Junta of Seña (1498)111. This reference to space dated back to a much earlier period, and the royal agents would have wanted to use it so as to remodel the public structure of the Administration in Trasmiera.
91Nevertheless, the strongest indication of this fact lies in the social and political rapport that existed, which was intended to save what was a primary right, and one which was an integral part of their political culture. There was also a desire to achieve the recognition from the Crown, which would consolidate their singularity. By so doing, the community would prevent their political identity being dissolved into the homogeneity of the Realengo.
92 Similarly, the Junta of Siete Villas criticised the fact that the Velasco’s Merino did not report the oppression he exercised on dwellers during the time he was in office (1499)112. This resulted in the community to rally together to demand justice against the power of a man who was supported by Velasco, who was the Constable of Castile. The Concejo, Alcaldes, Regidores, Escuderos, Oficiales y Hombres buenos of Escalante denounced the Merino because he lived in the town, which in his capacity as Merino was not permitted by law (1499)113.
93Due to the fact that local agents could not make decisions about other places’ issues, as they lacked the authority to do so, or as they were not able to do act owing to the lack of power, they recurred to the royal sovereignty, which covered all jurisdictional spaces in Castile. Moreover, many other documents illustrate how Juntas and valleys in the Merindad de Trasmiera were highly critical of royal officers and their rulership; as exemplified by the objections raised by the Junta de Cesto (1500)114.
94Despite the fact that each community acted independently, their protests were similar in character, followed a similar pattern and all occurred roughly at the same time. This could put into question the supposed unity and lead one to believe that the joint endeavours were purely established for pragmatic motives.
95Leaving communities aside, another significant point is that local noblemen (Hidalgos), who were grouped into linajes and bandos, and leagues (ligas) and factions (parcialidades), exerted physical and psychological damage on the region and manipulated royal officers in order to curry favour and increase their own power. The confrontations between noblemen, particularly when these were linked in feudal terms to Great Lords, could embroil them in conflicts and required the Kings to arbitrate to restore order. This is quite possibly what happened when a group of men, who would be connected feudally speaking to the Count of Castañeda, were brought to trial before the Marquisate of Santillana and in the end the Catholic Monarchs had to intervene (1497)115.
96By killing Juan Vélez, from San Martín in the Carriedo Valley, and Juan de Santander, who was Alcalde in Penagos, Rodrigo Guazo and his relatives and dependants (Consortes) from the Toranzo Valley, and dwellers from the Cayón and the Toranzo valleys respectively demonstrated what happened to those who objected to the predominance of nobles, no matter whether opponents were commissioned by the Crown or not (1496)116.
97Fernando de Setién killed a man around 1485, so García de Salazar, the Alcalde of the Junta de Ribamontán, sentenced him to death. However, Setién escaped, as Salazar could not locate the criminal. Subsequently, the term of tenure of the Alcaldía by Salazar was coming to an end, and the case of Setién was still unresolved. Additionally, some people who had personal relationships with Setién offered gifts to Salazar. That is why the Alcalde decided to feign the criminal act and eventually appeared before Salazar, and pardoned Setién. Later on, when the criminal actually returned to Trasmiera, the new Alcalde, Alonso de Paraíso, carried out the justice that Salazar had failed to do did. In the end, Fernando de Carriazo, the brother of the man who Setién had killed, demanded penalty to Salazar in 1497, because he felt that justice had not been done117.
98Eventually, by the year of 1500, the havoc caused by Giles and Negretes became so serious in Trasmiera that the Kings decided to supress all parentelas, parcialidades, ligas, confederaciones, apellidos and bandos, which were articulated by lineages. These prohibition measures entailed other courses of action. First, every feudal bond between members of leagues had their legal validation officially removed. Secondly, public notaries were barred from offering their services to private interests, or from answering demands with this purpose. Thirdly, public associations, such as Cofradías and Cuadrillas, were banned from holding their meetings when these were convened by a bando118.
Space concepts and royal policies
99There were five broad lines of emphasis that the Catholic Monarchs used to implement their policies. First, the Kings fulfilled their control over Medieval Cantabria through their officers, because they ruled effectively119. Certainly, the efficiency of the Royal Administration is explained by its rational use of political institutions as defined by the territory. When dwellers in the Junta de Sámano lodged a complaint about offenses committed by the Corregidor’s Alcalde, as well as objecting to the fact that the chief magistrate did not accommodate his request to probe him (Juicio de residencia), Ferdinand and Isabella commissioned the Corregidor of Biscay, the closest royal agent with enough authority to judge the case, as well as putting him in charge of managing justice in Sámano (1496)120.
100Furthermore, people in Asturias de Santillana and Trasmiera asked royal authorities to solve their problems. For example, an instance of notable resistance occurred when Juan de las Casas was killed by people in Asturias de Santillana. The reaction from the Crown required tough measures to reinforce royal control over the Northern provinces. Murderers took refuge in suitable privileged areas to be shielded by nobles. The Catholic Monarchs undertook a number of measures to reinforce their dominion. These included investigating irregular practices, removing municipal officials who depended on nobles and elites (bandos y parcialidades), positioning neutral individuals in post in their place, deploying extraordinary powers (to forgive crimes) and intervening in free spaces (in favour of or against them), such as the noble states of the County of Castañeda, the Marquisate of Santillana, the town of Santa María del Puerto and more (SOLÓRZANO, 2016)121. Having provided this interpretation of the events, this does not mean that, as researchers, we are in a position to quantify the psychological influence of impunity on rates of criminality.
101Besides, the Kings ordered Corregidor Fernando de Rebolledo to enter into the San Vicente Valley, owned by the Count of Castañeda, and to capture convicts wherever they were found, and to take them to the places where they committed their crimes (1497)122. The Following spatial concepts can be discerned from this document. The Realengo was ruled by the Corregidor, and Señoríos were ruled by lords123. Each of them had their jurisdiction prerogatives and territories well defined, as well as enjoying relatively similar levels of authority. That is to say, the Corregidor needed to be empowered by the Court to start acting. In this way, the chief magistrate could legitimately enter into seignorial lands in virtue of the supreme sovereignty of the Monarchs all over the realm. The process of returning delinquents to the locations where they had committed crimes, could be an indication that the Corregidor, by ordering this, was able to demonstrate and display how order was being restored.
102Major issues, such as the immunity of malefactors, large debts of money, the reiterated practice of usury, or the management of Jews’ patrimony once they were evicted from Castile, were processed by the Corregidores: not only over the Realengo, but also over Señoríos. For instance, Escalante, whose lordship was Guevara lineage’s, was included in a royal command against usury in 1498124. In the same year, officers in the Soba Valley, which pertained to the Velasco Lineage, were ordered to judge a case of twelve thousand maravedíes between two women125; and the officers in the Marquisate of Santillana were ordered to hold a bigamy trial126. And, in 1499, the Catholic Monarchs mandated a sentence to be accomplished. It related to contracts between two men from the Cabezón and Cabuérniga valleys, and the Countess of Haro, from the Velasco Family, regarding debts with Jews before they were expelled from Castile127.
103Secondly, the Castilian Monarchy implemented the organisation of several royal forces from Asturias de Santillana, Asturias de Oviedo, Biscay and noble estates in order to capture criminals (SOLÓRZANO, 2016)128. The Kings even commanded civil officers in Trasmiera to help ecclesiastical officers from Burgos to capture the abbot in Pontones or a clerk from Ajo (1490)129. But, when clergies committed crimes or there were conflicts over the management of their assets, the Royal Justice intervened to restore the Law (SOLÓRZANO, 2016)130. Finally, the Monarchs were partially successful in conserving and managing their own rights in ecclesiastical affairs that affected the secular governance of the kingdom, such as the provision of candidates where there were vacancies in some churches (Patronato real) (NIETO, 1999); for instance in: Santa María de Puerto, San Miguel de Ogarrio, Santa Juliana de Santillana and San Salvador de Piélagos (SOLÓRZANO, 2016, document 197)131.
104Thirdly, the Kings operated in congruence with how they viewed each significant administrative space. On the whole, two main perceptions must be distinguished. First, natural and demographic features conditioned royal policies in matters of tax collection, military recruitment, the implementation of political reforms and so on. Secondly, according to the political morphology of the Administration in each territory, to whether its jurisdiction was distributed between many lords or not, or whether they were powerful or not, royal authorities adapted their political dialectic and rhetoric to be tougher or softer accordingly.
105For example, as the Court had the notion of Trasmiera being an infertile land incapable of producing crops, the Catholic Monarchs allowed people from the Merindad to take sacks of bread from the Kingdom of Galicia132. Nevertheless, the Kings reserved for themselves the management of public and even private spaces. That meant that the particular concept of royal ownership over public spaces remained as it had been in the past (DOMÍNGUEZ, 1933). That also meant that nobles required a royal license to release any property attached by Mayorazgo133,134.
106On the one hand, public spaces, such as roads and estuaries, must be mentioned. In 1494, Cabuérniga, Cabezón, Valdáliga, Alfoz de Loredo and Rudagüera frequently protested against being prevented from crossing mountain passes into Campoo and beyond, because local authorities (seignorial and royal ones) demanded taxes. The Kings ordered an investigation into these unlawful taxes and, depending on the legal outcome, the taxes could either continue to be levied or had to be abolished135. They also reported they were not allowed to travel with their livestock through some villages’ lands, so this matter was a royal power’s136. In 1495, the Guriezo Valley applied for a royal license to transport materials to repair some forges and mills, which were destroyed by floods137.
107Safety was the Crown prerogative and responsibility, but not exclusively. The Kings decided how it should be managed: whether by means of coercion, or protection against malefactors, or licenses to carry weapons138. For instance, dwellers in the Junta de Cudeyo lodged a complaint about the Corregidor having banned them from carrying weapons, although they needed them to transit the Merindad de Trasmiera without risk of being assaulted by robbers. Consequently, people from Cudeyo demanded a license to travel with arms, and the Kings instructed the Corregidor to take charge of this case (1498)139.
108On the other hand, towns were not allowed to use their Términos totally freely. In 1489, Laredo asked the Catholic Monarchs to be allowed to collect money from trade taxes in the Abra de Santa María, and to spend it to repair port infrastructures140. Around 1487 or 1488, the Council of Villaherreros sold part of their Término to Santillana, because they were in economic need. In 1494, they realised that their decision was ill judged and came to regret it, pleading with the Kings to revoke it, by explaining that they had taken their decision without having received the royal permission141.
109Fourthly, the Crown was a prominent agent in power dialectic in Cantabria. The process of administrative reorganisation that took place in the region which was bedevilled by disputes between lords, the Church, councils and royal officers over the jurisdiction, and the royal power intervened in conflicts to conserve the balance between political forces, or not allow them to obliterate each other.
110For instance, the Catholic Monarchs mediated or managed the trials for certain cases as follows. In 1489, Gutierre Díez de Ceballos broke the lease contract, which had been agreed at an earlier stage with Santo Domingo de Silos, relating to properties attached to a number of temples in Iguña142. The Kings protected the Silo’s commissioner against Ceballos and his allies. Between 1493 and 1494, Fernando de Estrada litigated against the Councils of the San Vicente, Rivadedeva and Peñamellera valleys, as they took the decision not to pay feudal taxes to the Lord; and disputes between Estrada and the Count of Castañeda threatened the individuals who had moderated disputes between them143. The Monarchs ordered, first, the Councils to pay feudal taxes; and, secondly, to take the litigation between Estrada and the Count to the Royal Court in Valladolid.
111The competition between empowering lineages against valleys and villages and the ecclesiastical power might be considered as a natural process in political evolution occurring in Medieval Cantabria. Thus, whether the Kings intervened to disrupt the process, they were changing the natural dialectic in regional politics. But the interpretation should not be portrayed in this way, because the Monarchy was the political space in which relationships were developed and in which every institution, plaintiff, corporation, faction and individual could be integrated (LADERO, 2002).
112On the contrary, the peripherical provinces must be viewed as part of the whole realm. The Crown was becoming increasingly proactive in supervising political and social connections between people and institutions from the High to the Late Middle Ages (LADERO, 1986; LADERO, 2001; MARTÍN, 2017), and the Northern areas were not the exception (SOLÓRZANO, 2018). Castile exemplified this phenomenon (LADERO, 2010), because regions were understood in administrative terms and organised within the frame of the Monarchy (LADERO, 1992). The process of Statebuilding involved institutions and policies whose administrative and structural reach spanned the whole of the realm (GENET, 2003; LADERO, 1991).
113Lastly, the Crown articulated the Administration in Cantabria, taking into account its natural and demographic features. For instance, the royal officers calculated the number of notaries which the region needed, having investigated the relationship between the distance people would have to walk between towns and villages, and the population density. However, this purpose required some adjustments. For example, Alonso de Maldonado nominated a number of notaries who had no royal license and this document would have been required as official evidence that they were in a position to serve as royal officers in charge of public documents. They had only been examined by the abbot of Cervatos, whose ecclesiastical power was insufficient to nominate notaries. It could be that this occurred due to the lack of authorised men by the Catholic Monarchs. Finally, they ordered Corregidor Juan de Deza to replace the uncertified men (1496)144.
Resistance and spaces: divergence and collision of minds
114When the Corregidores were suspected of being biased in their judgements, or when they were accused of being iniquitous in implementing measures, resistance arose from governed people and communities145. Documents reveal the emergence of at least two positions (divergences of minds and mentalities). People not only accepted or refused to contribute to officers’ command, but they also spread rumours about royal agents to discredit them, and even resorted to violent opposition (collisions of minds and mentalities).
115Each side was partially justified for its stance. For instance, noblemen in Trasmiera accused Corregidor Día Sánchez de Quesada of showing bias by spreading the rumour that he acted against the noble lineages for his own interest. Probably, lineages and the Corregidor did not behave insidiously. Rather, their actions were based on their own respective mentalities which were noticeably different from each other. Lineages might have defended traditional practices, but the Corregidor would try to implement new ones146. Another possibility suggests that social bonds and rivalries between factions and officers could have had an influence on governance147.
116The fact that each particular mentality contained its own political identity or reasons for social protest did not prevent them from having shared ideas. Indeed, ideas are much stronger when they are supported by a cohesive group or community (BANERJEE, 2020). In the Middle Ages, many examples endorse this statement (OLIVA, 2014; SÁINZ, 2014).
117In 1489, some agricultural laborers (Labradores) in Mena valleys were successful in their request to be exempted from paying taxes, as noblemen (Hidalgos) were148. Generalisation of privileges over such a vast space and granted to so many people, as was applied to Trasmiera and its peasants, could devalue the esteem that social groups, which traditionally enjoyed those privileges, attached to this practice, as occurred in the case of noblemen. This phenomenon manifested itself in the Basque Country in the 16th century, which was called Hidalguía Universal (IMÍZCOZ, 2018).
118In a word, the collision of minds may be defined as a sociological category applied to History, which refers to the opposition of two or more mentalities that supported distinct ideas about politics in the region, and which led to conflict between people. This notion is evident in many cases where individuals and communities conceived jurisdictional spaces differently, and they fought over this in order to protect their situation or to change it.
119It was clear when the Corregidores attempted to appropriate jurisdiction from noblemen. For instance, the Corregidor wanted to designate Merinos in the San Vicente valley instead of the Lord, the Count of Castañeda (1489)149. The Valley of Carriedo had their own demands concerning autonomy by alluding to some privileges the community had been saving from many years ago, but the Marquis of Santillana did the same by highlighting a feudal deal with people from Carriedo which was agreed two generations earlier150. Collision of minds also occurred when two or more lords endeavoured to acquire the jurisdiction over the same place. For example, the Count of Castañeda and the Bishop of Burgos disputed the ownership of Pie de Concha (1487-1488)151.
120A different type of collision of minds emerges from other examples. Around 1460, Solórzano, Hazas, Ballesteros, Moncalián, Ambrosero, Bárcena and Cicero agreed to buy the Alcaldía collectively, as well as to nominate the official to take charge of it. The demographic density of each village, or the number of inhabited houses (Humos or Fumos) in medieval terms, determined the rotation of officers. Nevertheless, in 1484, when Riaño should have elected its candidate, Ballesteros broke the custom because its dwellers repeated the voting for nominating another Alcalde from its own district152.
121In addition, in 1484, Rodrigo Guazo, from Toranzo, who called himself the Corregidor of Campoo, executed Juan de Cos, from Reinosa, because the latter did not join the first’s faction153. In 1487, Juan de Prado, Merino in Espinosa de los Monteros, confiscated a horse charged with wine, which belonged to Martín Fernández de Casares, from Soba154.
122Every individual would consider that this was a legal act. The key point here lies in the interpretation of varied opinions and their political senses. For example, Riaño would be aware of its rights, and both Guazo and Prado would consider their acts as legitimate. That is to say, rights were the structural part of their political vindications. Furthermore, Ballesteros would think about its own benefit, or maybe it dreamt of its leadership being the best option for the whole community. Alfonso de Morante and Casares would understand the acts by Guazo and Prado as acts of vengeance, due to the fact that Cos did not join Guazo and his faction, and Soba did not resolve a litigation against a man from Espinosa. As a result, the functional sense of the collision of minds entails the will of using political conflict and violence for practical purposes.
123 Finally, the common point in all these cases is the intervention of the royal power. When medieval minds diverged, collided or even collapsed, the Kings arbitrated, attempted to restore law and order, and they promoted collaboration between confronted sides. For instance, in 1485, Juan Martínez de Villazón, from Pravia, stole around 40,000 maravedís from a couple of individuals from Santillana, when they stopped over in the former’s house155. In relation this case, the Catholic Monarchs addressed officials in Santillana (the town) and Asturias de Oviedo (the Principality).
Resistance and spaces: interchange of minds
124If an object in higher temperature touches another in lower temperature, energy transfers from the first to the second until both reach a balance (Thermodynamics). Similarly, when individuals establish contact with others, they exchange impressions and they influence each other’s minds (BADALAMENTI et al., 1992). By so doing, they solve problems collaboratively, as they empower themselves and the group simultaneously (OLLIVERI et al., 2017).
125Analogies from Physics can be adapted to Social Sciences (CÁRDENAS, 2020). In the field of History, many elements affect the construction of mentalities. The power was one of the most significant political and cultural factors in Medieval Castile (CARRASCO, 2006). Relationships between the power, spaces and mentalities involved aspects, such as jurisdictional links of people to institutions, administrative organisation of districts, political dialectic and so on. The fragmentation into many jurisdictions determined the perception of valleys and villages as particular units with their own identities, but each was characterised by the continuous interdependence between itself and others.
126As it was outlined above, Cantabria was fragmented geographically, because of its mountainous orography, and administratively, as political spaces were jurisdictionally divided into many districts which belonged to different authorities. Notwithstanding, spaces could also be conceived in other political terms, which were not strictly administrative.
127On the one hand, lineages from Santander territorialised their influence in the town and its surroundings (Término) by controlling the Council, as well as by acquiring properties that increased their personal patrimonies (SOLÓRZANO, 2002, 304–309). Furthermore, local nobles also coordinated their political factions (bandos) through which they interwove social networks in the region. For example, Giles and Negretes managed their influences over Laredo and the Junta de Cesto, during the second half of the 15th century (SOLÓRZANO, 2005b)156. Mendoza connected Santillana to Hita, Saldaña and Buitrago, in his noble state, by creating a space exempted from taxes (1485)157.
128 On the other hand, political meanings of administrative spaces in Medieval Cantabria depended on how people understood them. For instance, when some natural resources were used by the same families or councils for years or even generations, people came to consider spaces as if they were privately owned. In 1483, the Moral Road, which connected Reinosa (Campoo) and the Marquisate of Santillana, and Tierra de Campos to Las Montañas, was closed158. It is unknown what the rationale, or which arguments were defended to do so. Perhaps a conflict between any lord and the public authorities would explain the litigation. Nevertheless, what is clear is the following. First, the collision of minds provoked a debate. Secondly, the practice of providing Cantabria with provisions, as it was usually in need of agricultural products, was an important ploy which political actors used to achieve their particular interests.
129In 1487, officers from Lanestosa, the Junta de Parayas, Ampuero, Laredo, Limpias, Colindres, the Mena Valley, Valmaseda, the Salcedo Valley, Bilbao, the Junta de Avellaneda and Castro Urdiales constructed bridges and roads, and they force travellers to pay crossing taxes (Peajes, Pontajes) without prior permission from the Monarchs. The problem arose when traders and walkers (mulateros, caminantes) claimed against this practice159. In 1489, the San Vicente, Cabezón, Cabuérniga, Ucieda, Alfoz de Loredo, Iguña and Cieza valleys and the Merindad of Campoo agreed to protest against enclosures of common plots and public roads. That would impede pack animals from moving between Cantabria and Tierra de Campos160.
130In both cases, we are more familiar with the demanders’ version: they would be negatively affected by whom used spaces freely, with no regulation from the public authorities. People who were accused of that supposedly believed they were allowed to do so, or perhaps they believed that they behaved as they did in the interests of the common good. Sometimes, the minds, whose perspectives of the reality differed from those of others’, actually diverged and collided. Many times, they simply coexisted. But occasionally, people started conversations by which they made agreements based on having developed common discourses, where it is shown how both sides in a litigation case delineated the same interpretation of any issue. Beyond that, the parties interchanged elements of their mindsets, and they absorbed aspects from each other.
131Divergences and collisions of minds portray cultural and political conflicts as a result of institutional and administrative transformations in Castile, which affected how individuals, communities and councils occupied and exploited lands (DIAGO, 1990). But the long-term Statebuilding process in medieval Castile entailed the spread of the Public Justice, which simultaneously managed social relationships and problems, and offered the political space where political actions and relationships were undertaken (NIETO, 1991), and people endeavoured to solve their differences (BONACHÍA, 1990).
132For instance, Juan de Barreda, from Santillana, lodged a complaint about the Duke of Infantado, who was the Marquis of Santillana too, did not allow him to move to any other place, and about the nobleman threatened Barreda to appropriate his assets. The Catholic Monarchs ordered the Lord to respect the Law, and not to prohibit Barreda from going wherever he desired (1496)161. Diego Rabín, Lord of Obeso in Rionansa and warden of the castle in Saldaña (which belonged to Mendoza?), demanded royal command in order to make his vassals keep obeying his orders and paying taxes (1496)162.
133In Guriezo, some dwellers would engage in the practice of appropriating lands from the municipality, with no right to do so. Some people complained about this type of habitual act, even though this custom provided the community with additional agricultural supplies (1496)163. The Council of Vioño, within the jurisdiction of Santillana, denounced that the Councils of Viérnoles, La Montaña and La Vega formed such a powerful league and they would be supported by other social powers (such as the Marquis of Santillana?) to prevent the habit of each Council using the hilly land between Buelna, Toranzo, Piélagos and the Mayordomado de la Vega to herd their cattle (1496)164.
134In these cases, the Catholic Monarchs decided that their officers had to manage the litigations and to fulfil justice, unless the Kings expressly ordered old customs to continue, and to preserve individuals’ and communities’ rights to use natural spaces. However, the most significant key lies in the fact that each part in every controversy in Medieval Cantabria took their issues to public court. Once people were before the judger, they verbalised their own versions about what happened, and consequently they manifested in a very personal way how they conceived spaces, in terms of the jurisdictional dependence and economic exploitation. The purpose of the Administration was to resolve problems and to restore peace in society. But it also created a political space where people expressed themselves in which they held conversations, which, in some instances, resulted in them reaching a gentlemen’s agreement.
Conclusions
135This chapter addresses the conceptualisation of political spaces with a particular focus on their administrative and jurisdictional nature, and it has focused specifically on the Merindades of Asturias de Santillana and Trasmiera, both of which were part of Medieval Cantabria, as well as the Merindades of Campoo and Liébana, in the fifteenth century.
136The study aims to make a significant contribution to research into the royal and seigneurial Administration during the period specified, and to contribute further analysis into power conflicts, the cultural and mental dimensions of these struggles and their evolution throughout the whole of the century surveyed.
137The subject of the research is the spatial concepts, not so much in terms of their nomenclature but rather in terms of their administrative and political semantics, which it is considered will shed light on the way political spaces were understood, and how people attached meaning to them during this period. To this end, a large volume of source material has been consulted, especially from royal archives, particularly judicial sources ranging from litigation to initiatives and orders of differing types. In most cases, these documents were unpublished, although some were published in collections or in catalogues.
138The findings that are presented here are both defensible and original for the following reasons. The volume of resources available have been selected and prioritised for research purposes in a balanced and rational way, combining analysis in an extensive and intensive interdisciplinary approach. This has resulted in a piece of study of historiographical interest which is a reflection on the political dialectic and culture in Cantabria during the Late Middle Ages.
139All of this has resulted in an important historiographical commentary on the political dialectic and culture and on the historical context of Medieval Cantabria, which was a peripherical region, and on the context of Castile. In other words, the Monarchy was engaged in a process which involved the whole realm in the long-term process of the Statebuilding.
140This chapter is structured and organised as follows. It contextualises three prescriptive dimensions. The first specifies the origins and the nature of source material, its typology and how they were used in the research. The second identifies the psychological and geographic perspectives for these disciplines, which provided indispensable conceptual and process elements to address the conceptualisation of spaces in judicial sources from the medieval period. What has been learnt from the analysis is how to contextualise the subjectivity of the geographical lived experiences of the historical, following the specific political mentalities period that were prevalent during the historical period in question.
141Lastly, the research has outlined the administrative situation of the Merindades of Asturias de Santillana and Trasmiera between 1400-1450 and 1450-1500, during which they experienced significant changes in administrative terms, although certain political aspects remained intact throughout the whole of the century. For example, jurisdictional fragmentation was a distinctive feature, and indeed its political vibrancy, more than its instability, characterised Medieval Cantabria as a dynamic region which, ironically, allows historians to speak of its inconstancy as the only constant in the Late Medieval Period. To summarise, the duality in spatial terms, on the one hand, between ports on the seashore and, on the other, valleys and villages on mountains contrasted two models of living and two distinct ways of exploiting natural resources, as well as exemplifying two different administrative matrixes and cultural patterns.
142The chapter proceeds to address the relation between spaces and political mentalities in the first period of 1400-1450 a relatively detailed account of the historiographical interpretation of the political content of the administrative formulas that are discerned from the sources. This meant taking into account the psychological impact that a particular perception of a geographical area could result in given the such irregular orography of Medieval Cantabria. The name La Montaña, for example, results explicit on considering how people in the Middle Ages were aware of natural features that determined their lifestyles in economic terms of exploitation of the resources, as well as in politically and administratively.
143It is also reflected on the administrative semantics of the most significant territorial units, particularly Merindad and Corregimiento; and of medium sized units which combined political, economic, social and cultural meanings, such as Valle and Lugar; and units that referred to both the institutionalisation and the institution of the political community and the territorialisation of this in a determined physical space such as Concejo or Junta.
144When researching the relation between spaces and political mentalities during the second period of 1450-1500, the same interpretive approach is followed. However, in this case, it was possible to be considerably more specific given the abundance and wealth of sources available covering the last quarter of the fifteenth century. Indeed, the richness of information resulted in deciding to extend the fourth section of the research which above all allowed for each of the analytical aspects to be spelt out in more detail.
145First, Asturias de Santillana and Trasmiera were circumscribed to the territories of the Merindades with these names, even though the popular perception of this association was diminishing, and its administrative practicality was disappearing, and especially so given other political structures were developing. During the first half of the 15th century, the Corregimiento controlled the four counties of Medieval Cantabria. But, during the second half of the century, it only ruled the lands directly subject to the Crown. Indeed, as the duties of the Corregidores were specified, the administrative institutions and the political control over people were reinforced.
146Secondly, noble lineages created the social frame which people joined, and the increase and the empowerment of the noble states conditioned the reorganisation of the Administration in Medieval Cantabria. Both elements provided individuals and communities with new political coherence, by means of structures apart from the royal institutions and other forms of political dialectic.
147Thirdly, differences between political coalitions indicate that the councils and the noble lineages worked as distinct entities. Communities were usually constituted so as to defend themselves and their rights, but they rarely outlasted once they accomplished their interests. In a word, communities prioritised the concept of the own political identity, which was specific and linked to the territory where the dwellers enjoyed their franchises, exploited natural resources and held their political culture. Identity strictly depended on the usage and concept of the space where people lived for many generations.
148Nevertheless, the noble lineages defined themselves as social and political structures with the purpose of spreading their influence over the territory, and to integrate individuals and communities. Despite the fact that the lineages held concrete political culture and mentalities around the families whose members led the group, their main characteristic was their practical vocation for consolidating their social and political influence by displaying many and varied sorts of mechanisms to express and articulate their power.
149Fourthly, in accordance with the process of the institutional reinforcement by the Monarchy over the whole kingdom, royal policies orientated to govern territories were also centred on strengthening the authority and the power of the Monarchs over all the actors in Medieval Cantabria. The Kings arbitrated conflicts by means of their officers, mostly the Corregidores, and by opening the Royal Courts, the space of political dialogue where every individual and community could express their problems and to demand justice.
150Finally, the research concludes with the commentary on resistance, principally by the communities from the valleys and villages, against other powers in Medieval Cantabria, for instance the nobles and their lineages, or the royal officers such as the Corregidores. This issue is analysed through the prism of three conceptual approaches which, in sociological and psychological terms, may be understood as the consecutive phases of the same process. To summarise, divergences of political minds over how spaces were perceived, in matters of how natural resources were exploited or how administrative institutions were organised, gave rise to collisions of minds. Frequently, historical events resulted in violent conflicts and litigations.
151On other occasions, these divergences resulted in agreements which denote the sides in any controversy shared ideas, and they formed a single and unified discourse, which exemplified how a common interpretation of the reality was created. This historiographical and sociological approach enables experts to embark on research into the fields of political dialectic, psychology, rhetoric and philosophy of Northern Castile in the Late Middle Ages.
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Notes de bas de page
1 Translator’s Note: Merindad – «Administrative district in Medieval Castile originally governed by a Merino responsible for tax collection and, administration of revenue as well for judicial and administrative services. In Castile, the Merindad replaced the former Condados (counties) as a result of the increased prominence of the Monarchy’s administrative apparatus at the end of the Middle Ages. They finally were integrated into Corregimientos in the 14th and 15th centuries».
2 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2523, 1, folio 1recto (r)-folio 225vuelto (v), folio 225v-folio 900v; and Caja 2524, 1, folio 901r-folio 1403v.
3 Most relevant cases are presented below.
4 Translator’s Note: «The names of Archives were not translated into English in order to conserve the original nomenclature. That also allows readers to carry out searches on databases with greater ease. The collections of documents published in books are cited below».
5 Archivo General de Simancas, Cámara de Castilla, Memoriales, legajo 114, document 15. People concretely came from Trasmiera.
6 Mind is understood in cognitive terms. Generally speaking, mind is also comprehended as the mental world itself. Mind is linked to cognition, and mentality is connected to culture.
7 The difference between conception and conceptualisation is employed in History teaching, particularly in making students create their own critical minds about discourses about national identity based on History, which is usually monopolised by the States and the political parties.
8 According to Navot, perception of levels of corruption conducts people to desire the resolution of this problem, and that is directly connected to social protests and political vindications. In addition to this, following Taylor, when researchers have to chart educational programmess or to programme robots, they discover how mental processes work.
9 Reading Cruz’s article (2018), the idea of what place the individual occupies in the globalised world emerges.
10 Translator’s Notes: Aldea – «Village, considerably less densely populated than a town, set in the countryside». Lugar – «In Medieval Spanish, alluded to a village, similar to Aldea». Solar – «Plot referred to the piece of land which an individual or a family cultivated, as well as alluding to the geographical origins of any noble lineage».
11 Coronyms was the third category. For instance, the term Cantabria was territorially vague during the Middle Ages (Peña et al., 2005).
12 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149411, 134, and legajo 148906, 133; Cámara Castilla, Pueblos, legajo 20, documents 555, and 556.
13 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148604, 64. As regards La Concha, it was distinguished montaña y puerto bravo (particularly, in La Concha) from montañas (in general), because the first provided the access to the second. In 1495, when the Kings ordered about the royal patronage, La Montaña and montañas were distinguished: the first was connected to churches and monasteries under the royal patronage, and the second was linked to parishes (legajo 149507, 169).
14 Translator’s Note: Concejo – «The Council or the institution that governed a municipality».
15 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148707, 92.
16 Archivo General de Simancas, Cámara de Castilla, Pueblos, legajo 5, document 202 bis.
17 Translator’s Note: Receptor – «The royal officer who collected money from people, especially, when the man was commissioned by the Kings. It is also related to the act of receiving witnesses of any trial».
18 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149208, 153.
19 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149512, 91, and legajo 149512, 87.
20 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149508, 260.
21 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 150005, 331.
22 The term Provincia was not common. It was used, for example, in the 16th century: the Provincia de Trasmiera or the Provincia de Liébana: Archivo Histórico Nacional, Osuna, legajo 1791, 15, and legajo 1810, 20, 1-5.
23 Translator’s Note: Comarca – «The administrative district of medium size between the municipality and the province. In this context, it refers to the undelimited territory of the Merindades».
24 Translator’s Note: Corregimiento – «The institution established by the Castilian Kings during the 14th and the 15th centuries to govern the kingdom. Corregidores usually was in charge of cities and towns, as well as of their municipalities. In Cantabria, owing to its geographical and administrative characteristics, there was one single Corregidor over the whole region».
25 Translator’s Note: Valle – «This concept involves two meanings. The first is the geographical one related to the land between mountains with a river running through it. The second alludes to the cultural construction by people in History, according they lived in the space, they exploited natural resources, and they developed their political identity». Tierra – «General term with many meanings in Medieval Castile. For instance, it was referred to the land depending on a town (comunidad de villa y tierra), but it also alluded to the whole territory of the Merindad or the Comarca». For instance, Tierra de Campoo de Suso, belonging to the de la Vega’s jurisdiction, is the most remarkable example.
26 Translator’s Note: Alfoz – «This word has Arabic origins and it was used in Medieval Castile to nominate the jurisdiction depending on towns. However, in other contexts as Medieval Cantabria, its sense adapted to other realities, such as the land with no clear administrative centre». Onor – «It is such a confusing term in Medieval Spanish, which comes from honour (honor). However, its administrative meaning seems to be connected to any piece of land with which the King endowed a nobleman in rewarding for their services. By this act, the nobleman was honoured».
27 Translator’s Note: Junta – «It comes from the verb in Spanish ajuntarse, and it is the origin of the word Ayuntamiento. In Medieval Cantabria, it evokes, first, the Assembly of the Council, of the councils in the same Valley, or of the councils and valleys in the same Merindad; and secondly, the administrative district which grouped several councils and shared the same Alcalde and Merino».
28 Translator’s Note: Hermandad – «In Spanish, it literally means a sort of close bond between individuals. In the Middle Ages, the Hermandad was the notion of individual and communities grouping in defence of themselves. It was also an institution which was recognised by the royal authority, and they tended to be politically organised. During the 13th, the 14th and the 15th centuries, the Hermandades became so important that their help in civil wars resulted necessary to win, and even to control the realm once the conflict had finished». See, for instance, the Hermandad de Asturias de Santillana.
29 Translator’s Note: Abadía – «The monastery community led by the abbot. Depending on the context, it was generalised to refer the head of an important ecclesiastical dominion». Mayordomado – «A specific sort of noble state, ruled by a Mayordomo on behalf of the Lord». Condado – «A specific sort of noble state ruled by the Count. Originally, it is similar to English meaning of county, as it alluded to a region in charge of royal agents. But it was finally understood as the noble state owned by a Count». See, for example, the Abadía de Santander, the Abadía de Santa Juliana, the Mayordomado de la Vega, the Condado de Castañeda and Santander y su término.
30 Alfonso XI gave a monastery in Orejo (Merindad de Trasmiera) to Gonzalo Ruiz de la Vega: Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2523, 1, folio 77, folio 96r-folio 97r. Liébana and Pernía were ruled by the same official (the Merino) in 1293: Archivo Histórico Provincial de Cantabria, Pergamino 116. In 1372, Trasmiera was privileged by tax exemptions (Sojo, 1931, Vol. 2, 84, 89, 126).
31 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2523, 1, folio 1174v-folio 1177r.
32 Polaciones belonged to the Bishop of Palencia (Blanco et al., document 37). Kings certified Peñamellera’s jurisdictional autonomy in 1340, 1371, 1408, 1420, 1458 and 1488: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148809, 1. Toranzo defended its autonomy for almost a whole century (between 1337 and 1411) from jurisdictional usurpations and pressures from the Corregidores and the local lords (Echegaray, 1974, 32-38): Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2523, 1, folio 69v-folio 73r, and folio 85r-folio 88r.
33 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2523, 1, folio 77, folio 96r-folio 97r.
34 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Pleitos Civiles, Quevedo (Fenecidos), Caja 3435, 1, folio 59v-folio 60v. The date must be wrong: John II and Juan Manrique, García Fernández’ son, lived after 1370 (Blanco et al., document 40). The Toranzo, Iguña, Castañeda, Rionansa, Buelna, Val de San Vicente and Tudanca valleys were declared to belong to the Monarchs several times, so they must have been awarded to Manrique lineage.
35 Archivo Histórico Provincial de Cantabria, Pergamino 31.
36 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2524, 1, folio 1182r-folio 1184r.
37 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148002, 207
38 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148604, 64.
39 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2523, 1, folio 266v-folio 268r; and Caja 2524, 1, folio 1336.
40 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Pergaminos, Carpeta 5, 10.
41 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2524, 1, folio 1288r-folio 1290v; and Caja 2523, 1, folio 231v-folio 233v.
42 Translator’s Note: Cabeza – «The centre and capital of any district, where the institutions were placed, and the governors established their official residences. In Medieval Cantabria, this term was relative».
43 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149812, 55, and legajo 150002, 261, and legajo 150010, 479.
44 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2523, 1, folio 1285v-folio 1288r.
45 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2523, 1, folio 230r-folio 231v.
46 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2523, 1, folio 268r-folio 296v.
47 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2523, 1, folio 246v-folio 247v.
48 The Councils of Bedoya and San Sebastián (Liébana) agreed in 1338. In 1377 and 1379, King Henry II protected Espinosa de los Monteros’ Términos against Soba (Trasmiera). The royal command was confirmed in 1393. The Polaciones Valley and the village of Piedrasluengas agreed in 1403. Nobles and higher commoners (Escuderos y Hombres buenos) from neighbourhoods (Barrios) of Villanueva y Villamartín (the Council of Mazcuerras, in the Cabezón Valley) empowered an attorney to rule the trials about natural resources. People in Periedo did the same, and representatives finally agreed in 1450. See all of these documents: Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Pergaminos, Carpeta 164, 12, and Carpeta 112, 4, and Carpeta 79, 9, and Carpeta 62, 15. People from Carriedo, Lord de la Vega’s vassals, aspired to the right of crossing the Mounts of Pas with no taxes (Montazgo) in 1384 (Ortiz, 1995, document 279; Solórzano et al., 1998, document 3.22). In 1483, the Catholic Monarchs prevented a clergyman from judging a case about borders between Bárcena-Cicero and Nates, which were to transferred to the Court: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148311, 254. A similar case arose in 1488: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148807, 241. In 1485, there was an agreement between the Councils of Pesquera and Bárcena de Pie de Concha about the usage of natural sources between them: Archivo Histórico Provincial de Cantabria, Pergamino 33. In 1487, Mazcuerras and Ibio litigated over their rights of natural resources against Cieza: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148712, 81. In 1488, dwellers from Gajano desired to enter into Ladrón de Guevara’s fields and the Monarchs prevented them from doing so: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148804, 69. Ibio confronted Bárcena over similar reasons: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148901, 333.
49 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149704, 6.
50 In 1488, Santa Juliana still resisted to conserve its dominion and Catholic Monarchs supported these vindications: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148811, 44. These kinds of examples mixed two types of conceptualised spaces: civil and ecclesiastical. For example, Juan Ruiz, from Santo Domingo de Silos, managed several temples in Asturias de Santillana, which supported a monastic dominion. But, as this was a temporary issue, when Juan de Ceballos and Pedro de Cieza tried to appropriate those churches, the Catholic Monarchs and no other parallel authority (the Pope’s, for example) resolved it: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148910, 133.
51 Merindad de Asturias de Santillana was still named like this: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149704, 72.
52 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148312, 237.
53 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148909, 365, and legajo 149003, 123. In the last document, the formula Abadía de Santillana reveals the continuity of the idea of this ecclesiastical dominion, which actually kept existing, but entirely transformed.
54 Trasmiera was explicitly distinguished from Asturias de Santillana, when the Puebla de Escalante sent several soldiers to the war against the Kingdom of Granada. There were serious controversial debates about the effective military contribution from Trasmiera, because the fraud on accounts and bribes were so common. In fact, some people were issued economic penalties over disobedient soldiers in Trasmiera and Castilla Vieja. Moreover, the Castilian Monarchy took advantage of noble estates, so those taxes could more efficiently be collected. For instance, a seignorial officer ruling the Marquisate of Santillana was ordered to discount an amount of money paid by Santa Juliana. See all of these documents: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148704, 108, and legajo 149307, 311, and legajo 149307, 311, and legajo 148811, 271.
55 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149109, 5.
56 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149710, 208.
57 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149710, 86.
58 In 1500, the Junta de Cesto and the Junta de Voto counted on one single Alcalde: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 150011, 135, and legajo 150012, 248.
59 Archivo Histórico Provincial de Cantabria, Corregimiento, legajo 4, 35.
60 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149307, 219, and legajo 149407, 367.
61 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del sello, legajo 149704, 61, and legajo 149704, 87.
62 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149311, 42. As regards Campoo, see: legajo 149512, 32.
63 Translator’s Note: Alcabala – «The most frequent tax over consumption in Late Medieval Castile, which were mainly collected by the Kings».
64 Archivo Histórico Provincial de Cantabria, Pergamino 15, and Soba, legajo 32, 5; folio 183r-folio 187v.
65 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149202, 312, and legajo 149303, 118, and legajo 149307, 300.
66 It was said Merindades del marquesado de Santillana: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149304, 160.
67 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149206, 131. In religious terms, people from Toranzo wanted to distinguish themselves pure Christians from Jews and Muslims by means of clothe signals (Solórzano, 2016, document 93). There were some conflictive cases with Jews in matter of trade and debts, such as the one between Pero García de Cabezón and Todroz, from Aguilar de Campoo, in 1483 (legajo 148312, 226, and legajo 148801, 80, and legajo 148803, 67, and legajo 148906, 106). The Count of Castañeda must have supported Jews (legajo 148906, 23). When the Monarchs needed to communicate any royal command about Jews, they often used ecclesiastical administration. As the major part of Medieval Cantabria was included into the Diocese of Burgos, Asturias de Santillana and Trasmiera were presumably implicit in the mention of that ecclesiastical province. On occasions, some documents indicate historians where Jews’ neighbourhoods (Aljamas) were in all of the Diocese of Burgos, and how they were included into a sort of administrative districts; such as Ampuero with Medina de Pomar, Laredo with Valmaseda, San Vicente valley (legajo 148504, 277).
68 Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Registro de Ejecutorias, Carpeta 1, 5.
69 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148208, 9, and legajo 148208, 10, and legajo 148208, 11. This conflict derived into others, such as those involving confrontations between individuals and the Council (legajo 148907, 254, and legajo 148907, 254).
70 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148807, 248.
71 Translator’s Note: Lucha de bandos – «That is a noticeably complex category that researchers use to refer to specific sorts of conflicts, which involved frequent fights between noble lineages, who involved other individuals and communities politically depending on them, and which threatened the order of the territory where those fights took place».
72 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149705, 17.
73 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 150002, 244, and legajo 150002, 194.
74 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149303, 186 (about tax frauds), and legajo 149503, 368 (about military recruitment), and legajo 149708, 301 (about the Army), and legajo 149803, 120 (about measures of standardisation), and legajo 149804, 229 (about funeral expenses), and legajo 149910, 453 (abou weapon collection).
75 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149706, 260.
76 Translator’s Note: Realengo – <<The royal lands where the Castilian Kings exerted direct dominion by their officers, with no mediation of nobles>>.
77 Campoo was completely autonomous. For example, in 1492, Fernando de Ribera ruled the Cuatro Villas and Trasmiera, and Sancho de Heras ruled the Merindad of Campoo: Archivo General de Simancas, legajo 149203, 124, and legajo 149206, 293. The same occurred with Liébana (legajo 149407, 195). Mena also formed part of the Corregimiento, but it should be conveniently studied. For example, in 1497 and 1498, Corregidor Fernando de Rebolledo and Corregidor Juan de Deza were commanded to judge some issues (legajo 149708, 53, and legajo 149706, 206, and legajo 149503, 495, and legajo 149702, 183), to examine some Alcaldes’ rulership (legajo 149802, 60), and to manage the nomination of notaries (legajo 149804, 176). Mena was ruled by a Corregidor’s Alcalde in 1500 (legajo 150002, 265). However, Bernardino de Velasco was mentioned as Merino Mayor of Castilla Vieja (legajo 149203, 115, and legajo 149203, 116), including Mena (legajo 149212, 190). Castilla Vieja, Mena, Trasmiera, Laredo and Castro Urdiales were separately enunciated as tax districts for the Crusade (legajo 149303, 186). It is unclear what it meant. Probably, all these administrative divergences depended on the use of spaces in administrative terms. Jurisdictionally, Castilla Vieja and Trasmiera were completely different in 1493, because Corregidor Fernando de Ribera refused to deal with any questions about Castilla Vieja (legajo 149305, 312).
78 Practically, the territory of the Corregimiento should be clearly delineated whether the Corregidor commanded a knight to abandon it and even the surroundings (cinco leguas) of the Corregimiento for one and a half years: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148906, 130, and legajo 148906, 131. These documents are also examples of how the Court and its prison were understood as the space where people were guarded from any abuse from royal officers and lords.
79 For example, Corregidor Fernando de Ribera was prolonged in holding the charge for one more year: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149202, 48.
80 It also alluded to the usage of units in practical terms; for instance, when the quantity of taxes that each council had to pay were indicated, or when anybody was forced to exile from the Corregimiento.
81 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148801, 287.
82 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149501, 19.
83 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148801, 123.
84 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149003, 170, and legajo 149502, 481.
85 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149304, 97, and legajo 149305, 148, and legajo 149305, 154.
86 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149702, 113.
87 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149706, 170.
88 In 1488, several individuals from Rábago, Bedoya and Cabuérniga litigated over some properties in the Herrerías Valley: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148807, 309. The Catholic Monarchs prolonged Día (or Diego) Sánchez de Quesada’s term in the Corregimiento longer than a year (legajo 148903, 344).
89 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148905, 247.
90 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148708, 336, and legajo 149110, 15, and legajo 149111, 290 (Liendo), and legajo 149106, 22 (Limpias). In Cudeyo, it started a conflict over the Alcaldía in 1488 (legajo 148811, 182, and legajo 148811, 205). People from Trucíos agreed to elect their own Alcalde (legajo 149410, 450). In Siete Villas, there was also a Merino (legajo 149803, 117).
91 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149310, 48, and legajo 149311, 7.
92 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149012, 62.
93 The Newton’s intellectual advancement itself is matter of action and reaction (inertial).
94 Despite this, from time to time Sámano was included into the County of Biscay or, at least, the Corregidor of its territory tried some cases: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148704, 37, and legajo 149102, 56. As regards another example about the Alcaldía of Güemes, the Corregidor of Biscay managed the litigation (legajo 148811, 256).
95 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149208, 190.
96 In 1430, the jurisdiction of Lamasón was distrained by Diego Gómez de Toro, who was the judger of a controversy, and nothing about power relationships may be distilled from the sources: Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, Alonso Rodríguez (Fenecidos), Caja 2524, 1; folio 1368v-folio 1369v.
97 Territories were transferred to the nobles’ states. Noblemen ruled them effectively instead (on behalf) of the Kings (López-Guadalupe, 2017a), and they modelled the institutional system as the Monarchy’s (López-Guadalupe, 2018). For instance, the Count of Castañeda and the Marquis of Santillana created governors who were also called Corregidores: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajos 149102, 308, and legajo 149102, 309, and 149108, 296. The same occurred in other towns and regions in Castile (Calderón Ortega, 1993-1994; López-Guadalupe, 2017b). The most relevant key is that, in addition to the delineated territory, there was a perception of an institutional model linked to this territory, which was the Corregimiento.
98 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149104, 266, and legajo 149106, 62, and legajo 149111, 268.
99 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149202, 307, and legajo 149202, 312.
100 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149511, 156.
101 Several women from a specific area in Western Trasmiera designated a common representative against the people who accused them of being clergymen’s lovers. Men from the Juntas of Cudeyo, Ribamontán and Siete Villas took the Corregidor and his officers to court because dwellers from the Juntas were punished for not having served in the war in Granada, when they affirmed that they actually did. See these cases: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148912, 206, and legajo 149001, 169, and legajo 149002, 272.
102 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149306, 173. In 1494, Juan Gómez acted on behalf of every council and district of the Merindad de Trasmiera against Alonso de Paraíso, Corregidor Fernando de Ribera’s Alcalde (legajo 149407, 391). It is not clear whether vindications, which were held by the representatives from Siete Villas, Guriezo and Sámano about some people in their valleys’ demands, and Santander’s, San Vicente de la Barquera’s and Castro Urdiales’, could mean the following. Perhaps officers’ representation was accompanied by any public document. Possibly, the applications regarded the whole Valley, town or Junta. However, it seems not to be that, because it is mentioned <<algunas personas>>, who were exempt from some taxes (salario del Corregidor). In any case, valleys, towns and Juntas were considered administrative references (legajo 149507, 370, and legajo 149507, 154).
103 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149606, 62.
104 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148910, 119, and legajo 149205, 516.
105 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149404, 200, and legajo 149409, 330. About the Solórzano Valley, see: legajo 149707, 209. The Junta de Voto also elected a man to be designated notary (legajo 149508, 34).
106 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149311, 7.
107 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149710, 47; Cámara Castilla, Pueblos, legajo 21, document 129.
108 Translator’s Note: Tercias – «The royal tax consisting of the two ninth parts of the quantity of money that the Castilian Kings collected from ecclesiastical tithes for some extraordinary reasons, although this practice was eventually common». Pedidos – «The amount of money that people paid in Medieval Castile instead of attending to the call to go war».
109 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149507, 239.
110 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149410, 387.
111 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149812, 196. In the royal chart to extend Corregidor Carlos de Cisneros’s term in the office, the Junta of Seña appeared between other territories belonging to the Corregimiento (legajo 149911, 217).
112 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149904, 45.
113 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149910, 464.
114 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 150001, 286, and legajo 150001, 453, and legajo 150003, 219.
115 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149705, 150.
116 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149606, 133. Rodrigo Guazo was so powerful due to his social and family relationships, and his wealth (legajo 149702, 67).
117 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149702, 168.
118 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 150005, 331.
119 Representative cases are too many to be cited in this chapter.
120 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149607, 67.
121 See: document 100 (on the intervention over the County of Castañeda), document 141 (on the intervention over the County of Castañeda and the Marquisate of Santillana), document 101, and document 118, and document 119 (on royal interventions in general), document 142 (on the tax intensification over Trasmiera), document 143 (on the irregular office acquisition by the Count of Castañeda from the Adelantado), and document 148 (on lower officers’ power in lack of the Corregidor). By December 1487, the sentence against individuals who killed Juan de las Casas had not been executed yet. That is why the Catholic Monarchs insisted Corregidor Diego Osorio on fulfilling the justice of this case. In 1489, the Kings commanded the execution of an unaccomplished ecclesiastical sentence in the Marquisate of Santillana. They did the same in Rada (Trasmiera). See all these cases: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148512, 200, and legajo 148908, 220, and legajo 148910, 66. In a particular example, the Kings directly addressed to Toranzo, with no mediation of Manrique’s officials (legajo 149403, 510). Furthermore, the Corregidor must postpone local franchises so as to capture criminals from Santa María de Puerto (legajo 149607, 55). Additionally, local people were obliged to collaborate to do so. From this case, it may be concluded as follows. First, free spaces never stopped from being subject to the royal sovereignty. Secondly, perhaps royal authorities usually tried not to perturbate franchises more that it was strictly necessary.
122 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149708, 333.
123 Translator’s note: Señorío – «The noble state which, in this context, involved jurisdictional duties, such as the administration, the justice or collecting taxes».
124 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149804, 170.
125 Translator’s Note: Maravedíes – «The most common coinage in Late Medieval Castile used in collection of taxes».
126 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149803, 361, and legajo 149804, 124.
127 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149907, 360.
128 See: document 102 (on Biscay), document 144 (on Asturias de Oviedo and the Marquisate of Santillana), and document 150 (on the Corregimiento).
129 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149007, 11, and legajo 149008, 264, and legajo 149011, 148.
130 See: document 145 (on criminal clergymen), and document 152 (on ecclesiastical lordships). In 1493, ecclesiastical judgers from Burgos were usually accompanied by loyal agents, and they tried to elude royal officers’ duties against their interests all over the Diocese. In 1494, people in Puerto and Argoños excused themselves from protecting criminals by saying they belonged to ecclesiastical authorities in Nájera (Rioja). In both cases, the Catholic Monarchs attempted to solve these situations: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149309, 178, and legajo 149402, 447.
131 See also: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149001, 45, and legajo 149105, 114.
132 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149403, 12.
133 For example, the Count of Castañeda applied for royal license in 1495 in order to increase his daughter’s dowry: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149502, 20.
134 Translator’s Note: Mayorazgo – «The right acquired by primogeniture. In Castile, it also meant the institution to which were attached a list of patrimonial assets in order protected them from being sold or fragmented».
135 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149406, 91, and legajo 149407, 391. Notice some political communities, theoretically ruled by seignorial officers, agreed and achieved to apply for the Crown so that they could defend their interests.
136 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149411, 134, and legajo 149407, 315. Notice this case portrays a very old conflict between yeomen and shepherds.
137 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149507, 234. For instance, the estuary of Oriñón provoked serious conflicts between Laredo and Castro Urdiales (Añíbarro, 2013, 195-202).
138 In 1500, Arnuero was afraid of the Admiral of Castile, who had been the Lord (Encomendero) of this town, because dwellers decided to transfer the charge to other nobleman, in virtue of the nature of the nature of the lordship established much earlier: Archivo General de Simancas, legajo 150006, 264.
139 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149806, 59.
140 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148907, 350.
141 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149409, 251.
142 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148910, 133.
143 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149307, 256, and legajo 149403, 490.
144 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149603, 29.
145 For example, Juan de Alvarado suspected that Diego Osorio, Corregidor in Trasmiera, had tortured his relatives because the officer was on Alvarado’s enemies’ side: Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148307, 83, and legajo 148310, 278. In 1487, Diego Osorio was also suspicious of irregular practice (legajo 148705, 28). Supposedly, Juan de Arce and Gonzalo de Ballesteros tortured several individuals with no royal authority (legajo 148512, 115). Some officers, such as Alcalde Fernando de Pontones in Junta of Ribamontán, refused to release their charges (legajo 148710, 111). Some officials took part or even led fights (Cudeyo, 1487). See these cases: legajo 148710, 51, and legajo 148710, 53, and legajo 148712, 178.
146 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148906, 131.
147 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148906, 163.
148 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148912, 76.
149 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149104, 266.
150 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149502, 252.
151 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148709, 213, and legajo 148711, 30, and legajo 148803, 32. Other cases are confusing and challenging. For instance, when officers from the Marquisate of Santillana were forced to execute a sentence which involved some Manrique’s vassals, it appeared to exist a kind of solidarity between the seignorial powers (legajo 148901, 226). When the Catholic Monarchs addressed valley authorities (Cieza, belonging to the Marquisate of Santillana; Iguña, belonging to the County of Castañeda) instead of the high seignorial officers, the Kings might have endeavoured to avoid a new controversy amongst the Lords (legajo 148811, 194).
152 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148601, 51.
153 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148406, 39.
154 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148708, 252.
155 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148504, 66.
156 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148410, 92.
157 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148504, 44. In 1497, the Kings addressed to the authorities of Guadalajara, San Vicente de la Barquera and the Marquisate of Santillana with the regard to the case over the amount of money which was owed by Juan de Barreda, from the town of Santillana, to Zulema de Morales, a Muslim man from Burgos (legajo 149701, 241). However, it is unclear whether there was any relationship between Guadalajara and the Marquisate of Santillana.
158 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148310, 177.
159 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148712, 63.
160 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 148903, 310.
161 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149602, 36.
162 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149611, 32.
163 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149612, 188.
164 Archivo General de Simancas, Registro General del Sello, legajo 149604, 47.
Auteur
-
Jesús De Inés Serrano
Universidad de Cantabria, jesusdeinesserrano91@gmail.com
Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence Licence OpenEdition Books. Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.
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