Vnde Venis Inquisitor? The members of the commissions of the Portuguese medieval general royal enquiries (1220-1307)

Gonçalo Cameira Carvalho

Résumé

The surviving documentation of the 13th and 14th centuries Portuguese royal enquiries - the Inquirições Gerais -, facilitates the reconstruction of the majority of their underlying process, beginning with the royal charter, mentioning the men who would conduct them, to the records on parchment by those same individuals, predominantly. Their role was of crucial importance, not only for the kings they served, granting them a registry of properties, goods and taxes, that belonged to them or that were being usurped, but also for the Inquirições’ historiography, since, due to their diligent record, it is possible to conceive some hypothesis about other facets than their fiscal nature - e.g., questions related to the administrative organization of the parishes, the exploration of the natural landscape, or the identity of noblemen and ecclesiastic institutions and their possessions, that serves as support for various genealogical studies.
This paper presents some of the results of the author’s master dissertation about
Inquirições Gerais, namely those relating the enquirers, their provenance and their consequent nomination. If it is fairly known where the enquirers were going, after being appointed, the same cannot be stated in relation to where they were coming from?

Entrées d’index

Keywords : 13th and 14th centuries, Royal Enquiries, Inquirições Gerais, enquirers, provenance

Note de l’auteur

This paper is fully developed in my master’s dissertation which can be consulted in CARVALHO, Gonçalo Cameira (2019) - As Inquirições Régias Entre 1220 E 1307. O Exemplo Do Julgado De Cabeceiras De Basto. Lisboa: FCSH. Dissertação de Mestrado. Available in https://run.unl.pt/handle/10362/89038.


Texte intégral

Enquirers of 1220

1I believe it is safe to assume that the majority of medievalists studying general enquiries of the middle ages are acquainted with the Domesday book1, the Quo Warranto2 or the enquiries that Louis IX of France issued in the Languedoc region in the winter of 1247-12483. However, I am not so certain the same can be said about the Portuguese Inquirições Gerais. It is true that Portuguese medievalists like Amélia Aguiar Andrade4 have been making efforts to change this circumstance, and I hope that I can further contribute to that task with this paper.

2 The first step of the process of the Inquirições Gerais was the promulgation of a royal charter, in which the monarch defined the geographic circumscription where the questioning should occur, what was expected from the local residents of the julgados, the administrative circumscriptions composed by collationes supervised by a iudex who responded to the king5, and, most relevant for this paper, who were the men responsible for asking the questions, writing the testimonies and, in the last three enquiries here studied (1301,1303-4 and 1307-11), punish the usurpations detected.

3This type of document, however, was either never made for the 1220 enquiry, issued by D. Afonso II, or it did not survive until our days. Fortunately, we still have access to some information about the twelve men that conducted that particular Inquirição, due to its prologue6. Six of them were ecclesiastic: the Priors of Santa Marinha da Costa and São Torcato monasteries, as well as the Prior of the Colegiada of Santa Maria de Guimarães, the Abbots of the monasteries of Santo Tirso and Pombeiro and a monk from the monastery of Costa, identified as master Mendo.

4 The first thing we can understand when we analyse the type of religious institutions these six men belonged to is that, with the exception of the prior of the Colegiada de Santa Maria de Guimarães, secular clergy members were absent. Instead, D. Afonso II chose the two abbots from S. Tirso and Pombeiro, two monasteries linked with two of the most important noble families at the time7 - Maia and Sousa8 -, thus connecting them to the royal initiative that were the Inquirições, ensuring their support, not only from an ecclesiastic perspective, but also from a noble context.

5Moreover, around the time of the 1220 Inquirições, D. Afonso II was amid a conflict with Braga’s Archbishop Estêvão Soares da Silva. The geographic focus of that enquiry seems, in fact, to have been concentrated in a territory where the number of usurpations perpetrated by the privileged groups was considerable. What is more, it was also in the heart of the area controlled by the archbishop or, at least, where he exerted some influence9. When considering this information, it looks as if D. Afonso II chose to appoint men natural from this region whom he considered his allies - like the prior of the Colegiada de Santa Maria de Guimarães, whose church was also at quarrel with the Braga’s church10, or the priors of Santa Marinha da Costa and São Torcato monasteries, which, according to the papal bull Cum non liceat, from 3rd of May of 1213, issued by Innocent the III, appear to have been involved in another conflict with Braga’s Archbishop, seven years prior to the Inquirições, for trying to evade payments due to his church11.

6 Although the names mentioned in the bull and in the prologue of the enquiry converge, we do not have concrete evidence showing these two priors are the same people in both moments. As Maria João Branco argued, the volatility of medieval political relations was significant - an enemy in 1213 was not necessarily an enemy in 1220. Even Estêvão Soares da Silva had represented D. Afonso II as his procurator at Rome, when the king was at conflict with his sisters12. Also, thanks to the project Regnum Regis13, led initially by Luis Krus, and after his death by Amélia Aguiar Andrade, which gave Portuguese historiography a new light on the surviving texts of the 1220 Inquirições, we can safely theorize that the geographic circumscription of this enquiry exceeded what was initially thought and, therefore, the region of influence of the archbishop. This new information allowed for the formulation of new hypothesis concerning the existence of other commissions of enquirers for that same year of 1220, that would not be necessarily related to the conflict between the king and the archbishop.

7 However, despite this reflection, when we analyse the remaining enquirers of this commission - its non-ecclesiastic members -, we are almost forced to return to the context of the opposition between the king and the archbishop. These men were the tabelião (notary) Martim Martins, the judge Ramiro Pires, Gomes de Rupela, João Pires, Martinho Esteves and Fernando Domingues.

8 Starting with the tabelião Martim Martins, Eduardo Borges Nunes states that he is the first tabelião to be cited as such in a surviving Portuguese document of 121214, and, secondly, as the oldest known author of an instrumento, dated two years later15. He is thought to be from the city of Guimarães, or at least, its outskirts since, according to the surviving text of the enquiry of 1220, he had some properties in the city’s surroundings, concretely, two casales in the parish of Santa Eulália de Nespereira16.

9 In a composition charter dated from 1217 between the Colegiada de Guimarães and the vicar of S. Salvador de Ribas’ parish, the names of Gomes de Rupela, D. Ramiro and João Pires appeared as witnesses, and were also identified as «laici Vimaranenses», in other words, they too were from the city of Guimarães17.

10The names of Ramiro Pires and João Pires also figure in another document from the same year of the enquiry, 1220, this time accompanied by the name of Martinho Esteves: a papal bull, Quod Solicitae Salutationis, in which the pope, Honorius III, scolded the Portuguese king for the violence incited against the properties of the archbishop. The names of these three enquirers are mentioned in the text as some of the protagonists of those attacks.

«(…) et spiritu ad superbiam obfirmato contra praedictum Archiespiscopum, et suos inique commotus, patrimoniales domos ipsius funditos per E. Valasci, et homines suos M. Begal Praetorem et Concilium Colimbr. Subuerti fecisti, et ad Ecclaesiam suam sathanae satélites, videlicet S. Suarij, M. Gunsalui milites, R. Iudicem, M. Stephani, et I. Petri, et Concilium Vimaren destinans celária, et (…)»
Quod Solicitae Salutatonis, excerpt18

11About Fernando Domingues, we were unable to find other information, but we could presume that, like the rest of the enquirers with whom he shared the task of conducting the Inquirição, he could have belonged to that classification of laici vimaranensis – men from Guimarães, acquainted with the region’s geography, as well as with the abuses committed in it.

12Once more, I feel the obligation to emphasize that, based on recent historiography, the Inquirições Gerais of 1220 seem not to have been executed solely in the context of the dispute between the king and the archbishop. After analysing the composition of the only commission of enquirers we know of, it seems possible that these men were appointed because they supported, one way or the other, D. Afonso II in facing off the nobility, clergy, and, too, the archbishop Estêvão Soares da Silva, all of which opposed him. Additionally, in the context of this enquiry, it is apparent the importance of the city of Guimarães as an epicentre of men whom the king could trust given that the city, during the first centuries of the Portuguese monarchy, frequently sided with the king in many occasions and proved itself valuable in the balance of political powers in the region19.

Enquirers of 1258

13Thirty eight years later, in 1258, D. Afonso III ordered the realization of a new general enquiry and delegated its execution to five different commissions, each responsible for enquiring a part of the northern and center regions of the kingdom. For my investigation purposes, the second comission sufficed, which means the following paragraphs only attend to that particular group of men. Nevertheless, Portuguese historiography is unanimous about how the composition of all five commissions illustrates the king’s will in reinforcing his authority through the value of writing supported by a literate and urban culture20.

14The king nominated for the second comission Godinho Godins, citizen of Coimbra, João Martins, abbot of the monastery of Pedroso, Tomás Fernandes de Cabanões and the royal scrivener Vicente Peres, whom, unfortunately, we have no other information, other than his name.

15 Godinho Godins was in 1254 Coimbra’s alvazil, a justice official that came from a family of royal coin makers21. The abbot João Martins and his presence in the commission shows how the logic behind D. Afonso III choices for enquirers differed from his father’s, D. Afonso II. While the latter opted to appoint abbots and priors of religious institutions close to the territory they would enquire, D. Afonso III chose the abbot of Pedroso which was, as Luis Krus wrote, a monastery that had no economical interests in the region the second comission enquired, which in turn allowed, in his opinion, the locals to testify more freely22. To further verify this matter, D. Afonso III also attributed to the priors of Santa Marinha da Costa and S. Torquato monasteries the task of enquiring julgados, but as members of the first commission of 125823, which was responsible for enquiring the region of Entre-Cávado-e-Minho, far away from their monasteries.

16Lastly, we have Tomás Fernandes de Cabanões, Cabanões being a port village linked to fishing and salt extraction24. His name, Tomás, in Luis Krus opinion, is not common in noble or peasantry names, which might indicate his provenance from a literate, or at least, urban, environment25.

Enquirers of 1288

17In 1288 the king was D. Dinis and that was the last time a Portuguese monarch from the period between 1220 and 1307 entrusted the execution of the Inquirições Gerais to a group of men. In the royal charter that ordered the enquiry, we are informed that in the Cortes reunion of 1288 the noblemen complained about how their properties’ boundaries were, in their opinion, being violated by the action of the king’s officials26. For his part, D. Dinis argued about how some properties of the Crown were being turned into noble possessions, therefore being usurped. Given this, it appears that more than one part would benefit from the execution of an enquiry, as this passage from the royal charter that ordered the enquiry of 1288 testifies:

«Sabede, que quando eu fiz mhas Cortes em Lixboa vheo hi meu Irmhão Dom Affonsso, e o Arcebispo de Braga, e os Bispos, e os Rico Homes, e dos Filhos dalgo, e dos Concelhos de meu Reyno, e diseromy, que os meus Porteyros, e os que de my tyam terras, lhy entram en sas Onrras, hu nunqua foy acustumado dentrarem de tempo antigo.»27

18Therefore, the king appointed four men, each representing one social group. They were, according to another document from 1310 where D. Dinis remembers the enquiry of 1288, Pedro Martins, prior of the Santa Marinha da Costa monastery, who represented the religious orders, Gonçalo Rodrigues Moreira, who represented the noblemen, and Domingo Pais de Braga, who represented the people28. Like in 1258, a tabelião was assigned to accompany the commission and his name was Paio Esteves.

19 Even if the commission’s composition gives the impression of attempting neutrality, when analysed carefully, however, we can understand how it leaned for the king’s side and his policies.

20Santa Marinha da Costa was a monastery whose abbot was, once more, chosen to be enquirer, after 1220. Besides being a monastery of royal patronage29, it was also located in the vicinity of the city of Guimarães, from where the tabelião of this enquiry, Paio Esteves, was also from. As stated before, Guimarães had not only close relations with the king’s policies, as well as a strong tradition of notarial functions. In this way, then, D. Dinis followed the example of his grandfather, D. Afonso II, by appointing an ecclesiastic of Santa Marinha da Costa and a tabelião from Guimarães.

21As for Domingos Pais de Braga, in the opinion of José Mattoso, Luis Krus and Amélia Aguiar Andrade, not only was he a man from the king’s creation and associated with his House, but was also a man in line with the royal bureaucracies, as his presence at the Desembargo Régio and his service as the king’s porteiro-mor attest30.

22Lastly, Gonçalo Rodrigues Moreira, who was probably from Celorico de Basto31, and was being nominated enquirer for the second time, after conducting a much smaller scale enquiry in 128632. He was married to Mor Martins de Leiria, daughter of the alcaide of that city, an ally of D. Dinis. This enquirer, as a result, had links both to the urban environment and the nobility allied with the monarch through his daughter marriage - his daughter Inês Gonçalves de Moreira married Vasco Lourenço Fonseca, who descended from a family associated with Pero Esteves de Beja, meirinho (justice official) of D. Dinis in the region of Entre-Douro-e-Minho33.

Enquirers of the XIV century

23At the beginning of the 14th century, D. Dinis ordered three more Inquirições: in the years of 1301, 1303 and 1307. In 1301, João César was appointed by the king to conduct the first one. As the royal charter that launched that enquiry stated, he was a vassal of D. Dinis, that is, a man whom the king could trust34. As for 1303, we know that the enquirer João Domingues was also a man of the king’s political circle - therefore having the sovereign’s trust - thanks to a document written by the tabelião of Ponte de Lima, in 130335, where he described the arrival of this enquirer to that julgado to proceed to the Inquirição. What is more, he has been identified as the Reposteiro-mor of the king, which serves as another evidence of his close proximity to the monarch36. Also, in the Livros de Linhagens - the lineage books of Portuguese nobility - his name is mentioned as João Domingues dos Contos, brother of D. Maria Domingues de Lisboa, a lady who married a knight37, suggesting that he could be from a well-off family from the urban elites. Finally, maintaining his criteria of choice for the role of enquirer, in 1307 the king appointed Aparicio Gonçalves who was also of the king’s creation38.

Final Remarks

24The fact that enquiry after enquiry the king in power chose fewer men to conduct the questioning, ending up in the attribution of that task to a single individual, seems clear, and it could be linked to the different nature and purpose of each enquiry39, especially the last three, in which the main task of the enquirers was to investigate if the usurpations detected in the previous century remained, or not, in that condition.

25As it was mentioned above, the Portuguese historiography agrees that, even if D. Afonso II was not at conflict with the archbishop of Braga, the Inquirições would have been probably executed in a context of a series of political practices with the objective of reinforcing the king’s authority supported on documents and writing. However, given the composition of the commission of the enquiry of 1220, to completely dissociate the political strife between the king and the ecclesiastic and the fact that half of the 12 men that conducted the enquiry were, or had been, political adversaries of the archbishop, would be to overlook these plausible correlations which seem to transpire from the documentation.

26D. Afonso III was also a monarch that relied on the written document as a support for his government. Various passages of his chancellery serve as an example of his conviction in written information - «(…) things that go between men easily fade away from their minds unless they are retained by writing and, being written, they are eternally engraved in memory (…)»40.

27Accordingly, D. Afonso III appointed men acquainted with the document and the inherent bureaucracy, that came from an urban and educated environment. If we consider the other commissions of enquirers from 1258, besides the second one that we analysed, we can further verify his intention. For example, the fourth commission was composed, not only by one, but by two scriveners, and the majority of the fifth commission members were from the cities of Coimbra and Lisbon41.

28The seven men appointed by D. Dinis between 1288 and 1307, especially the last three, showcase the profile that this king thought adequate to attribute the tasks of enquiring and, 1290 onwards, of sentencing the usurpations detected. All of them were his allies, with three even being from his close political circle, of his creation, as they are presented in the surviving documentation, which reveals a greater proximity with the monarch than all previous enquirers studied.

29Nonetheless, all 23 men analysed had their authority reinforced through the royal charter that nominated them as king’s officials: a document that they would take with them to the parishes, and that they would read solemnly before the local inhabitants. To them, the enquirers came from the king, to represent him in lands where he could not be physically, to ask questions about matters he wanted to know and to correct usurpations and punish the perpetrators in his name.

30To study the enquiries of 1220, 1258, 1288, 1301, 1303/4 and 1307/11 allows a diachronic perspective of almost a century of choices of the men assigned. It enables to distinguish some patterns between them, by comparing their provenances, their political backgrounds, and, in a broader sense, the kingdom political context at the time they were chosen, which, ultimately, helps to hint on the reasons behind their nomination. Nevertheless, it is not a finished study, since more documentation could be analysed to contribute further to this thematic. Smaller-scale enquiries, like the 128442 and the 128643 cases, or even specific enquiries prior to 1220 and to the reign of D. Afonso II44, could also provide interesting information about the men chosen to question and register the testimonies of those who they enquired.

31Be that as it may, I hope this paper illustrates how the Portuguese medieval enquirers can be understood in light of the ideas firstly elaborated by Max Weber concerning the crystallization of the figure of the princeps iudex in medieval Europe during the 11th, 12th and 13th centuries, through the Charismatische Herrschaft45 that emanated from sovereigns who wanted to see their authority known and respected even in the most remote parts of their kingdoms. In the case studied, it was through the action of enquirers who represented the Portuguese monarchs in those far away regions that they were, in some way, able to shorten the distance between the Crown and the small villages of their kingdom, as well as with the people that lived in them and actively participated in the enquiries.

Bibliographie

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Instituto de Estudos Medievais, FCSH/NOVA (2014) - REGNUM REGIS – As inquirições de 1220 e a génese da memória documental do reino medieval português [Em linha]. Lisboa: IEM. [Consultado 24 de Maio de 2020]. Available in http://iem.fcsh.unl.pt/section.aspx?kind=bd2.

Notes de bas de page

1 Keats-Rohan, 2015, 29-45.

2 Clanchy, 1993, 35-43.

3 Dejoux, 2010,133-155.

4 ANDRADE, 2010, 23-42.

5 This question is better elaborated in Mattoso, 2015, 681-682.

6 Herculano,1888, 1.

7 Mattoso, 1982, 242.

8 Krus, 2011a, 44.

9 Vilar, 2005, 187.

10 Despite having established, in 1216, a concord with Braga - Concórdia Velha -, due to problems about jurisdiction. FERREIRA, 1996,123.

11 Costa, 1989, 351, doc.19. Maria Teresa Nobre Veloso explained in detail the reason of that conflict between the priors and the archbishop. «The mentioned ecclesiastics, even though lacking an exemption privilege, denied obeying the archbishop of Braga, and, consequently, paying the rights of procuration, visit and others that were due to the archbishop’s church. The roman pontiff hastened to correct that anomaly and, therefore, on May 3, 1213, he sent to the aforementioned priors the bull Cum non liceat, reproving their attitude and commanding them to obey the archbishop of Braga.» [my translation from the Portuguese] – Veloso, 2000, 137.

12 Branco, 1999, 488.

13 REGNUM REGIS – As inquirições de 1220 (…), 2014. Available at: http://iem.fcsh.unl.pt/section.aspx?kind=bd2.

14 See also Gomes, 2000, 245.

15 Nunes, 1981, 26-27.

16 Herculano, 1897, 9: «et alios duos tenet Martinus Martiniz tabelljo Vimaranensis

17 Costa, 1989, 442-444, doc.227.

18 Brandão,1632, 268-270.

19 Fernandes, 1981, 9-24; Kinnon, 2019, 207.

20 Krus, 2011a, 44; Ventura, 2006, 108.

21 Ventura, 2006, 108.

22 Krus, 2011ª, 44.

23 Ribeiro, 1815, 42.

24 About Cabanões see Mattoso, Krus and Andrade, 1989, 90, 92 and 168.

25 Krus, 2011, 43 and 44.

26 Ribeiro, 1815, doc. XIV.

27 Ribeiro, 1815, doc. XIV: «Know that when I summoned my Cortes at Lisbon, came my brother Dom Affonsso, and the Archbishop of Braga, and the bishops, and the Ricos-Homens, and the Fidalgos, and from the Counties of my Kingdom, and they told me, that my Porteiros, and those who from me had lands, go inside their Honras (noble lands), where it was never costume of entering in ancient times.» [my translation from the Portuguese]

28 Ribeiro, 1815, doc. XXV.

29 Mattoso, Krus and Andrade, 1989, 56.

30 Mattoso, Krus and Andrade, 1989, 56.

31 Krus, 2011b, 64.

32 Krus, 2011b, 64.

33 Mattoso, Krus, Andrade, 1989, 56.

34 Ribeiro, 1815, doc. XX.

35 Ribeiro, 1815, doc. XXII.

36 Brandão,1672, 86.

37 Mattoso and Piel, 1980, 304, T. XXIIII, S5.

38 Ribeiro, 1815, doc. XXIII.

39 Pizarro, 2013, 182. “D. Afonso II could only enquire, in 1220, what belonged to the Crown. In 1258, his son, had already the power and authority to enquire the patrimony of all type of owners, revealing a great number of situations of illegal ownerships of Crown’s properties. His grandson went a lot further: (...) [in his various enquires] his objective was clear – to scrutinize the properties of the nobles to then, for the first time, condemn all the recorded abuses”. [my translation from the Portuguese]

40 Cit. por Ventura, 2006, 134. [my translation from the Portuguese]

41 Ribeiro, 1815, doc. V, VII, VIII, IX e X. The 1st alçada was constituted by the priors of Costa and S. Torquato, Afonso Gonçalves de Mazada, Pedro Fernandes Copeiro and Paio Martins, royal scrivener. The 3rd commission was formed by Simão Pires de Espinho, Pedro Martins de Porta de Gardia, Pedro Artheirum, judge of Bouças and Fernando Soeiro, ex-judge of Vouga, as a scrivener. The 4th commission by João Esteves, knight from Santarém, Pedro Martins de Guimarães, Aprílio Eanes, vizinho of Guimarães, Paio Soeiro, monk of Grijó, and João Domingues and Estêvão Soares, both scriveners. The 5th commission by João Martins, prior of Igreja de São Bartolomeu de Coimbra, Domingos Pires do Átrio, citizen of Coimbra, Martim Mendes, canon of igreja de São Vicente de Lisboa, and Paio Martins, royal scrivener.

42 Ribeiro, 1815, 73.

43 Krus, 2011b, 64.

44 Ribeiro, 1815, 7-8.

45 Weber, 1964, 358-372.


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