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Paisagens sonoras históricas

A Corte. Som e poder

Royal Entries into Barcelona and the History of Emotions

Tess Knighton

Résumé

This essay explores how the rereading of accounts of royal entries through the lens of the history of emotions might enrich our understanding of the urban ceremonial of civic processions and festivities and their social function. Of all the processes –political, administrative and legislative, sensorial and emotional– involved in the mounting and realisation of royal entries, their capacity for and use of emotional representation has been relatively little studed. Barbara Rosenwein’s concept of emotional communities is taken as a starting-point for this discussion of the public manifestation of expected and socially normative emotions. I argue that the function of the royal entry was to perform joy and to demonstrate happiness as the emotional counterpart to the political reciprocity dramatised in the exchange of oaths and gifts between monarch and city: joy is expressed through civic festivities and their soundscapes with the goal of pleasing the monarch and making him (or her) better disposed to the city. The essay attempts to disentangle some of the emotional discourses woven into the written record of royal entries in order to uncover emotional practices in the urban community and analyse how the representation of an emotion might enhance or disrupt other processes involved in the monarch-city relationship.

Texte intégral

Essay

  • 1 Pablo Clascar del Valles, Felicisima entrada del rey nuestro señor, en la muy insigne y siempre lea (...)

«We the Catalans are so filled with
joy and happiness, that with good
reason we can sing with the church:
“Haec dies”» (Ps. 118: 24).1

  • 2 On the concept of emotion words, see WHITE, 1998, 132-135; ROSENWEIN, 2002, 940.
  • 3 For discussion of some of the issues relating to the close reading of relaciones de sucesos, see ET (...)
  • 4 I do not intend in this brief essay to attempt a history of the history of emotions; Barbara Rosenw (...)

1The words of the Easter gradual «Haec dies» are redolent of joy and happiness: «This is the day the Lord has made; let us rejoice and be glad in it, Alleluia» («Haec dies, quam fecit Dominus: exultemus, et laetemur in ea, Alleluya» (Ps. 118: 24). The Catalan clergyman Pau Clascar del Valles referred to the singing of these words on Easter Day 1626 during the sojourn of Philip IV in Barcelona in his account of the king’s entry into the city entitled Felicisima entrada del rey nuestro señor […] y sumptuoso recebimiento, fiestas, y regozijos que la dicha ciudad y nobleza ha hecho a su Real persona. This title and the brief quotation from Clascar del Valles’s relación cited at the head of this essay immediately pose a number of questions from the perspective of the history of emotions: how significant is Clascar del Valles’s choice of emotion words –«gozo», «contento», «felicísima», «regocijos»– and what was their significance for the citizens of Barcelona?2 Can such a stereotypical or conventional relación of Philip IV’s entry into Barcelona reveal anything important in terms of the history of the emotions?3 What meanings or associations would these emotion words have had for those who read Clascar del Valles’s account? Is there any significance in the reference to Psalm 118, beyond its liturgical function? Why does Clascar del Valles place emphasis on «we Catalans», and what can this tell us about how emotions might have served to communicate information (ALTHOF, 1996; ROSENWEIN, 2002, 941)? How can we address the question of who experienced emotions as part of urban ceremonial? What was the function of emotional representation in, for example, royal entries? In this essay I will attempt to address these questions through the lens of recent developments in the history of emotions4.

  • 5 Two recent essays on earlymusic also make reference to Rosenwein’s concept of the emotional communi (...)

2The American medievalist Barbara Rosenwein has proposed that «study of emotions should inform every historical inquiry» and that the history of emotions should be «integrated into social, political and intellectual histories» (ROSENWEIN, 2010, 5 and 24). Since emotions are an intrinsic part of human interaction, she argues, they cannot be pushed aside when it comes to writing history, but they must always be considered in the light of how they were «shaped by the cultures in which they were embedded» (ROSENWEIN, 2010, 8)5. Emotions, or the processes involved in the manifestation of emotions, cannot therefore be considered as absolute, but contingent on social and cultural influences which need to be studied historically through the cultural milieu and related societal norms (MADDERN at al., 2018, xv, xvii, xix). This cultural constructionist approach has been the starting-point for recent studies of the history of emotions: through the contextualised analysis of the societal norms in a given place at a given time, emotions can be understood as an individual or collective perceptual process that appraises a situation as «desirable, undesirable, valuable or harmful», and leads to an emotional reaction and, in most instances, a corresponding action (ROSENWEIN, 2006, 14). It is therefore legitimate, particularly in the context of public manifestations of emotions, to ask what emotions do, rather than to focus on what they are, and to think of emotions as practices rather than «states that exist inside the self» (LABANYI, 2010, 223).

  • 6 Gerd Althof’s views are based on his study of the rituals and institutions of German confraternitie (...)
  • 7 The expression of emotions such as joy and happiness have been relatively little studied, but other (...)
  • 8 Dorothy Noyes describes processions as the «realization of ideologies of social order within ceremo (...)

3In this essay, I will attempt to analyse emotions as practices, how emotions functioned in the context of urban ceremonies, and what they were intended to do in representational events such as medieval or early-modern royal entries (BROWN, 2011, 22-23). In earlier periods in history, representation was «crucial to any analysis of emotions, because emotions cannot be accessed in unmediated form» (GOUK; HILLS, 2005, 28). How emotion was seen to be represented in royal entries into Barcelona and their record according to eye-witness accounts of the event is the question addressed here. I will seek to identify the systems of feeling underlying the royal entry and how emotions might have telegraphed information in that environment. These events –and the record of them– were not only intended to represent an idealistic vision of collective joy and happiness, but also to enact them; the social function of entries was to result in the performance of those desirable and expected emotions6. Thus, I will argue that the function of royal entries was to perform joy and happiness7, and that the demonstration of these emotions was intended as an act of emotional reciprocity that enhanced, through the involvement of the whole city, the underlying reciprocal nature of these political events with their dramatization of the exchange of oaths and gifts between city and monarch. The performative element of the entry ceremonial allowed both monarch and city to express their expectations and political messages in, as Andrew Brown puts it, «a different register» (BROWN, 2011, 263)8.

  • 9 Harlbut also discusses the exchange of oaths on the part of monarch and city which marked the culmi (...)
  • 10 Lists of the gifts presented by the city to the visiting monarch are usually recorded in written ac (...)
  • 11 The secondary literature on royal entries into the cities of eastern Spain is vast: two recent gene (...)

4The focus of this essay will be the entry of Philip IV into Barcelona in 1626, an event which began by fulfilling the expectations of the emotional community, but ultimately flouted the norms of royal-city ritual. I will suggest that the reciprocal political and financial nature of the royal entry (BROWN, 2011, 237-238; HURLBUT, 2001, 171-176)9, hinged on the societal and cultural norms pertaining to the performance of emotional reciprocity. The customary gifts of money, gold and silver the city authorities presented to the monarch as a sign of goodwill and loyalty10, were complemented by the representation of joy and happiness through the urban ceremonial and festivities they organised and financed by the city. The performance of joyful emotions in this context signalled conformity with societal norms, and the absence of their demonstration indicated the potential disruption of them; the ritual expression of emotions was capable of absorbing contradictory feelings (TAUSIET; AMELANG, 2009, 28), but both parties –monarch and city authorities– had to follow the rules of the emotional game established by ritual custom (ROSENWEIN, 2006, 13), aware that any deviation from the established model would signal a clear message to all and potentially change the prevailing emotional mood. This was precisely what occurred during Philip IV’s sojourn in Barcelona in 1626: the sense of emotional reciprocity foundered with the increasing political tensions between king and city, and the festive mood evaporated11.

The history of emotions and urban ceremonial

5Three main methodological approaches drawn from the history of emotions will be brought to bear on analysis of royal entries into Barcelona, and specifically the entry of Philip IV in 1626: application to royal entries of the concept of emotional communities developed by Barbara Rosenwein; scrutiny of the multivocality of a wide-ranging dossier of evidence; and interrogation of an emotional lexicon, or established repertory of affective words that is generally deeply embedded in the generic conventions and stereotypical modes of expressions in contemporary descriptions of royal entries.

  • 12 Rosenwein’s concept of the emotional community is critiqued in Zaragoza Bernal, 2013, 5-6, who expr (...)

6Rosenwein forged the concept of emotional communities as a way in which to understand the centrality of emotions to the human experience and response to the environment in which they lived. She defines emotional communities as «groups in which people adhere to the same norms of emotional expression and value (or devalue) the same or related emotions» (ROSENWEIN, 2006, 2)12. Through the concept of the emotional community it can be possible to uncover the «systems of feeling», or the modes of emotional expression that, according to that community’s established norms, might «expect, encourage, tolerate and deplore» certain emotions (ROSENWEIN, 2002, 842). The royal entry can be seen to have observed –and have been shaped by– shared social norms that were communicated and encouraged through its performative aspects. It could be argued that the primary concern of the emotional community was not the emotional engagement of those who participated in or witnessed the event, but the fulfilment (or otherwise) of societal norms: some emotions are privileged, others denigrated. The approach adopted by Rosenwein and others to the generation of emotion as part of a socio-cultural process means that emotional history is not concerned with whether a king, a chronicler or a citizen felt the emotions expressed in the written record, but rather with the discourses behind the representation of emotion. How and why certain emotions were performed in urban ceremonial involving the emotional community, such as a royal entry, assume centre stage: «whether the king feels the emotion is immaterial; it is the performance that counts» (MADDERN et al., 2018, xxii).

  • 13 The «joyeuse entrée» epithet first appeared in a charter drawn up in 1356 for the dukes of Brabant, (...)
  • 14 The dossier of contemporaneous texts for the 1626 entry includes: official accounts include CLASCAR (...)

7The extraction of material relating to emotional practice is highly problematic. Rosenwein stresses the importance of compiling a dossier of evidence that represents different voices in the community so as to establish commonalities and to focus on «the norms that are articulated or implied over a range of sources and within a coherent period» (ROSENWEIN, 2010, 12). This multivocality is thus key to gaining insight into an emotional community: official accounts, archival records, commemorative verse, travellers’ accounts, personal diaries correspondence and contemporary literature. All these writings present different perspectives on an event such as a royal entry, and a contextualised analytical approach –close reading– may shed some light on how such events were perceived by the community in a process of multi-receptivity (BROWN, 2012, 214). Rereading of known sources from a new perspective, such as that afforded by history of the emotions, can also be productive (ZARAGOZA BERNAL, 2013, 6). Since different genres served different purposes, and were written according to different agendas, assumptions as to how individual people in the past experienced emotions are dangerous. As William Reddy has posited, even the most intimate diary can give only an approximation of that individual’s emotional life: «We cannot know for sure […] if the feelings expressed are purely convention, idealized, manipulative or deeply felt» (REDDY, 1997; cited in ROSENWEIN, 2002, 839). According to Jesse Harlbut, the joyeuse entrée of the king or magnate expressed a prevailing mood which was substantiated by the written records that unfailingly described the «exuberant crowds in attendance» (HARLBUT, 2001, 163)13. The mood for a royal entry was expected to be one of joy and happiness, and this symbolic narrative is woven throughout the written witness: convention, idealism and manipulation were thus hard-wired in all official accounts. Generally written by the urban élite for that élite, official relaciones offer a one-sided, top-down perspective that is entangled with the concerns and goals of the organisers of the festive event and the message the commissioning authorities intended to convey. For the 1626 royal entry the written witnesses include official printed and manuscript relaciones from the perspective of royal chroniclers, records commissioned by the city and two contemporaneous diaries by Barcelona citizens14.

Emotion words

8Emotions as expressed in the written record are inevitably mediated by the author who may, or may not, have belonged to the emotional community: in the 1626 royal entry the «outsiders» to the city –in particular, the royal chroniclers– at times expressed barely disguised contempt for Catalan cultural practice, while city chroniclers generally presented a more neutral, or even favourable gloss on events that were designed to extol the city and publicise the recripocal relationship between monarch and civic authorities. Either way, contemporary descriptions drew on a hermetic emotional lexicon in order to evoke emotional responses such as joy at a royal entry and are thus deeply embedded in generic conventions and stereotypical modes of expression. In the case of royal entries, the relationship between monarch and city, idealised as one of mutual benefit and reciprocity, was expressed through the concept of joy using the affective word «alegrías».

9As Rosenwein has pointed out, the frequency of use of a particular term among emotional communities can be a useful starting-point in a specific context in that it might represent a preoccupation with an emotional discourse within the community (ROSENWEIN, 2010, 15-16). Accounts of royal entries into Barcelona and other cities were inextricably linked to the word joy, which is reiterated throughout contemporary descriptions. The joyeuse entrée, or in the words of Clascar del Valles, «felicissima entrada», immediately signalled notions of joy («alegria» or «regocijo»), and at least by the early seventeenth century, festive events related to members of the royal family formed part of the definition of joy as indicated by Sebastián de Covarrubias in his Tesoro de la lengua castellana (1611):

  • 15 «ALEGRIA: vna de las passiones del alma … el gozo puedese tener interiormente, sin que resulte fuer (...)

JOY: one of the passions of the soul […], pleasure can be experienced within, without being externalised; but joy is always shown [demonstrated] by external signs of happiness. «Alegrías» is the term we use [to denote] the public festivities held for prosperous events such as victories and the births of kings, princes and royal children.15

  • 16 Covarrubias Horozco, Tesoro, 1253 [accessed 13 May 2020 at: https://archive.org/details/A253315/pag (...)

10In addition, Covarrubias’s definition of the verb «regozijarse» –a word also found in Clascar del Valles’s title and in many contemporary descriptions of royal entries– as including «songs and dancing and other festivities, and showing great happiness» («cantos y bayles y otras fiestas, y mostrar gran contento»)16. The use of the verb «mostrar» or «mostrarse» –«fuzzy» word though it might appear (ROSENWEIN, 2010, 13)– is key to the hermeneutic interpretation of written accounts of and other documentation relating to royal entries, for which the representation of emotions needed to be communicated in order to conform to social norms and expectations.

  • 17 Covarrubias defines «afecto» (the contemporary word closest to emotion) as a «passion of the soul» (...)

11As Andrew Brown points out: «Contemporary definitions of words do not always map neatly onto modern equivalents» (BROWN, 2012, 211), and the interpretation of affective words always needs to be problematised. Covarrubias’s definition of the affective word «alegria» indicates that it had become a metaphor for the public celebration of royal events. Although he does not specifically mention royal entries, the association of the «passio» –or affect– of «alegria» with royal occasions is clearly expressed. Covarrubias’s definition of «afecto» itself makes reference to the skill of the orator, capable of arousing the corresponding emotion –compassion, pity, anger, vengeance, sadness of joy– in the listener17. By extension, urban ritual might be considered the «voice» of the city: with the necessary rhetorical skill, royal entries externalised joy through performance as an inherent part of their function.

Reading urban ritual

12A hermeneutic reading of Covarrubias’s definition of the affective word «alegria» raises several issues with regard to the impact of royal entries on the emotional community; understanding their potential web of encoded meaning for those present was –and is– a highly complex process. An emotional community may have had a shared world view in terms of fundamental beliefs and aspirations, but as Thomas Boogaart has pointed out, «different social groups contested the meaning of ritual and exploited their multivocality for their own ends» (BOOGAART, 2001, 70; MUIR, 2005, 4). Processions elicited a «wide range of responses» (BROWN, 2012, 225), according to knowledge and experience of various underlying discourses, especially those that the organisers wished or intended to communicate. Thought processes and collective memory have a key role here, and need to be more thoroughly investigated. Juan Manuel Zaragoza Bernal describes the diverse inputs resulting from the «translation» of coded messages as «thought material» which puts «the cognitive machinery in motion» (ZARAGOZA BERNAL, 2013, 3). The concept of emotional community is useful: the identification of shared cultural norms and values can help with the decoding process. For example, Pascale Rihouet’s study of material culture in urban ritual in Perugia, considers the various elements of processions that would have triggered a range of responses among those present: she describes the baldachin as a «moving canopy», a symbol of power and authority that would have offered a «legible clue for the presence of a protagonist» (RIHOUET, 2017, 154). That protagonist might have been associated with a Roman emperor or a king, or a sacred object such as a relic or a monstrance, but whatever the input of «thought material», the baldachin, held high and widely visible to those participating in the procession, signalled a major ceremonial event, and communicated notions of the presence of sovereignty and decorum that in princely entries rubbed off on the highest-ranking municipal officials detailed to carry the poles that supported it (RIHOUET, 2017, 150-1). The names and positions of these officials are generally specified in civic records.

  • 18 It has been pointed out that the connection between the royal entry and Christ’s entry into Jerusal (...)

13Other «thought material» triggered by royal festivities and the performance of joy would have included allusion to or mental evocation of biblical processions, specifically King David dancing before the ark and the entry of Christ into Jerusalem. Biblical references and quotations were embedded in the shared culture of Christian emotional communities and could be drawn on for the expression of emotional valuations in specific contexts (ROSENWEIN, 2006, 28). Christ’s entry into Jerusalem was represented through the liturgical ceremony of Palm Sunday, one of the feasts of the liturgical year most closely associated with urban processions18. According to Matthew 21:9, Jesus’s proclamation as the Son of David was accompanied by cries of Hosannah echoed on the singing of alleluias in texts such «Haec dias». King David’s joyful celebration of God with music and dancing in the psalms –as in psalm 118, from which the text for «Haec dies» was taken– would have been associated in the collective memory with a ceremonial urban soundscape of mulitfarious musical instruments (BOWLES 1964; STROHM 2003: 304-307). This trope is picked up in relaciones of royal entries with their rhetorical enumeration of instruments: for example, the royal chronicler Andrés de Mendoza, in his account of the 1626 carnival festivities held in Barcelona just before Philip IV’s arrival, uses enumeration to evoke the soundscape:

  • 19 The ginebra was an instrument made up of seven bones of different sizes, graded longest to shortest (...)
  • 20 «[…] con la fama de la venida de su Magestad ha caydo una nuve de copias de instrumentos, que pasan (...)

[…] with the news of his Majesty’s arrival, a host [lit: cloud] of wind bands has descended; more than a hundred go around playing, [the minstrels] wearing masks […], with shawms, trumpets, vihuelas, lutes, harps, bagpipes, cornetts, sackbuts, harpsichords, rattles of small bells, tambourines, timbrels and ginebras19, which add a pleasant –if at times dissonant– confusion […].20

14This list of instruments includes several of those associated with the psalms –trumpets, harps, timbrels– and may well have triggered association with the rejoicing of King David. However, the mix of instruments –some associated with professional minstrels, such as trumpets, shawms and sackbuts, and others, sonajas, tamborinos, adufes and ginebras, characteristic of more popular music– may signify more than a rhetorical device. It might be read as a sonic representation of the whole community coming together for the ceremonial event in a pleasant but also at times discordant manner.

Royal entries and emotional reciprocity

15The primary function of the sound of multiple instruments was to signal the joy of the celebrating city to the monarch. The Llibre de les solemnitats describes, in characteristic fashion, the sounds and sights that customarily accompanied the entry procession of 1626:

  • 21 «Y es de advertir que per totas las parts hont sa magestat passá hi havia, de trast en trast, molte (...)

And it should be noted that at every point his Majesty passed through, there were, at intervals, many coblas of minstrels, and because night had fallen, everywhere were lighted by braziers in addition to the many torches of the procession.21

16It is noteworthy that this passage is added after the main description of the entry procession on 26 March 1626, and attention is drawn to it («y es de advertir») as a kind of addendum. The high cost of hiring the numerous minstrels and providing the vast amounts of tallow and wax to light the city was borne by the city council and regional government (diputació) (CHAMORRO, 2017, 218-9); such son-et-lumère effects formed part of the city’s gift to the king.

  • 22 The festivities eventually took place on 13, 14 and 15 April. The liturgical ceremonies included th (...)

17In 1626 there was a delay in the presentation of this peformance of joy. The civic authorities ruled that, since Philip IV was to make his entry into Barcelona during Lent, the customary three days of festivities (lluminaries) would fall during Holy Week and «not attract the usual applause and happiness from everyone as there should be» («estes alegries y regosijos y música no serien ab lo aplauso y contento de tots conforme deuen ser»), they were to be postponed until after Easter (CHAMORRO, 2017, 213)22. As Chamorro points out, Pujades indicates in his Dietari that these precautionary steps were taken since it was generally believed that after the festivities held during Lent to celebrate the arrival of Charles V, the city was punished with an outbreak of the plague (CASAS HOMS, 1976, IV, 45). Clearly, the significance of this divine punishment had remained in the collective memory of the city. Nevertheless, embedded in the city authorities’ thinking was the happiness –and recognition of it through applause– associated with the post-entry festivities. The manifestation of joy formed part of the expectations for a royal entry, a performative norm which functioned as a signal to both monarch and citizenry of the desired emotional reciprocity that informed these events.

18The emotional reciprocity that underpinned the political narrative required that if the city demonstrated its joy to the monarch, he should, in return, show his happiness in recognition of the city’s gift of joy. For example, in 1564 the Llibre de les solemnitats records Philip II’s arrival at Valldonzella, escorted by the city councillors in conventional, but nonetheless meaningful terms:

  • 23 «E abans arribassen a la porta de dit monestir, lo dit conseller en cap digué al dit señor les para (...)

And before they reached the door of the convent, the above-mentioned head councillor said the following words to the king: «Your Majesty would be served if he would grant us leave, as it is not the custom for us to enter the convent», and the king, with a joyful countenance, responded: “God go with you”».23

19Comparison with the entry in the Llibre de les solemnitats for the 1626 entry of Philip IV is revealing: no mention is made of the king’s countenance, and his words as recorded can be taken as distint, even dismissive: «Seguid vuestras cermonias» (DURÁN SANPERE; SANABRE, 1930, II, 161); they also held a political meaning as will be discussed below.

20In 1546 the reciprocal relationship –political and emotional– between monarch and city functioned as was intended. According to the official account of the 1546 royal visit by the Castilian chronicler Balthasar del Hierro –who consistently places the king in a good light– when Philip II was greeted by the diputats with a brief speech, the king responded

  • 24 « […] con vna alegria que mostraua lo de dentro en el rostro, respondio con la clemencia que suele: (...)

with an inner joy that showed in his face, and he replied with the customary benevolence: «I am very pleased to have such attentive subjects […]». With this, they joyfully took leave of his Majesty, filled with happiness for his great benignancy.24

21The notion of an inner emotion that was exteriorised in facial expression or gesture harks back to Covarrubias’s definition of «alegria». As communicated through the written record, both monarch and city representatives were seen to be observing the rules of the game.

  • 25 «entró de noche por escusar ceremonias antiquíssimas, mantenidas por las catalanes por sagradas e i (...)
  • 26 «per so no era seruit que ningú hisqués a rebre ni li fos fet recebiment algú ni demonstracions alg (...)

22However, controversy marred Philip II’s second entry into Barcelona in 1585 and resulted in the disruption of the customary protocol of demonstrating joy. This entry presented a quandary to the city councillors: the king had already entered the city in 1564, so according to practice would not normally be accorded a solemn entry. Furthermore, he was travelling to Barcelona not to attend corts but to bid farewell to his daughter Catalina Micaela and son-in-law the Duke of Savoy, who following their wedding in Zaragoza, were to set sail for Savoy. However, the heir to the throne, prince Philip would be makling his first entry (CHAMORRO, 2017, 71-75), but the king wished to avoid the usual ceremonies and their demonstration of joy inextricably linked with the oath to uphold Catalan privileges. As the royal chronicler Luis Cabrera de Córdoba recorded, the king «entered at nightime to avoid the very ancient ceremonies, maintained by the Catalans as sacred and immutable, [but] not appropriate to the greatness of the current monarchs»25. According to the city council’s Llibre de les solemnitats, however, the councillors were in the process of debating entry protocol and preparing the festivities when they received a message from the king informing them that the prince and other members of the royal family were unwell, so that he «would not be well served if anyone should come out to meet him, nor if any reception or displays of rejoicing were held for his entry, nor should illuminations nor windbands [«gaytas»], nor salvoes of artillery be sounded until the likely course of the illness was established»26.

23Various rumours circulated among the citizens in expectation of the customary entry, with its demonstration of joy, which finally did not take place. Enrique Cock, the Dutch humanist, and an archer in the royal guards, defended the king’s position for not making a second entry, and described how the king had slipped into the silent city at night and was in the palace «before the people realised» («antes que el pueblo lo creyese»; GARCÍA MERCADAL, 1999, 511). His account records the confusion caused by the king’s non-entry:

  • 27 «Esta noche [7 de mayo de 1585] había gran silencio en la ciudad, aunque en todos los rincones y pu (...)

That night [7 May 1585] there was silence throughout the city, even though in all its corners and stands there were marvellous things to see. The legislators grieved because they had been outwitted, and the citizens grieved because his majesty had not entered in triumph, as he would normally do, so that all might rejoice […].27

24The silence that surrounded the king’s surreptitious entry into Barcelona would have been a clear indication of the disruption of the reciprocal performance of joy between monarch and city as part of an official entry. The following day, 8 May 1585, protocol was restored; according to Cock, the counsellors went, «with joyful faces» («con rostros alegres») to kiss the hand of the prince, then ordered the citizens «to put on festivities so that the joy and happiness they had in their hearts would be demonstrated through public spectacle» («hacer fiestas para que el gozo y contento que tenían en los corazones mostrasen con públicos espectáculos») (GARCÍA MERCADAL, 1999, II, 511). Cock offers a concise description of the customary alimaries, commenting specifically on the fifty raised platforms spread through the city to accommodate wind-bands of five instrumentalists each, making a total of five hundred musicians (RAVENTÓS, 2005, 391); this soundscape would have contrasted strikingly with the symbolic silence in the city the previous day. Both the reportage in the Llibre de les solemnitats and Cock’s eye-witness narrative illustrate how the discourse relating to the performance of joy was a key factor in the reciprocal nature of the royal entry.

Political and sonic tensions in the 1626 entry

  • 28 This moment of royal ceremonial is described in Balthasar del Hierro’s account of the entry (commis (...)
  • 29 Romanç fet per Johan Fogassot, notari, sobre la preso o detenció de l’illustrissimo senyor don Karl (...)

25If in 1585 the royal visit began badly for the civic authorities, but resulted in a compromise allowing partial restoration of the usual civic homage to the heir to the throne, in 1626 the entry ceremony began to proceed in accordance with established practice, but political tensions left the normative emotional reciprocity in tatters. Official local records followed span the narrative as closely to convention as possible; court-based accounts tell a dfferent story. In Clascar del Valle’s conventional reference to the singing of «Haec dies» on Easter Day in the presence of Philip IV, the phrase «we the Catalans» might have been «translated» in a number ways. The singing of «Haec dies» conformed to convention: for the entry of Philip II in 1564, «Haec dies» was sung in three-voice polyphony by three choir boys dressed as angels descending on a «cloud» at St Anthony’s gate (a ceremony known as the davallada) (RAVENTÓS, 2005, 218).28 In his relación of the 1626 entry, Clascar del Valles briefly describes the descent of an angel in a cloud, but makes no mention of what was sung, probably taking this aspect of the performance for granted. His reference to the Catalans as being «so filled with joy and happiness, that with good reason we can sing with the church» signals that on this occasion the gradual was sung by the whole community on Easter Day, the feast in the liturgical year most closely associated with joy and happiness. Yet Clascar del Valles’s apparently transparent statement may well have had deeper resonance in the collective memory of the citizenry of Barcelona arising from serious conflict between city and monarch. The fifteenth-century notary Joan Fogassot’s poet’s ballad (romanç) (included in his Recors a la verge Maria) relates the imprisonment in 1459 of Charles of Viana, first-born son of Juan II de Aragon, (RAVENTÓS, 2005, 232-3)29. Fogassot beseechs the Virgin Mary to intercede on the prince’s behalf so that they might have joyful news (of the prince’s release) and be able to sing «Haec dies» at his longed-for entry into the city. The entry into Barcelona did take place on 31 March 1460, but political tensions between Juan II and his first-born son –the king refused to acknowledge him as «primogènit» and therefore undermined the legitimacy of the prince’s entry– increased, and eighteen months later Charles died under suspicious circumstances. These events would have been seared into the collective memory of the citizenry and may well have affected the emotional community’s response to the singing of «Haec dies» at subsequent royal entries. As Clifford Flanagan has eloquently expressed, during a ritual performance, emotions are intensified through the perception of symbolic meaning, with the result that «norms and values become saturated with emotion», and the «conceptual, the social and the emotional are united in ritual» (FLANAGAN, 2001, 45). Is it possible to sense that emotional saturation in Clascar del Valle’s apostrophe «we the Catalans»?

  • 30 Political tensions between monarch and city were not uncommon in royal entries and were reflected i (...)

26During April 1626, Philip IV’s sojourn in Barcelona became increasingly beset by political conflict, with bitter and unresolved disputes in the corts, but tensions were in evidence well before the royal entry30. In early February 1626 the cathedral canon Joan Pau Rifós reported to the cathedral chapter that Philip IV and the Count-Duke of Olivares showed «so little affection [good will] towards us that I certainly find it alarming» («amostran tenir nos tant pocha affiçio que cert me espanto» (CHAMORRO, 2017, 93). The tense atmosphere erupted into conflict in royal-entry protocol with disputes between the Castilian courtiers and the councillors as to who should take precedence in escorting the king to Valldonzella, and between a Castilian noble and the Catalan viceroy, the Duke of Cardona, as to who should travel in the king’s carriage (CHAMORRO, 2017, 94-5). Catalan resistance to the crown’s proclamation of the Unión de Armas was expected. At the instigation of the Count-Duke of Olivares, the Crown called for all the regions of Spain to contribute men and money (in the case of Catalonia a subsidy of 250,000 lliures) for the defence of the monarchy. Negotiations of this and other matters broke down, the corts fell into disarray, and on 4 May 1626, Philip IV left the city without taking leave of any of the civic or governmental authorities: an unprecedented flouting of monarch-city protocol.

27While the Llibre de les solemnitats and Clascar del Valles’s official relación of the «most happy entry» describe the usual demonstration of joy, offered as part of the city’s gift to the king, the view from the royal side was significantly different. Accounts by royal chroniclers reveal that attempts to please the king were seen as transparent and organised to no avail in a situation in which, from the royal perspective, political reciprocity had not been displayed. Matías de Novoa commented cynically on the city’s attempts to impress the king and so achieve their customary goal of securing a more favourable royal disposition towards the city, while the king himself was recorded as having maintained a physical and emotional distance:

  • 31 «Entreteníanle, por poseerle, con moderadas fiestas y porque se quedase allí el dinero entre ellos (...)

They [the city authorities] entertained him, in order to own him, with moderate festivities and so that the money would remain there with them […]; they put on the Carnival festivities, with everyone, men and women, going out without masks (as if that were acceptable) publically to dance in the square and streets. The saraus truly involved splendour and beauty; the most illustrious of the city gathered in the room, or pontoon bridge [pasadizo; lit: passageway] that had been built from the palace to the sea, where it could be watched by the king and the Infante in private.31

28According to Novoa, this royal aloofness gave rise to criticism among the Catalans: the king should show himself in public and dance with the ladies, which the chronicler dismisses as a «Catalan delusion» («vanidad catalana»). Significantly, when Phlip IV returned to the city in 1632 to conclude the disrupted corts of 1626, the royal chronicler Andrés de Mendoza recorded that not only did the king attend and dance at a sarau, he also allowed himself to be seen from his secluded position at one end of the hall (CHAMORRO, 2013, 293). This event was organised by the city authorities who invited the king to attend «to give greater honour to the fiesta» («para mayor realse de la fiesta»), but Mendoza also records Olivares’s attempt to prevent it happening; the Count-Duke responded to the diputats’ invitation that the invitation should be withdrawn on the grounds that

  • 32 «La comodidad que se le ha de buscar al huesped para que sin pension goze de lo que se lo ofrece, y (...)

[…] the commodity that should be sought from the guest [the king] in a way that he may enjoy what he is offered without investment, and [that] it showed little honour on the part of the diputats if they were not to concede what he [the king] wished, [and] his majesty would consider himself served if they cancelled the sarau.32

29The king’s appearance at public festivities organised by the city authorities was, according to Mendoza, seen by Olivares as a free commodity: a gift that, in this instance, could best be returned by withdrawal of the invitation to the sarau. The royal chronicler’s account reveals how civic festivities formed part of the negotiation of political reciprocity, accompanied by an emotional reciprocity that Olivares wished to avoid by attempting to subvert normative protocol.

30Olivares’s attempt to distance Philip II from the performance of joy that characterised the royal entry was, as suggested above, not entirely successful, and Clascar del Valles’s account records that the king was seen to derive the expected pleasure from some of the festivities organised by the city. In particular, a three-hour mock battle enacted in a unique performative space of the city –the sea– appears to have made the king «very happy indeed with the spectacle and all around were filled with joy and rejoicing beyond all measure» («quedando su Magestad contentissimo de la fiesta, y todos a vna mano en sumo grado alegres y regozijados»). However, Clascar del Valles describes with a sense of foreboding «the delightful music of buglers and other instrumentalists whose pleasing echoes aroused joy, even in the saddest and most stressed hearts» («la deleytable musica de clarines y otros musicos instrumentos cuyos ecos plazenteros causaran alegria, aun a los mas tristes y apretados corazones») (CLASCAR DEL VALLES, 1624, Quarto aviso).

  • 33 The public display of tears was as ingrained in the cultural and societal norms of the period as th (...)
  • 34 Accounts of urban festivities were intended to glorify the city as much as the events themselves (B (...)

31While the civic authorities’ objective of performing costly festivities was fulfilled through the king’s reciprocal exhibition of happiness, the performance of joy is qualified by the announcement of the king’s being recalled urgently to Madrid: «to so much rejoicing […] followed mourning shrouded in emotion and sadness, in many instances accompanied by tears […]» («A tanto regozijo […] siguio el luto embuelto en sentimientos y tristezas, y no en pocos acompañado de lagrimas»; Clascar del Valles, 1626, Quarto aviso)33. The official account by Clascar del Valles places a more positive spin on this breakdown in negotiation and protocol, presumably in an attempt to protect the councillors’ prestige and authority34. He relates how the inhabitants of the city and its hinterland, on hearing the news of the king’s being recalled to Madrid, went into the streets, «demonstrating through gestures, faces and eyes the emotion they felt at the absence of the king» («mostrando bien en varias acciones, rostros y ojos el sentimiento que la ausencia del rey les causaua»; CLASCAR DEL VALLES, 1624: Quarto aviso). They were rewarded, the clergyman maintains, with a display of the expected emotional reciprocity: «[the king], repaying well such filial spirit and love, showed himself to all, with a joyful and serene expression on his face, so as to mitigate something of the sorrow that he left in his beloved subjects and children» («mostrandose patente a todos, con alegre y sereno rostro, para aliviar algo de la pena que en sus amados vasallos y hijos dexaua»; CLASCAR DEL VALLES, 1624: Quarto aviso). Clascar del Valles passes over the king’s hasty departure and subversion of royal-civic protocol, and concludes his account with a brief description of the royal family’s visit to Montserrat on their return journey to Madrid, as if nothing untoward had happened.

32Less official accounts by local diarists are both more factual and more neutral in tone. The notary Jeroni Pujades records in his diary (very possibly as an eye-witness) how «the regret felt at the king’s leaving the city in annoyance» («lo pesar sent de que sa Magestat se’n vaya disgustat de la Ciutat» was expressed at the emergency council meeting held following the king’s departure (CASAS HOMS, 1976, 58). It was determined that representatives of the city should go after the king, and the Duke of Cardona and the Count of Perelada travelled in haste to Valldonzella, in a carriage drawn by six mules. They were too late, and returned without having spoken to the king. Miquel Parets, based on the account of a page who witnessed events, describes how the head councillor, Bertrán Desvalls, managed to reach the king and offered him the city’s gift of a loan of 50,000 lliures, which the king accepted, responding that he was «very grateful to the city of Barcelona for the gifts (mercedes) they offered him» («muy agradisido a la Ciudad de Barcelona de las mercedes que me ha hecho»; PARETS, Dietari, f. 7v). The displeased monarch refused, however, to return to Barcelona to complete the session of corts (CHAMORRO, 2017, 96).

Conclusions

  • 35 As Saúl Martínez points out with regard to Miquel Parets, although it is impossible to relieve Pare (...)

33Several issues arise from the comparison of contemporary accounts and the multivocality of their perspectives. All indicate that the social function of royal entries formed part of an outward and idealised expression of a gift exchange between monarch and city, and that the performance of joy realised through celebratory festivities reflected a societal norm that was expected and tolerated by the emotional community and was organized and financed by the civic authorities. Clascar del Valles’s official, published account of the event of the 1626 entry constantly reiterates the emotional discourse of joy and eschews any comment on the political issues at stake or the tensions between city and monarch, though some of his comments may have been decoded according to the collective memory of the emotional community. The diaries of Barcelona citizens, such as those by Parets and Pujades, generally show less concern for reiterating the discourse of demonstration of joy through festivities, but nevertheless also bear witness to how these discourses were central to the norms of negotiation and reciprocity associated with and expected of royal entries into the city.35 Negative emotions, as expressed by chroniclers in the service of the monarch, signal tension, disruption and even subversion of societal norms: urban ceremonial is disregarded or undermined; the stability of the emotional community is jeopardised; and its goals are kicked into touch.

34The processions and festivities held for royal entries rarely brought about lasting social cohesion among the citizenry; it has been argued that social difference was not only maintained but also heightened, bringing «an intensified awareness of social groups […] within the common experience of festive joy» (BROWN & FREEMAN REGELADO, 2001, 133). At the same time, urban ritual was «intrinsically linked to systems of belief» (RIHOUET, 2017, 19), and served as a symbolic expression of consensus among the emotional community. In royal entries the enactment of a single emotion –joy– would have contributed to the maintainance of equilibrium of society and to the reaffirmation of the community’s shared expectations, norms and goals.

35 Close analysis of underlying emotional discourses as they relate to the cultural expectations and societal norms of a particular emotional community can help to underpin a hermeneutic approach to contemporary descriptions of historical events. This brief case study of royal entries into Barcelona represents only a small step in that direction as complementary to studies of other European cities such as Bruges (BOOGAART, 2001; BROWN, 2011; BROWN 2013), Florence (ATKINSON, 2016) and Perugia (RIHOUET, 2017). In order to identify and analyse the «thought material» behind emotional representation, a still wider range of sources, including visual and material evidence, needs to «read» in order to advance knowledge on emotional practice (ZARAGOZA BERNAL, 2013, 7). As Rihouet has demonstrated, material culture can afford much insight into the cultural practices and symbols of an emotional community. The (re)reading of Inquisitorial documentation can also be rewarding as regards the display and representation of emotion in other contexts, both public and private (MAZUELA-ANGUITA, 2017). Works of literary fiction bring the question of subjectivity in the history of emotions into sharper focus, but analysed carefully in their socio-historical context, can provide more detailed insight into the discourses surrounding emotions (KNIGHTON 2020). Alfredo Chamorro’s study of municipal accounts and deliberations as regards the financial burden of mounting royal entries in cities such as Barcelona opens up new directions to be followed: not only in relation to the civic authorities’ investment in creating and enacting a sense of order within society (BROWN, 2012, 211), but also the involvement of the citizenry and the investment they contributed to urban ceremonial through skills, experience and collective memory. Confraternity records, for example, can provide insight into what might be termed the performative –and sonic– processes of royal entries and other ceremonial processions in which they participated. Analysis of these processes would enhance our understanding of emotional practices and what emotions could «do» among different social groups in a variety of historical contexts. It can also open up new directions to be followed in the analysis of the emotional impact of certain organised sounds –or absence of them– within urban ritual.

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Notes

1 Pablo Clascar del Valles, Felicisima entrada del rey nuestro señor, en la muy insigne y siempre leal ciudad de Barcelona cabeça y princessa del Principado de Catalunya; y sumptuoso recebimiento, fiestas, y regozijos que la dicha ciudad y nobleza ha hecho a su Real persona (Barcelona: Sebastian & Jayme Matevad, 1626) «Estamos los catalanes rellenados de gozo, y contento que podemos, con razón, cantar con la iglesia: Haec dies». The singing of «Haec dies» on Easter Day was also recorded by Miquel Parets in exactly the same words in his Dietari: «Estam los cathalans plens de Alegria y contento que poriam ab raho cantar ab la Iglesia. Haec dies quam fecit Dominus exultemos, & laetemur in ea, Alleluya. Alleluya. Alleluya»; PARETS, Dietari, f. 5v; accessed 10 May 2020 on ddd.uab.cat/pub/libres/1660/78774; modern edn: MARGALEF 2011 (years 1626-1641); the section of Paret’s diary dealing with the royal entry is also reproduced in GARCÍA SÁNCHEZ, 1993, 473-80.

2 On the concept of emotion words, see WHITE, 1998, 132-135; ROSENWEIN, 2002, 940.

3 For discussion of some of the issues relating to the close reading of relaciones de sucesos, see ETTINGHAUSEN 2001 and KNIGHTON 2017.

4 I do not intend in this brief essay to attempt a history of the history of emotions; Barbara Rosenwein’s analysis of the historiography elucidates the main tendencies from the time of Lucien Febvre’s call for a more serious historical approach in 1941: FEBVRE,1941; ROSENWEIN, 2002, 821-941; ROSENWEIN 2006, 5-24. See also the very useful introductions to GOUK; HILLS, 2005, 15-34; and TAUSIET; AMELANG, 2009, 7-31, as well as the assessment of the state of the art in ZARAGOZA BERNAL, 2013.

5 Two recent essays on earlymusic also make reference to Rosenwein’s concept of the emotional community in the context of an elite community of Franco-Netherandish composers who wrote musical homages for one another around 1500 (COLLINS 2019), and of Ciconia and the circle of humanists in Padua c.1400 (STOESSEL 2015).

6 Gerd Althof’s views are based on his study of the rituals and institutions of German confraternities in the Middle Ages from which he drew the conclusion that certain emotions were considered to be appropriate for certain people (varied according to social status) at certain times and for certain occasions (ALTHOF, 1996; ROSENWEIN, 2002, 841).

7 The expression of emotions such as joy and happiness have been relatively little studied, but others have fared better: on fear, see BOURKE 2003 and BOURKE 2005; on anger, see FLYNN 1998 and ROSENWEIN 1998.

8 Dorothy Noyes describes processions as the «realization of ideologies of social order within ceremonial space» (NOYES, 1997, 125).

9 Harlbut also discusses the exchange of oaths on the part of monarch and city which marked the culmination of the entry ritual (HARLBUT, 2001, 161, 165-171).

10 Lists of the gifts presented by the city to the visiting monarch are usually recorded in written accounts of royal entries; see, for example, those given to Ferdinand in 1479, to the Catholic Monarchs in 1481 (when Isabel made her entry into Barcelona), and to Charles V in 1519 (COMES; PUIGGARI, 1878, 289, 296 and 365).

11 The secondary literature on royal entries into the cities of eastern Spain is vast: two recent general studies provide useful summaries of the situation from the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, although they do not discuss sound or music: MASSIP 2009 and VARELA-RODRÍGUEZ 2020. The analyses of Manuel RAUFAST CHICO of the royal entries into Barcelona in the fifteenth century make a particularly important contribution to knowledge of various aspects of them, though not specifically music: RAUFAST CHICO 2006; RAIFAST CHICO 2008; and RAUFAST 2010. The most useful accounts of royal entries into Barcelona in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries are: CHAMORRO ESTEBAN 2013 and CHAMORRO ESTEBAN 2017; and RAVENTÓS FREIXA 2005. Alfredo Chamorro’s work is significant for its research into the economic contribution of the city to royal entries –including payments to musicians–, while Jordi Raventós’s anthropological approach to music and ceremony in royal processions is of particular relevance to this study. I am grateful to both for their excellent research and their collegiality, and I will cite their works often in the course of this essay. I have also had direct recourse to the primary sources cited here.

12 Rosenwein’s concept of the emotional community is critiqued in Zaragoza Bernal, 2013, 5-6, who expresses some reservations as to its reliance on traditional historical methods and its focus on communities rather than individual emotional responses.

13 The «joyeuse entrée» epithet first appeared in a charter drawn up in 1356 for the dukes of Brabant, and rapidly spread through Burgundy and France (BRYANT, 1986, 22 and 64; HARLBUT, 2001, 163). The title –«felicisima entrada»– of Clascar del Valles’s relación «buys into» this tradition, which was well established in Habsburg circles furing the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

14 The dossier of contemporaneous texts for the 1626 entry includes: official accounts include CLASCAR DEL VALLES, Felicissima entrada (printed in 1626), and the Llibre de solemnitats (DURÁN SANPERE; SANABRE, 1930, II, 159–168) from the city perspective; the royal chronicler Matías de Novoa’s Historia de Felipe IV (SANCHO RAYON; ZABALBURU, 1878, 26-50), and Andrés de Mendoza’s Tercera relación de las fiestas de la Ciudad de Barcelona (1626) (Biblioteca Nacional de España, MS, VE/160-78) from the royal court’s perspective; and, from the perspective of citizens of Barcelona the diaries (dietaris) of the Barcelona notary Jeroni Pujades (CASAS HOMS, 1976, IV, 43–62), and the tanner Miquel Parets (for the seventeenth-century Castilian translation see: PUJOL I CAMPS,1888; for the original Catalan: see MARGALEF 2011; it is also reproduced in part in GARCÍA SÁNCHEZ, 1993, 476-479; I have consulted the manuscript BUB, Ms. 224-5 online). For a reading of parts of Parets’s diary from the perspective of history of the senses, see MARTÍNEZ BERMEJO 2019.

15 «ALEGRIA: vna de las passiones del alma … el gozo puedese tener interiormente, sin que resulte fuera: pero el alegria siempre se muestra con señales exteriores de contento. Llamamos alegrias las fiestas publicas que se hazen por los sucesos prósperos de vitorias, nacimientos de Reyes, Principes e Infantes»; Sebnastián Covarrubias Horozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (Madrid: Luis Sánchez, 1611), 41-42 [accessed 12 May 2020 at: https://archive.org/details/A253315/page/n119/mode/1up].

16 Covarrubias Horozco, Tesoro, 1253 [accessed 13 May 2020 at: https://archive.org/details/A253315/page/n119/mode/1up].

17 Covarrubias defines «afecto» (the contemporary word closest to emotion) as a «passion of the soul» («passion del anima», describing it in Aristotelian terms as a dynamic effect that causes «a particular movement in the body by which we are moved to compassion and pity, to anger, to vengeance, to sadness and joy» («en el cuerpo un particular movimiento con que mouemos a compassion y misericordia, a ira, y a vengança, a tristeza y alegria»); Covarrubios Horozco, Tesoro, 17 [accessed 12 May 2020 at: https://archive.org/details/A253315/page/n119/mode/1up].

18 It has been pointed out that the connection between the royal entry and Christ’s entry into Jerusalem was probably indirect, via the Palm Sunday procession (HARLBUT, 2001, 161). On the close association between cities and Jerusalem at major religious events, see BROWN, 2012, 226.

19 The ginebra was an instrument made up of seven bones of different sizes, graded longest to shortest, and linked by cords; it was hung round the neck and played by running a castanet up and down the bones. I am grateful to Sergi González González for information on this instrument.

20 «[…] con la fama de la venida de su Magestad ha caydo una nuve de copias de instrumentos, que pasan de ciento las que andan por el lugar tañendo, asi con las mascaras […] de chirimias, trompetas, viguelas, laudes, harpas, gaytas, cornetas, sacabuches, clauicimbalos, sonajas, tamborino, adufes y ginebras, que hacen, si tal vez disonante siempre agradable confusion […]»; Mendoza, Tercera relación; cited in CHAMORRO, 2017, 218.

21 «Y es de advertir que per totas las parts hont sa magestat passá hi havia, de trast en trast, moltes cobles de jutglars, y en ser de nit, per totas las parts hont passà, hi havia moltas graellas encesas, ademása de las moltes atxes que y anaven»; DURÁN SANPERE; SANABRE, 1930, II, 167.

22 The festivities eventually took place on 13, 14 and 15 April. The liturgical ceremonies included the king’s participation in the mandatum –washing of the feet of twelve poor on Maundy Thursday– which was recorded in a printed relación entitled: Christianissimo Lavatorio qve en la Semana Santa hizo sv Magestad en Barcelona, a doze Pobres […] (Barcelona, 1626). Parets, in his Dietari comments how the twelve poor left with flower-decorated baskets containing cloth, food and drink and «went away very happy» («sen anaven molt contents»; PARETS, Dietari, f. 4v). In this context, happiness is very likely what they felt, although even this descriptional could also be seen to represent the generosity of the participating agents.

23 «E abans arribassen a la porta de dit monestir, lo dit conseller en cap digué al dit señor les paraules següents: “Vostra Magestat será servit donarnos licentia, per que es la prátiga de no entrar dins”, y dit senyor digué,”Vayan con Dios”, ab una cara alegre»; DURÁN SANPERE; SANABRE, 1930, II, 5.

24 « […] con vna alegria que mostraua lo de dentro en el rostro, respondio con la clemencia que suele: “Huelgo mucho con tan cuydadosos vasallos vasallos, y tan buena justiciar […]”. Con esto se despidieron de su Magestat muy alegres, y contentos de su benignidad tan grande […]» (DEL HIERRO, 1564).

25 «entró de noche por escusar ceremonias antiquíssimas, mantenidas por las catalanes por sagradas e inalterables, no convenientes a la grandeza de los presents Reyes», cited in CHAMORRO, 2017, 73.

26 «per so no era seruit que ningú hisqués a rebre ni li fos fet recebiment algú ni demonstracions algunes ni regosijos per sa entrada, ni fessen alimaries ni sonassen gaytas ni tiras d’artilleria fins que se ves a que pararia la indisposicio»; DURÁN SANPERE; SANABRE, 1930, II, 44; consulted on line on 14 May 2020 at https://books.google.es/books?id=Ja2DKVBe-SwC&pg=PA460&lpg=PA460&dq=llibre+de+les+solemnitats). The use of the word «gaytas» instead of «ministriles» is curious; if this was the word that was used in the missive sent by the king, it could be a shorthand for all the wind instruments played during the festivities, but it could also have been used in a derogatory sense, deliberately passing over the official minstrels, such a distinctive feature of the royal entries into Barcelona for the sheer number of windbands paid for by the city.

27 «Esta noche [7 de mayo de 1585] había gran silencio en la ciudad, aunque en todos los rincones y puestos de ella estaban hechos algunos milagros de ver. Pesaba a los jurados que se hallaban burlados; pesaba a los ciudadanos que su majestad no había entrado con triunfo, como suele, para regozijarse con todos […]»; Enrique Cock, Anales del año 1585, in GARCÍA MERCADAL, 1999, II, 511.

28 This moment of royal ceremonial is described in Balthasar del Hierro’s account of the entry (commissioned by the city council): Los triumphos y grandes recebimientos de la insigne ciudad de Barcelona a la venida del famosissimo Phelipe rey de las Españas… (Barcelona: Jayme Cortey, 1564), f. a[v]v: «Dadas al rey las llaves, la santa [Eulalia, patron saint of Barcelona] y angels boluieron en su nuue cantando sin dexar la musica hasta lo alto de la Puerta: Hec dies…».

29 Romanç fet per Johan Fogassot, notari, sobre la preso o detenció de l’illustrissimo senyor don Karles princep de Viana:
«Ffeu haiam prest de goig un tal novell
Qual esperam, Verge, de vos, Maria,
E puixam dir, ab solemn’ alegria
Lo cantich sant molt singular e bell:
Hec est dies, quam fecit Dominus: exultemus et letemur in ea».

30 Political tensions between monarch and city were not uncommon in royal entries and were reflected in the response of the emotional community. For the Catholic Monarchs’ entry with prince Juan in 1492, after an eleven-year absence from Barcelona during which the monarchs’ attention was focused on the Granadine campaign (CHAMORRO, 2017, 35-6), the citizens’ preparations for the demonstration of joy were so lacklustre that the councillors had to prepare a second cry for the town crier insisting that the people were to mount the usual festivities for the arrival of the monarchs, with illuminations, fireworks, dancing and music «as a demonstration of a high degree of jocundity, which is not achieved by showing little joy» («para demostratio de tanta jocunditat, lo que no es estat fet monstrant poch la alegria») (CHAMORRO, 2017, 214); AHCB, CC, Ordenaciones originales, IB. XXVI-18, no. 18:32. Significantly, the Llibre de les solemnitats does not record this entry.

31 «Entreteníanle, por poseerle, con moderadas fiestas y porque se quedase allí el dinero entre ellos […]; hiciéronle las fiestas dee las Carnestolendas, saliendo todos, hombres y mujeres, públicamente y con sus caras descubiertas (como si no erraren en aquello) á bailar á la plaza y calles: la de los saraos verdaderamente contenia esplendor y belleza; juantándose en el salon, ó pasadizo que se habia hecho desde Palacio al mar, lo más ilustre de la ciudad, donde lo veia el Rey y el Infante retirados» (SANCHO RAYON; ZABALBURU, 1878, 35).

32 «La comodidad que se le ha de buscar al huesped para que sin pension goze de lo que se lo ofrece, y que si à los Diputados, que era poco agasajo no conceder su Magestad con lo que se le pedia, que se dexasses de hazer el Sarao, que su Magestad se tenia por servido»; cited in CHAMORRO, 2013, 293.

33 The public display of tears was as ingrained in the cultural and societal norms of the period as the representation of joy; see CHRISTIAN, 1982; FLYNN, 1994; WAGSTAFF, 1998; and MAZUELA-ANGUITA, 2017.

34 Accounts of urban festivities were intended to glorify the city as much as the events themselves (BOOGAART, 2001, 71).

35 As Saúl Martínez points out with regard to Miquel Parets, although it is impossible to relieve Paret’s perceptions, his eye-witness account can help us to interrogate the cultural and social sphere in which he found meaning through sensual experience (MARTÍNEZ BERMEJO, 2019, 98).

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Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, tknighton@icrea.cat

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