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Ecclesiastics and political state building in the Iberian monarchies, 13th-15th centuries

 | 
Hermínia Vasconcelos Vilar
, 
Maria João Branco

Part I - Kings and clergy: royal service and political loyalty

Between service and loyalty: chancery and chancellors of Portugal in the 14th century

Hermínia Vasconcelos Vilar

Note de l’auteur

This paper was supported by FEDER through the COMPETE Programme and by National Funds through the FCT in the scope project “DEGRUPE The European Dimension of a Group of Power: Ecclesiastics and the Political State Building of the Iberian Monarchies (13th-15th centuries)”, with the FCT reference “PTDC/EPH-HIS/4964/2012” and by FEDER funds, under the new PT2020 partnership agreement and by national funds FCT/MEC – Foundation for Science and Technology under the UID/HIS/00057/2013 – POCI-01-0145-FEDER-007702 project

Texte intégral

  • 1 Ordenações Afonsinas, livro I, titulo II. Lisboa: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1972, p. 15.

1According to the Ordenações Afonsinas it fell to the chancellor, as “the second official in Our house”, to act as an intermediary “between Us and men, in what concerns worldly matters”, his function thus being compared to that of the chaplain, who himself was an intermediary between God and the king1. The words quoted above clearly illustrate the importance assigned to the chancellor, at least at the level of the law and, as a consequence, of the image of centrality that was being promoted.

  • 2 Mattoso, José - Identificação de um País. Ensaio sobre as Origens de Portugal (1096-1325), vol. II (...)

2In 1985, in the second volume (titled “Composição”) of “A Identificação de um País”, in the context of his reflections seeking to identify the lines along which a kingdom and its royalty were being formed, José Mattoso wrote, concerning the person of the chancellor: “It has been thought, and it is probably true, that the first dynasty's chancellors are in a way its permanent éminence grise2.

3To substantiate his statement, José Mattoso developed a synthetic analysis of the chancellors' profiles, up until the end of king Denis's reign, dwelling more intently on the figure of Julião Pais, chancellor to three kings. Such a statement sought to establish a line of interpretation suitable above all to the period ending with king Denis's reign, rather than the whole extent of the first dynasty.

  • 3 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio (1320-1433). Porto: INIC, 1990, pp. 111-114. This grad (...)

4In fact, for the period after 1325 – a year which, by the way, marks the terminus of this work of José Mattoso – such a statement could hardly be taken at full value. Later research work by Armando Carvalho Homem would bring to light the changes which affected the importance of this post in the context of the central administration3, stemming from the multiplication of trades and the growing pooling of skills, especially after the reign of Afonso IV.

  • 4 For the period between the reigns of King Dinis and King Afonso IV and the legal production of thes (...)

5The gradual definition of a central administrative structure of growing complexity - a process which accompanied the definition by law of the monarch's growing activity in the space of political structure4, - undoubtedly limited the chancellor's room for manoeuvre, but it also dictated the definition of new public office profiles.

  • 5 The studies, particularly partial ones, on the chanceries of Leon and Castile, are quite numerous s (...)
  • 6 In this regard see in particular the study cited above by Esther Gonzalez Crespo.

6Something similar occurred in Castile and Leon, in spite of the differences implied by the fact that in these cases the posts belonged to the archbishops of Toledo and Santiago5. Nevertheless, here too the chancery tended to be occupied, throughout the 14th and 15th centuries, by men who were close to royalty. Also, the centres of written production multiplied, especially in the 14th century6.

  • 7 The states of the art in Portuguese historical literature are, at this moment, relatively numerous. (...)

7Within this framework, shared by other European spaces in the Middle Ages, a framework broadly defined by authors such as Armando Carvalho Homem, Maria Helena Coelho and Judite de Freitas in the case of Portugal in the last centuries of the Middle Ages7, our focus turns to the figure of the chancellor. We do this in an analytical effort aimed at understanding two different issues: the changes undergone by the profile of royal service and the evolving role of clerics surrounding the Portuguese monarchy in the 14th century.

  • 8 On the issue of “civil servants” see some of the issues raised in the 1990s in two central works Le (...)

8The historiographical longevity of these issues is so well accepted today that, sometimes, it is erroneously considered outdated, or mistaken for a mere multiplication of case studies. In effect, the research models built in the 70's and 80's, implying a reflection on the construction of the Modern State8, were reframed in later decades. The new approach sought to reconstruct the networks of articulation and circulation of the key players, and to gradually and organically gain an understanding of how medieval royalty was shaped, trying in the process to exclude any teleological vision of goals being reached.

  • 9 Mattoso, José - Identificação de um País...
  • 10 A good overview of the production of the Histories of Portugal can be seen in the articles compiled (...)
  • 11 See, for example, some of the articles in the collected articles series published as part of the Fa (...)
  • 12 Homem, Armando Carvalho - "Perspectivas sobre a prelazia portuguesa do reino em tempos dionisinos",(...)
  • 13 Branco, Maria João - Poder Real e Eclesiásticos: a Evolução do Conceito de Soberania Régia e a sua (...)
  • 14 Ventura, Margarida Garcez - Igreja e Poder no Século XV: Dinastia de Avis e Liberdades Eclesiástica (...)
  • 15 Freitas, Judite Gonçalves de - Teemos por bem e mandamos. A Burocracia Régia e os seus Oficiais em (...)
  • 16 Gomes, Rita Costa - A Corte dos reis de Portugal no final da Idade Média. Lisboa: Difel, 1995.

9In the case of Portugal, after the period characterized by syntheses written on the construction of the kingdom, in the 80's9 , and taken up again in global approaches on the evolution of Portuguese Medieval history, found in Histories of Portugal produced from the 90's to this century's first decade10, reflection on the clergymen's presence in the construction of royalty benefited from, among others11, studies by Armando Carvalho Homem and Herminia Vilar on the bishops at the time of king Denis12, work by Maria João Branco on the role of jurists in the rise of the first Portuguese monarchs13 and the approaches by Margarida Garcez14, Judite de Freitas15, and Rita Costa Gomes, the latter focusing on the specific context of the Portuguese court at the end of the Middle Ages16.

  • 17 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - Estruturas e protagonistas religiosos na historiografia medieval por (...)
  • 18 Among others this is the case with the PhD thesis by Farelo, Mário - A Oligarquia Camarária de Lisb (...)

10The multiplication, already mentioned, of case studies and reflections on clergymen's individual progresses17 added to some studies on the constitution of urban elites - implying the publication of long, exhaustive biographies where large data collections were amassed18- enable us today to cross information and to reconstruct networks, something which wasn't possible before – although much research work remains to be done.

11In spite of all this contributions, various circumstances concurred to determine the gradual abandonment of reflection on the Portuguese 14th century, starting at the end of the 1980's, in favour of the analysis of preceding centuries. This change was due, in part, to the centrality of the work of José Mattoso, but also to the ideological investment in interpreting the evolution of the 14th century that was a hallmark of the 70's and part of the 80's.

12In this context, our choice of the 14th century is neither innocent nor accidental. In fact we seek, in the wake of other studies, namely of Carvalho Homem, to take up again this historical period as a key phase in the construction of royalty and the definition of the kingdom, emphasising the role of clerics in this process. We consider their different performances, the evolution of their influence, and the reorganization of their intervention, in a space which became more and more defined by the administrative and political intervention of elites who were now defined and identified according to their lay status.

13The figure of the chancellor thus seemed to us a vital one, as a prime vantage point to approach a mutating political society, and as a starting point for a reflection on the two themes mentioned above.

14Hence the two points we will be considering. Firstly, we will seek to lay out some lines of reflection concerning the evolving profile of the chancellor or of the chancery's vedor. Secondly, we will consider for analysis the universe of clerics who held this post throughout the decades, so that we can, through a non-exhaustive analysis, define some of the key points in their individual courses.

15The position of chancellor and the appointment of its holder, however, were never issues neglected by the king.

16If the chancery's structure seems to gain autonomy from the chancellors, who began to be replaced quickly from the reign of king Denis onwards, the fact is that, for many of these chancellors or vedores, their post was only one stage – possibly a critical one, in some cases – in a long and varied progression.

17This progression implied more than just the individual rewards which the office of chancellor might allow (when it was not such a reward itself). It implied as well the insertion into a political society network where the players - laymen or clerics - found their place and sought support.

Profile of a post: from King Denis to King Fernando

  • 19 In order to establish this list we used the data collected by Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembarg (...)

18From 1279, when Denis became king, to the death of king Fernando in 1383, we can identify some 23 names as either chancellors or vedores of the chancery19.

  • 20 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., p. 101.
  • 21 Ibidem, p. 102.
  • 22 Among other works: Bautier, Robert-Henri - “Le personnel de la chancellerie royale dans les dernier (...)

19As stated by Carvalho Homem in his study of the royal Desembargo, “legislative prescriptions concerning the Desembargo and its officials” are scarce in the hundred years before the appearance of the “Ordenações Afonsinas”20, making us resort to various elements in order to really understand the scope of their capacities. For this purpose the author directs our attention to the two “Ordenações” by king Pedro, datable 1361, seen as foundational documents regarding the written definition of the chancellor's capacities. They link the chancellor to the establishment of the trustworthiness of letters and to functions which this author labels as “essentially bureaucratic”21. However, the central status of this post in the preceding decades is beyond dispute, not only due to the importance and specificity of its actual functions – requiring its holder to be competent in writing and validation of documents22- but also due to the rank and influence its holders seem to have enjoyed in the context of the first reigns, up that of Afonso III at the least.

  • 23 On the chancery of the first kings of Portugal and the changes introduced see Costa, Avelino de Jes (...)
  • 24 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - A Escrita da Memória: A Chancelaria e os seus Agentes (1211-1325), le (...)

20This influence would become reflected in the definition of models for writing, validating, registering and filing royal documentation23, and also in the ability to choose internal collaborators24. These factors probably generated a relationship of strong dependency between the chancellor and his scribes, at least until the end of Afonso III's reign.

  • 25 On the path of Estevão Anes and his role in the reign of King Afonso III an essential text continue (...)

21It is possible, however, that from the time of king Denis onwards the institution became more autonomous, implying the separation between its workings and the figure of the chancellor. Evidence of such separation can be seen in the apparent mobility of the post's holders from 1279 to 1325, continued in the ensuing reigns, in stark contrast to previous ones - especially that of Afonso III, in which the post of chancellor was held exclusively by Estevão Anes25 , and to the figure of Julião Pais who, as mentioned above, held the position throughout the realms of Afonso Henriques, Sancho I and Afonso II.

  • 26 Julião Pais, Gonçalo Mendes, Mestre Vicente, Durando Forjaz and Estevão Anes are the five chancello (...)
  • 27 The set of questions around the coincidence or not of a chancellor with a “vedor” of the chancery o (...)

22After only five chancellors registered between 1183 (probable date of the beginning of Julião Pais's office) and 127926, characterizing a tendency for stability that marks these roughly hundred years, we will see a new phase where the holder is frequently replaced, there is an alternation between the designations of “chancellor” and “vedor”, and it is even possible that in some cases these two designations overlap27, resulting in a juxtaposition of functions which sometimes lacks clarity.

23However, as we have said, 23 names are documented in the period from 1279 to 1383 (see Figure 1). These names represent careers of different durations, from ten years to documental references not exceeding a few months, implying either sporadic participation or scant documental evidence of the holder's tenure in the chancery.

24This diversity seems to hint at the profile of an official who is temporarily appointed to hold the position, and then replaced following criteria or motives which we do not know.

25In the case of chancellors who were clergymen, we could assume in principle that, when appointed to an episcopal function, they could lose their position as chancellors. However, as we shall see, only in some cases did this actually happen. In other cases a different decision was made, making it possible to accumulate the post of chancellor and the episcopal dignity.

26The temporary nature of the occupation of this position thus stands out as a feature of the period in question, helping us profile its official as one who hardly sees his career exclusively as a function of holding his post.

27Stability, eagerly sought in previous decades, thus seems to have been replaced by a relatively quick turnover of chancellors. The motives for this are not clear or explicit, but they suggest repeated royal intervention and an option for change instead of continuity. This had the effect of limiting the creation of permanent links of dependency between various strata of officials who worked in the chancery, while also favouring, in some cases, circulation inside the Desembargo itself.

28The second of this group's features lies in its diversity, at the levels of social composition and individual trajectories.

  • 28 On the figure of Mestre Vicente see Costa, António Domingues de Sousa - Mestre Silvestre e Mestre V (...)

29Between 1183 and 1279, among the five chancellors previously mentioned, only one can claim to have a career in the ecclesiastic group: Master Vicente, renowned canonist and bishop of Idanha28.

  • 29 Branco, Maria João - D. Sancho I. Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores, 2006, pp. 185-186.

30All others are laymen, some married and with offspring, others with obscure trajectories29.

31One way or another, though, these hundred or so years seem to be marked by the absence of clerics, even if an a priori idea might lead us to think the opposite.

32This state of affairs is clearly altered in the period that follows, from 1279 to 1383. Now, from a total of 23 names referenced, 13 seem to have enjoyed clerical status. And our ignorance of the progress of some chancellors and vedores forbids us to say, with absolute certainty, whether only these 13 were clergymen.

33In any case, assuming the remaining ten to have been laymen, these ten display relatively differentiated trajectories. For many of them, being in the chancery was above all a phase in a path of service. For others, the post of chancellor was their only participation in administrative structures.

34Pedro do Sem, João Durães, Mestre Lopo das Leis, Mestre Afonso das Leis and Álvaro Pais are examples of the first case – officials of growing renown who build their estates and careers based on loyalty and service to the king, but also on the influence gained from integration into political circles.

35As has been many times stressed in similar studies, holding a post in the central administration was no solitary exercise, nor did it rely exclusively on individual skills. This was the case too, almost certainly, with positions of influence in the king's circle. The exercise of power, in medieval times, was intertwined with the play of influences among groups in which the individual player was inserted – whether it be natural or artificial family, the network of dependency and protection relationships, the professional group or the Church.

  • 30 Homem, Armando Carvalho - “Em torno de Álvaro Pais”...
  • 31 Gomes, Rita Costa - A Corte dos Reis de Portugal…, pp. 140-141 and the bibliography indicated in th (...)
  • 32 Lopes, Fernão - Crónica de D. João I. Lisboa: Livraria Civilização- Editora, 1990, vol. I, in parti (...)

36Álvaro Pais, already studied by Armando Carvalho Homem30 with his family trajectory reconstructed by Rita Costa Gomes and Mário Farelo31, is a good illustration of these officials. A servant to king Fernando and possibly king Pedro, holder of several posts, from corregidor to vedor of the chancery, added to his duties in the royal Desembargo and the Casa do Cível, his family ties may have linked him to the ruling elites of Lisbon in the second half of the 14th century. This may have facilitated his entry into royal service and also his active participation in the social groups who staked their fortune and interests on supporting the revolts of the year 138332.

37Pedro do Sem constitutes another example to consider, when analysing with detail the profiles of chancellors in these decades.

38A desembargador to king Afonso IV, ouvidor dos feitos, his chancellor and ambassador, Pedro do Sem comes from an urban elite lineage, from Santarém specifically, who established in that area the foundations of their power and estate in the course of the 13th century. The gradual process of establishing administrative and political circles in the southern cities gave these elites career opportunities which many of its members did not reject; rather they embraced them as complementary to their previous trajectories.

  • 33 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio…, pp. 376-377. Farelo, Mário - A Oligarquia Camarária (...)
  • 34 Farelo, Mário - ibidem, anex. 1, pp. 684-685. We have some doubts regarding the identification of P (...)
  • 35 Gomes, Rita Costa - A Corte dos Reis de Portugal…, p. 136-138.

39If Pedro do Sem really was connected to Maria Esteves, as Mário Farelo refers33, it is possible that his family roots went back to a lineage with some tradition of royal service, in positions of almoxarife or scribe34. But the success of Pedro do Sem will really come to fullness in future generations: his grandson Gil do Sem was a doctor at Law, ambassador and counsellor to king Fernando, while Gil's son, Martim Gil, was a lawyer and counsellor to king João I and managed to bring his family closer to the court nobility by marrying Maria da Cunha35.

40Before this the son of Pedro do Sem, called João do Sem, led his life under the protection of the Church, providing the foundation for his own son, the already mentioned Gil do Sem, to become a royal official and counsellor to the king.

  • 36 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio…., pp. 354-356 and also by the same author “Diplomacia (...)

41Also Lourenço Anes Fogaça follows a path of service to king Fernando and queen Leonor, which was continued by his descendants. But his course is particularly enlightening as concerns the consequences which the 1383 revolution had on the trajectories of officials linked to royal service. After years spent serving king Fernando (he was the executor of his will), and being close to Leonor Teles, Lourenço Anes refused to serve Juan of Castile, departing instead to join João, Master of Avis, sometime after January 1384. Later he resumed his career, now in the service of a new monarch and a new dynasty. After him, his descendants will reinforce their link of loyalty to the house of Avis36.

42These three cases, briefly outlined here, constitute prime examples of a lay official's profile – connected to the chancery, in this instance – a profile which gains definition throughout the 14th century. These officials take advantage of their regional networks, as well as their skills and abilities, to serve the king, who needs them ever more pressingly in order to build an administrative structure with the ability to assume new functions. The individual paths of these officials are links in a chain of service and performance which, in most cases, extends to their collateral relatives and almost always to their descendants. This practice spreads in the final centuries of the Middle Ages, in the spaces of construction of European royalties.

  • 37 Sousa, Bernardo Vasconcelos e - D. Afonso IV (1291-1357). Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores, 2005, p. 122
  • 38 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., p. 390.
  • 39 Gomes, Rita Costa - A Corte dos Reis de Portugal, p. 88.

43Within this group of laymen, however, one name seems to strike a dissonance in terms of his social integration: Vasco Martins de Sousa, the son of Martim Afonso Chichorro and Aldonça Anes37, a nobleman in the courts of king Afonso IV and Pedro, whom he served as chancellor from 1357 to 136038. After this date, his name is no longer linked to any post, although he would only die somewhere between 1385 and 1387. Rita Costa Gomes proposes that his estate may have been confiscated around 1375, as a sign of the conflict inside the court of king D. Fernando39, resulting in his estrangement from royal circles.

44Due to the nature of his trajectory, we seem to have here an example of the second group considered above, i.e., the one composed of those whose participation in the administrative structure appears limited to the exercise of this post – even if this does not imply their removal from the political society then being constructed around royalty.

  • 40 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio…, pp. 183-187

45Just as will be the case, until quite late, with ecclesiastical careers, neither the Desembargo nor the Church seem to have been recurring options for the noble families of the 13th and first half of the 14th centuries40. Thus, in most cases, their participation appears to be isolated and limited to individual members, without implying continued participation by other representatives of their lineages.

46The case of Vasco Martins de Sousa seems to fit into this group, although the involvement of nobility in royal service is something that deserves to be considered in the whole period comprising the 14th and 15th centuries, seeking support on the reflections already offered by authors such as Rita Costa Gomes. This subject, nevertheless, is beyond the scope and purpose of this article.

47The actions of counselling the king and supporting the construction of royalty tend to be identified with clerics rather than laymen. This tendency becomes even stronger when the position of chancellor is considered. In the Portuguese case, however, this connection is not a clear one.

48As we have stressed before, from the early days of Julião Pais to the death of Estevão Anes only sporadically did the chancery fall into the hands of a clergyman with a career in the Church.

  • 41 idem, ibidem, p. 104 and p. 387-388.
  • 42 idem, ibidem, p. 295-296 and p. 312.

49The change seems to come at some point in the reign of king Denis. Between 1279 and 1338 all the men identified as being in charge of the chancery – including here both chancellors and vedores – belong to the clergy, from Pedro Martins to Miguel Vivas. Apparently, this trend was disrupted only by Pedro do Sem, chancelor from 1336 to 1341. We say “apparently” since, at the same time, we see the name of Vasco Gonçalves, a cleric, listed as vedor da chancelaria from 1336 to 133841.The same thing happens in the years 1342 and 1343, with Estevão Gomes and Gomes Martins, both of them from the clergy42. In the final years of Afonso IV's rule another layman, João Durães, appears between 1351 and 1354. But only from 1357 on, with the beginning of king Pedro's reign, did laymen start to dominate the scene, with sporadic mentions to two clerics, Martim Gil and Frei Nuno Rodrigues, in 1367 and 1372 respectively.

50The case of the latter is very particular and falls far outside the general picture: we should bear in mind that this man was the Master of the Order of Christ.

  • 43 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., pp. 176-179.

51As far as the post of chancellor is concerned, the presence of clerics seems to have been dominant only from 1279 and 1357, a period nearly equivalent to the reigns of Denis and Afonso IV. Those clerics enjoy, in some cases, long and successful ecclesiastical careers, while in other cases they simply seem to be members of the Desembargo who temporarily occupy the post43.

  • 44 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., pp. 176-179.

52Generally speaking, the chronology of the clerics' presence at the head of the chancery appears very close to the evolution outlined by Carvalho Homem regarding the presence of clergymen in the Desembargo, all the more so as the chancery is a position par excellence for members of the Church44. It is however, quite telling that a parallel trend develops, toward the rotation of the office holders.

Between the Church and the royal service

  • 45 idem, ibidem, p. 347.

53Pedro Martins, Domingos Anes Jardo, João Peres do Alprão, Estevão Anes Brochardo, Afonso Martins, Francisco Domingues, Miguel Vivas: seven names of clerics who, from 1279 to 1338 (with breaks which available documentation cannot easily account for) took up the responsibility of issuing royal documents, their names often mentioned in the documents preserved in the chanceries of kings Denis and Afonso IV. They are usually listed with the title of chancellor, except for Afonso Martins as vice-chancellor and Miguel Vivas as vedor da chancelaria. To these we should add João Pedroso, who is mentioned only in 131445.

54Four of these seven men will end their lives as bishops of Portuguese dioceses, one as the dean of Viseu, another as the prior one of the most important collegiate churches in medieval Portugal (the church of Santa Maria da Alcáçova de Santarém), and Afonso Martins as the canon of Lisbon.

55Most of these men enjoyed the status of king's clerics, added to the fruition of different benefices in several Portuguese dioceses. They often followed the monarch in his wanderings throughout the kingdom, serving as witnesses to written acts and performing functions in the administrative structure put together from the late 13th to the early 14th century.

  • 46 About the importance of the income of the church of Santarém see “Catálogo de todas as igrejas, com (...)
  • 47 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - “In defence of episcopal power: the case of bishop Egas of Viseu”. In (...)

56In the end, as we have said, four among them became bishops at the head of their dioceses, and so remained until they died. Sometimes their choice, however, was not an easy one, being the object of disputation with other clerics and provoking discord among chapters. One of them will become the prior of a collegiate church whose income made it a worthy rival to some Portuguese dioceses46. Another, João do Alprão, apparently ended his career as the dean of Viseu, despite his attempts to become bishop of Guarda, or rather he ended up as a dean cast aside by his bishop, Egas, with whom he seems to have been in open conflict in 131247.

57These seven clerics shared, besides the exercise of the chancellor's functions, some other features: a close proximity to royal circles (visible at various stages in their careers), an ascending motion linking them in many cases to regional elites or recently ennobled families, and sometimes a training in letters which rendered them particularly suited to the exercise of their duties as chancellors.

58Even more than these common conditions, however, these clergymen seem to have shared spaces and networks which brought them together, revealed to us by available documentation. Those networks went beyond the familial space and give evidence of the amplitude of relationships which a clerical career could imply. Also they reveal, at many junctures, the tension between serving God and serving Caesar.

59Servants to the king, they were also servants to the Church, members of family groups and links in chains of dependency and protection.

60The status of king's cleric, borne by many of them, seems to have been a starting point in their careers. It was evidence of royal favour but also often of the existence of a prior relationship, many times facilitated by the influence of a relative or a protector who had integrated them into the service of the king – and thus in those circles which surrounded the monarch and could provide support for the advancement of careers.

  • 48 On this prelate and his path see Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra. A Instituição e a Cha (...)
  • 49 Ventura, Leontina - A Nobreza de Corte de Afonso III..., vol. II, p. 1050.
  • 50 Norte, Armando - Letrados e cultura letrada em Portugal ( sécs XII e XIII), 2 vols, Ph Dissertation (...)

61Oddly enough Pedro Martins, the first chancellor mentioned in the documents of king Denis from 1279 to 128148 and the successor to Estevão Anes, does not seem to have enjoyed this status. His proximity to royalty – possibly going back to the reign of Afonso III49 - may have been due to his training in medicine, the reason for the title of “Master” which is usually assigned to him in written documents50.

  • 51 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - ibidem, p. 155.

62According to Maria do Rosário Morujão, the family roots of Pedro Martins are to be found in the “merchant oligarchy” of Coimbra”51, a diocese of which he was canon and, later on, bishop.

63His stint as chancellor, in the first years of king Denis's rule and following the long tenure of Estevão Anes as chancellor, seems to characterize a transition between reigns and between chancellors.

64In fact, after 1281 his name ceases to be mentioned in royal documentation. Possibly from 1281 to 1289 – when he became the head of the Évora diocese – he remained in Coimbra, where he held a canonship.

65His move to Évora, however, was not without complication.

  • 52 Domingos Anes Jardo is referred to as chancellor from at least August 1281. ANTT, Chancelaria de D. (...)
  • 53 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - "O episcopado no tempo de D. Dinis...", pp. 591-592; idem - As Dimens (...)
  • 54 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra..., p. 158.
  • 55 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos – Papa Clemente V, Reg. Vat.60, cap. 659, f.211ª (cartas comuns)

66His intentions, actually, took him first to Lisbon, where he ran for episcopal office against Domingos Anes Jardo, after the death of Estevão Anes de Vasconcelos. He was then sidelined in favour of Domingos Anes Jardo, who was by then already the king's chancellor52. As an alternative, he took up the seat of bishop of Évora, vacant precisely due to the move of Domingos Anes Jardo, at the time the prelate of the Évora diocese, to Lisbon. He remained south of the Tagus from 1289 to 129753, the year in which he appears in the documents of Coimbra as this city´s prelate, although his appointment by Pope Boniface VIII dated from 129654. He then grabs the opportunity given by the death of Aimerico d’ Ebrard and does not even try again to become bishop of Lisbon, although Domingos Anes Jardo had passed away in 1293 – four years before his move to Coimbra and the appearance of an alternative which, in all probability, had not yet presented itself. It looks like Pedro Martins stayed in Évora and João Martins de Soalhães, after a failed attempt to get elected in Braga, began, in Lisbon, a long rule which lasted until 131455.

  • 56 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra... p. 154

67In Rosário Morujão´s view, the accession of Pedro Martins to the bishopry of Coimbra represents the first placement, in this diocese, of a cleric who was close to the circles of king Denis56. This placement, however, occurs at a distance of 15 years from his mandate as chancellor. This fact illustrates that, in some cases, it is not possible to establish direct causal links between the performance of royal duties and the procurement of episcopal posts, especially when these careers were set in the opening years of king Denis' reign. This was a time marked by conflict with Rome, when the king's ability to influence episcopal appointments was probably much more limited, especially when compared to the decades that followed the 1290's.

68But this time lapse also shows us that analysing a career and reflecting on the construction of royal circles and integration into political society cannot be achieved solely based on the performance of duties in the administrative structure.

69One way or another, being a clergyman and a bishop in the first period of king Denis's rule, Pedro Martins seems to have had no particularly relevant role in the years following his passage through the chancery. His medical training may have kept him close to royal circles, although this is no more than a guess. But he is not among the clerics who benefited, directly, from the establishment of concordats and the improvement in the relations between king Denis and the Pope – as was the case, for instance, with João Martins de Soalhães. Neither does he seem to have occupied other positions in royal service.

70Domingos Anes Jardo, on the other hand, displays characteristics that place him closer to the group which can, more appropriately, be identified as the bishops of king Denis.

71A contemporary of Pedro Martins in political circles and his direct opponent in the contest to become bishop of Lisbon, Domingos Anes Jardo is a royal cleric who, from the 1280's on, desires to become the prelate of this city.

  • 57 Farelo, Mário, Roldão, Filipa and Marques, André Evangelista - “Les clercs dans l’administration di (...)
  • 58 The chancery itself echoed this election at least between 17 July 1283 and January 1284, in documen (...)
  • 59 Costa, António Domingues de Sousa - “D. Frei Telo, arcebispo –primaz, e as concordatas de D. Dinis” (...)
  • 60 Costa, António Domingues de Sousa - “D. Frei Telo, arcebispo –primaz, e as concordatas de D. Dinis” (...)
  • 61 Costa, António Domingues de Sousa - “As concordatas portuguesas”. Itinerarium, Braga, ano 12, n.º 5 (...)

72Already a chancellor, his name is mentioned as such in written documents from 1281 onwards, but he is identified as a cleric to the king as early as 127057.Elected to Lisbon, the first time, in 128358, he was sidelined in favour of Estevão Anes de Vasconcelos, appointed by the Pope59. Provision of the benefice fell to the pope since the bishop´s predecessor had died in the Curia60 in a context of confrontation between king and pope: despite the pleas of Martin IV, king Denis insisted on disputing and delaying the settlement of peace61.

  • 62 Regarding episcopal elections see: Harvey, Katherine - Episcopal Appointments in England c. 1214 13 (...)

73The removal of Domingos from the election and the resort to Estevão Anes de Vasconcelos may be read in this light, although episcopal appointments in a context of disagreement inside the chapter often tended to benefit third parties, exterior to the dispute62.

74Domingos Anes Jardo will thus move to Évora, vacant on the death of Durando, where he will stay until 1287. When the election of a Lisbon bishop comes up again for discussion, Pedro Martins is sidelined in favour of Jardo, the man who had already been a candidate and who continues to be the king's chancellor.

  • 63 The documentation refers only to 1290 but only from 1291 does the name of a new chancellor appear, (...)

75Domingos remained in Lisbon until his death in 1293; it is unclear whether he kept the post of chancellor till the end63. However, he undoubtedly held the office while he was the bishop of Évora and during a great portion of the time when he was the Lisbon prelate.

  • 64 ANTT, Mosteiro de Alcobaça, 1.ª inc., Documentos Particulares, m. 19, n.º 8. The document of creati (...)

76In this city he founded the Hospital of the Saints Paul, Eligius and Clement, in the parish of St. Bartolomeu de Lisboa64, and in it he centralized a substantial part of his estate.

  • 65 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - As Dimensões de um Poder..., pp. 62-63.

77While Pedro Martins seems to have headed the chancery at an early stage in his career, Domingos Anes Jardo became chancellor not long before his appointment as bishop and retained that capacity in the waning years of his life, in a clear accumulation of functions. Furthermore, in Domingos's particular case, his connection to the king very goes much farther back than his accession to the chancery. This accession should be seen as the crowning moment of a lifetime of royal service, confirmed by king Denis in the donations with which he favoured the bishop of Évora, and later of Lisbon65.

78At first sight, the episcopal posts obtained by both prelates at the end of their careers could be read as rewards for lifetime service. But the obstacles which surrounded their appointment to certain dioceses, as well as the characteristics of their mandates, make it very clear that these choices were far from linear. Several influences crossed each other at such times, and so the episcopal elections and nominations have become key moments for our understanding of the balances and interests shaping the map of diocesan appointments.

  • 66 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa e os seus cónegos (1277-1377). Master dissertation in Medi (...)
  • 67 Chartularium Universitatis Portugalensis (1288-1537), vol I, doc. 8, pp. 16-20.

79Surviving documentation, relating to the trajectory of Domingos Anes Jardo, is particularly revealing of the networks woven around this clergyman. His links to members of the Évora and Lisboa chapters - both dioceses where he was bishop -, men whom he appointed as executors66 or as administrators of the hospital founded in Lisbon67 bear out the connections established between bishops and canons, and show us how the exercise of episcopal functions could open the door to the placement of kinsmen or protégés in their respective chapters.

80These networks give us a hint of the modest dimension of these groups, but also of the manifold relationships established among players in the political arena.

81So it comes as no surprise that, even though Pedro Martins may be seen as a transition chancellor, the memory of his performance or the influence of his presence may have been of importance in the career of another of king Denis´s chancellors, whose tenure extended until the end of the monarch's reign.

82We are referring to Francisco Domingues, chancellor from 1320 on, a man whose trajectory is, at various levels, particularly paradigmatic.

  • 68 This is at least the relationship advanced by Maria do Rosário Morujão, A Sé de Coimbra...
  • 69 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa…., anex. 1B, p. 204 and vol. II, pp. 525-531.

83Probably the nephew of Pedro Martins, being the son of his sister Maria Martins68, Francisco Domingues had at the very least a special relationship with the bishop of Coimbra: he ordered his chaplain to perform periodical celebrations for the intention of the bishop69.

  • 70 Mário Farelo refers to the existence of one mention from 1314. However this mention is not clear in (...)
  • 71 His will dates from December 1328 and it is possible that his death occurred a short time afterward (...)

84In effect, although mentions of his name as king's chancellor only begin to appear regularly from 1320 on70, the fact is that his proximity to the monarch goes back a long time. This helped define a trajectory which, unlike previous ones, did not end with an episcopal seat but rather with the position of chancellor – a post which he possibly held until the death of the king, although he could not withstand the change of monarch71.

  • 72 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa, appendix 1B, p. 206 and Botão, Maria de Fátima - Poder e (...)

85In 1295, when his uncle was the bishop of Évora, king Denis appointed him as prior of the important collegiate church of Santa Maria da Alcáçova de Santarém72, identifying him as a royal clergyman who, as a consequence, enjoyed a status of trust whose origins dated back to previous years. Francisco Domingues apparently kept his post at Santa Maria da Alcáçova until his death - which occurred after December 1328 - since he is mentioned as the prior in his will. This means that he held the position for more than 30 years.

  • 73 Mário Farelo mentions that in the documents from 1318 and from 1319 Francisco Domingues is referred (...)

86Gradually, however, Francisco Domingues added to the fruition of this benefice the post of rector at the church of Santa Maria da Seisseira and the canonship of Lisbon73, in addition to a large list of property items which he distributed in his will.

  • 74 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., p. 305.
  • 75 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa…, anex. 1B pp. 203-214.
  • 76 O Livro das Lezirias d’el rei D. Dinis, pp. 201-219.

87Also worthy of mention in his trajectory is his presence in the royal Desembargo74 , and his status as apostolic judge. He was called to intervene in internal disputes, most notably in the conflict opposing the monastery of Alcobaça and his abbot, on one side, and on the other the prior Estevão Domingues and the clerics of the collegiate chapter of the church of Santa Maria de Azambuja75. In addition, he was the judge appointed by the king in his rift with Isabel Afonso, niece of king Denis76.

  • 77 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., p. 305.

88The chancellor's seat thus seems to be just another element in a career already put together, with its fruition serving to confirm the evidence of royal trust. Such trust will be further emphasised by the choice of his person as a witness to king Denis' last will77.

  • 78 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra..., pp. 166-168.

89This relationship of trust probably explains, too, his inclusion in the disputed election that was opened in Coimbra, after the death of his uncle. Before a chapter torn between him and Egas Lourenço Magro78, pope Boniface VIII chose, following a widely prevalent rule, a third element – in this instance Fernando, canon of Burgos, a clergyman who would only stay briefly at the head of the Coimbra diocese.

90For Francisco Domingues, the dream of an episcopal position seemed then to be undone, in just another example of the local resistances that often organized themselves against the appointment of clerics with clear connections to the crown. Nevertheless, the alliances and articulations established by the prior of Santa Maria da Alcáçova set him deeply at the heart of a group of bishops and other dignitaries scattered throughout Portuguese dioceses, all having in common their connection to the monarch.

  • 79 Morujão, Maria do Rosário (ed.) - Testamenti Ecclesiae Portugaliae (1071-1326), Lisboa: CEHR, 2010, (...)
  • 80 Saraiva, Anísio - “Nepotism, illegitimacy and papal protection in the construction of a career: D. (...)
  • 81 Ordenações Afonsinas, livro II, pp. 47-48.
  • 82 Geraldo Domingues, who had formerly been an accused party in the plea with the monastery of Alcobaç (...)

91A nephew of Pedro Martins, bishop of Coimbra, Francisco Domingues was also the will executor of the archbishop of Braga, Martinho de Oliveira79 , and joined the group of clerics who, in 1309, witnessed the settlement of the concordat between king Denis and the bishop of Lisbon, João Martins de Soalhães. This group included archbishop Martinho, Estevão Anes Brochardo, bishop of Coimbra and former chancellor, Rui Soares, dean of Braga and of Évora, Rodrigo Pires de Oliveira, prior of the collegiate church of Guimarães and possibly the son of archbishop Martinho80, João Martins, cantor of Évora, and Afonso Anes, canon of Braga81. It was in conjunction with some of these clerics, too, that he bore witness to the agreement between king Denis and the Master of the Temple over the castle of Soure. And he also formed a group comprising Friar Estevão, bishop of Lisbon, Geraldo Domingues, then bishop of Évora82, João Martins de Soalhães, Estevão Anes Brochardo, Mestre João das Leis, and João Martins, cantor of Évora, who, in their capacity as appointed judges, took up the king's defence in his conflict with Isabel Afonso.

  • 83 Some authors put him as chancellor until 1318, the probable date of his death, as there are no syst (...)

92It is no surprise, then, that Estevão Anes Brochardo, chancellor from 1296 to at least 1305, also finds his place inside this group83.

  • 84 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra..., pp. 170-171.

93Unlike Francisco Domingues, Estevão Anes Brochardo ended his career as bishop of Coimbra, being the successor to bishop Fernando and, in a way, to Pedro Martins, without Francisco Domingues apparently having fought for the possession of this diocese. Elected somewhere near 1303, in spite of a disputation, this time with Gomes Pais84, Estevão Anes may have ceased his tenure as chancellor shortly after his appointment. From the documentation, however, it is unclear whether the post remained vacant until his death.

  • 85 At least that is what Farelo, Mário, Roldão, Filipa and Marques, André Evangelista, ibidem, p. 298 (...)
  • 86 Morujão, Maria Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra..., pp. 170-171 and Pizarro, José Augusto - Linhagens Medi (...)

94This is yet another example of a man who may have started his career among the king's clerics85, but whose family roots already linked him to royal service and the Santarém elites. Possibly the son of João Peres Brochardo and Maria Martins Dade, he would in that case be the grandson of Martim Martins Dade, alcaide of Santarém and a member of the king´s council86. His choice of an ecclesiastical career may have been made already by his maternal uncle, Martim Martins Dade II, canon of Lisbon. It was in this diocese that Estevão Anes started by being archdeacon of Santarém, possibly from 1281 to 1282, i.e. between the end of the rule of Mateus and the beginning of the presence of Estevão Anes de Vasconcelos as prelate. He remained there, as an archdeacon, until at least 1298, thus covering the period when Estevão Anes de Vasconcelos ruled and a part of the tenure of João Martins de Soalhães.

  • 87 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra..., p. 171.
  • 88 idem, ibidem, p. 172.

95The presence of his uncle in the Lisbon chapter may have been, as Maria do Rosário Morujão has already noted87, a deciding factor for his nomination as archdeacon of Santarém. But to this benefice he further added, in the early 1290's, the rectorate of St. Clement in Loulé, a church which belonged to the royal patronage and was donated to him by king Denis88.

  • 89 ANTT, Chancelaria de D. Dinis, L.º 2 – fl.º 487.

96Mentioned in royal documentation as chancellor from June 1296 onwards89, he is often referred as archdeacon of Santarém, a benefice which identifies him as well as his duties as chancellor. This reveals a simultaneity of functions, an enjoyment of ecclesiastical benefices and titles in parallel with the holding of posts in the administration, something which we have already seen in the cases mentioned before.

97This simultaneity, however, makes it harder to grasp the criteria or reasons underlying the replacements at the chancery, which led to a discrete imposition of rotation in the post of chancellor.

98This rotation is proven, in the cases already mentioned, but the remaining cases reinforce it in a particularly telling way.

99João do Alprão and Afonso Martins, still in the reign of king Denis, and Miguel Vivas, vice-chancellor to Afonso IV, display especially interesting trajectories, which bring to the fore some of the key issues concerning the role of clergymen in the political structure of the 14th century.

100João do Alprão is thought to have succeeded Domingos Anes Jardo at the head of the chancery. He is mentioned in documents, from 1291 to 1296, as chancellor, but also as “the one responsible for the chancery”. It is impossible to decide whether this variation in titles corresponds to a sharing of functions between a chancellor and a vice-chancellor, or to the sole existence of a vice-chancellor or a vedor of the chancery.

  • 90 Farelo, Mário, Roldão, Filipa and Marques, André Evangelista, ibidem, p. 305.
  • 91 Documentos de Nicolas IV (1288-1292) referentes a España. Leon: Universidad de Leon, 2009, doc. nº (...)
  • 92 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - “In defence of episcopal power…”

101In any event, João do Alprão seems to stand apart from the group of king's clerics mentioned in king Denis's documents from 1283 on90. Holding several benefices and canonships, for whose possession he obtains papal dispensation91, only at the close of the 1290's does he seem to have reached the post of dean in the Viseu diocese, by that time already under the rule of bishop Egas92. And it will be as dean of Viseu and not as chancellor - a post passed on in the meantime to a colleague of his in royal affairs that his name comes up in the election held in Guarda following the death of Friar João Martins .

  • 93 saraiva, Anísio - A Sé de Lamego na primeira metade do século XIV (1296-1349). Leiria: Magno Ediçõe (...)

102Here too, it will fall to Pope Boniface VIII to solve the conflict between factions of the chapter. But, unlike previous cases, papal intervention will not result now in the promotion of a third party, neutral to the conflict, but rather in the choice of one of the actors involved - namely Vasco Martins, then bishop of Lamego, chosen by a part of the Guarda chapter93.

103After this failed attempt at reaching episcopal status, João Peres do Alprão seems to have remained as dean of Viseu until he was removed from the post following the intervention of bishop Egas.

  • 94 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - ibidem, pp. 236-237.

104In effect, in a document dated 1312, bishop Egas appointed a new dean, as well as a new treasurer and a new cantor. He also wrote that he had previously sacked the dean João Peres because he had failed to respect his directions concerning offers and revenues94. After this date, he may have managed to keep possession of his other benefices, but the fact is that his name ceases to be mentioned.

105Failure to obtain episcopal status, something which happened some years later to Francisco Domingues, was not in itself worthy of great note. The conflicts inside chapters caused by episcopal elections, and the papal interference in their resolution, necessarily implied that some of the players had to be left behind.

  • 95 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa, vol. II, anex. 1B, pp. 274-275.

106What is worth stressing in this analysis is the fact that again we have before us a king's clergyman, formerly a chancellor and a recipient of royal donations concerning churches from the royal patronage95, someone who had been allowed to accumulate considerable wealth through benefices.

107In addition, his life path had placed him before, repeatedly, on the political stages of power at the time of king Denis.

108In this context, he would necessarily have to be seen as a king's man, integrated from the start in the group of clerics gathered around the crown. In this he differed from Vasco Martins, a clergyman chosen by Boniface VIII for the See of Guarda, (by transfer from Lamego) and also from Egas, bishop of the diocese of Viseu, who was responsible for the removal of João do Alprão .

  • 96 Saraiva, Anísio- A Sé de Lamego…., p. 38.

109Issuing from the Lamego chapter, Vasco Martins, according to Anisio Saraiva96, did not probably belong to the restricted group of king Denis's ecclesiastic collaborators. His presence in the confirmation of some royal documentation, and his participation in the treaty of Alcanices, allow us to be certain of his connection to the king, but they fail to give evidence of a career of continuous collaboration with royalty, showing us instead a trajectory drawn around two dioceses in the interior of the country.

110When we consider bishop Egas, in turn, his stance towards king Denis appears to be much more complex. Having written in defence of ecclesiastical freedoms, he is one of few voices who warn of the risks of royal intervention, at a time when the long conflict between Rome and the Portuguese royalty was seeking resolution. He did so in a context which king Denis would possibly like to present as one of peacemaking and concord.

111Egas, it is true, will nonetheless remain at the head of the Viseu diocese. But, just like Vasco Martins, his name and life course never manage to take him close to royal circles.

112Hence the particular importance of the contempt of which was found guilty João Peres do Alprão, invoked by bishop Egas in 1312 to justify the destitution of the dean and a complete overhaul of the chapter's dignities. Facing off were a bishop known for his defence of ecclesiastical freedom, and criticism of the king's interventionism, and a clergyman whose life trajectory drew him close to royal circles and whose career had enabled him to hoard a significant accumulation of benefices.

113We do not know, in fact, exactly how this process played out, but the vicissitudes in the trajectory of João Peres do Alprão are particularly revealing of the pitfalls that the king's support might entail.

  • 97 For other documentation besides that one published in Livro das Lezirias see Farelo, Mário - O Cabi (...)

114These five chancellors who mark the reign of Denis are joined by a sixth cleric: Afonso Martins, always mentioned as vice-chancellor in documents dated from 1300 to 1318, collected in the so-called “Livro das Lezirias97.

  • 98 See the introduction to this book by Bernardo de Sá Nogueira.
  • 99 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa…, vol. II, anex.1B, pp. 156-160.

115The specificities of this book, already analysed by Bernardo Sá Nogueira in his publication98, fall outside the scope of this article. Is must be noted, however, that we are dealing here with a cartulary which assembles varied documentation, where Afonso Martins is mentioned as “being in the post of Chancellor”. To this may be added the title of vice-chancellor present in other documents already listed by Mário Farelo99, in a time span stretching from 1300 to 1318, as we have mentioned, and thus partially coinciding with the presence of Estevão Anes Brochardo.

  • 100 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio…., p. 105.

116This situation makes us consider as possible the coexistence of a chancellor and a vice-chancellor, or simply the absence of a chancellor, replaced by the figure of the vice-chancellor. As Carvalho Homem has already stressed, the absence of a chancellor would not have been an exclusive Portuguese singularity100, whence such a situation might have materialized in this period.

117As king Denis before him, king Afonso IV resorted, in the early years of his rule, to a clergyman in order to oversee the chancery, thereby giving continuity to a previously existing trend.

  • 101 idem, ibidem, pp. 369-370.
  • 102 Sousa, Bernardo Vasconcelos e - D. Afonso IV..., p. 93 defends the information of Carvalho Homem ab (...)

118For this he picked Miguel Vivas, whom the documents identify as chancellor from 1325 and 1332101. A cleric of Aragonese origin, according to some, and a Portuguese national to others102, Miguel Vivas constitutes yet another example of a clergyman issuing from the ranks of the king's clerics who, while he performed his duties as chancellor, and in subsequent years, accumulated a significant amount of benefices scattered throughout various dioceses.

119The difference lies in his being identified as vice-chancellor, like Afonso Martins but also as chancellor, once again suggesting the hypothesis that, for some time, there was no appointed chancellor.

  • 103 Ut per Litteras - Pope John XXII, A. 268, f. 492 b. V. 92, ep. 3333 (litterae communes).

120In the remaining aspects, his trajectory seems to liken him to the clerical chancellors of previous years. Like Pedro Martins, Domingos Anes Jardo and Estevão Anes Brochardo, he too obtained - probably toward the end of his life - an episcopal seat, specifically in Viseu, to where he was elected around 1329, remaining in that position until his death103.

  • 104 Sousa, Bernardo Vasconcelos e - ibidem, p. 93. Ut per Litteras - Pope John XXII, A. 29, f. 460 a, V (...)
  • 105 About the relationship between kings and bishops of Porto, a city which belongs to episcopal jurisd (...)

121According to Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa, a previous attempt by king Afonso IV, in 1327, to place him in the diocese of Porto following the death of João Gomes do Porto was unsuccessful, after which Pope John XXII picked Vasco Martins104. Several factors may account for the failure of this attempt on the part of king Afonso IV, but especially important must have been the difficulties which hampered royal intervention in Porto and, in particular, in its diocese – difficulties which normally characterized the relationship between the king and diocesan organs105.

122After 1338, the chancery seems to fall more and more into the sphere of lay chancellors who, in gradual steps, will come close to achieving complete control of the position, from the 1330's on. The days of the clerical chancellors appear then to be over and, gradually, the sphere of ecclesiastical intervention will gain new competencies and assume different profiles.

123Gone was the period, several decades long, when clerics exercised control over the chancery. Actually this control, unlike what had happened in the early kings' reigns, did not entail the construction of long careers; in fact there was strong rotation of the post's holders. This rotation reflected the organ's growing autonomy, as well as its gradual consolidation, enabling an increasing separation of the body of scribes from the person at the head of the chancery.

Fig. 1 - Chancellors and vice-chancellors in the 14th century

NAME

DESIGNATION

YEARS

Pedro Martins

Chancellor

(bishop of Coimbra)

1279-1281

Domingos Anes Jardo

Chancellor

(bishop of Évora and Lisbon)

1281-1290/91

João Peres do Alprão

Chancellor /Vedor

(dean of Viseu)

1291-1296

Estevão Anes Brochardo

Chancellor

(bishop of Coimbra)

1296-1305

Francisco Domingues

Chancellor

(prior of St.ª Maria da Alcáçova de Santarém)

1320-1325

Afonso Martins

Vice-chancellor (cleric)

1305-1316

João Pedroso

Vedor (cleric)

1323

Miguel Vivas

Chancellor and Vedor

(bishop of Viseu)

1325-1338

Pedro do Sem

Chancellor

1336-1341

Vasco Gonçalves

Vedor (Cleric)

1336-1338

Nicolau Vicente

Vedor

1341

Estevão Gomes

Vedor (cleric)

1342

Gomes Martins

Vedor (cleric)

1343

João Durães

Vedor

1351-1354

Vasco Martins de Sousa

Chancellor

1357-1360

Mestre Lopo das Leis

Vedor

1358

Mestre Afonso das Leis

Vedor

1358

João Esteves

Vedor

1361-1365

Martim Gil

Vedor

(canon of Evora)

1367

Álvaro Pais

Vedor

1369-1372

D. Frei Nuno Rodrigues

Chancellor

1372

Lourenço Eanes Fogaça

Chancellor

1374-1383

Mestre João

Vedor

1374

(based on Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., p.104)

Notes

1 Ordenações Afonsinas, livro I, titulo II. Lisboa: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1972, p. 15.

2 Mattoso, José - Identificação de um País. Ensaio sobre as Origens de Portugal (1096-1325), vol. II – Composição. Lisboa: Editorial Estampa, 1985, p. 106 ( translation made)

3 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio (1320-1433). Porto: INIC, 1990, pp. 111-114. This gradual lack of centrality will have the “escrivão da puridade” as principal beneficiary.

4 For the period between the reigns of King Dinis and King Afonso IV and the legal production of these monarchs, see the study by Homem, Armando Carvalho - "Dionisius et Alfonsus, dei gratia reges et communis utilitatis gratia legiferi", offprint of the Revista da Faculdade de Letras, Porto, 1994.

5 The studies, particularly partial ones, on the chanceries of Leon and Castile, are quite numerous such that I have limited myself to indicating only a few, referring to the bibliography for each one. Therefore, see, among others, Millares Carlo, Agustín - “La cancilleria real en Leon y Castilla hasta fines del reinado de Fernando III”. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Espanol, III, (1926), pp. 227-307; Lucas Alvarez, Manuel - "Las cancillerías reales (1109-1230)". In En el reino de León en La Alta Edad Media, t. V, León: Centro de Estudios e Investigaciónes San Isidoro, 1993; Ostos Salcedo, Pilar - “La cancilleria de Alfonso VIII, rey de Castilla (1158-1214). Una aproximacion”. In Boletin Millares Carlo, n.º 13 (1994) pp. 101-135; Gonzales Crespo, Esther - “Organización de la cancilleria castellana en la primera mitad del siglo XIV”. In La Espana Medieval, vol V. Madrid: Universidad Complutense, 1986, pp. 447-470; Salazar y Acha, Jaime de - La casa del Rey de Castilla y Leon en la Edad Media. Madrid: Centre for Political and Constitutional Studies, 2000, pp. 151-160, and Kleine, Marine - “Los origenes de la burocracia regia en Castilla: la especializacion de los oficiales de Alfonso X y Sancho IV”. e-Spania (online), placed online on 13 February 2015, accessed on 2 March 2015. URL: http://e-spania.revues.org/24245.

6 In this regard see in particular the study cited above by Esther Gonzalez Crespo.

7 The states of the art in Portuguese historical literature are, at this moment, relatively numerous.However, concerning the production of historical literature on Institutional and Political History in the last three decades, both at the central and municipal level, see three articles, respectively by Homem, Armando Carvalho - “Central power: institutional and political history in the thirteenth-fifteenth centuries”. In Mattoso, José (ed.) - The Historiography of Medieval Portugal c. 1950-2010. Lisbon: Instituto de Estudos Medievais, 2011, pp. 179-207; Coelho, Maria Helena - “Municipal power”. In Ibidem, pp. 209-230 and Freitas, Judite Gonçalves de -, “The royal chancellery at the end of the Portuguese Middle Ages: diplomacy and political society (1970-2005)”. e-Journal of Portuguese Studies, 7 (2), winter 2009, with these historians also being the authors of some of the most significant studies in this area which will be cited throughout this text.

8 On the issue of “civil servants” see some of the issues raised in the 1990s in two central works Les serviteurs de l’État au Moyen Age. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1999, a volume with an introduction by Claude Gauvard and conclusion by Françoise Autrand, and the introduction by Reinhard, Wolfgang - “Élites du pouvoir, serviteurs de l’État, classes dirigeantes et croissance du pouvoir de l’État”. In Les élites du pouvoir et la construction de l’État en Europe. Paris: PUF, 1996, pp. 1-24. There are numerous studies on the question of the presence of the clergy in the administration structure. Among the pioneers one can highlight the works of Millet, Hélène - “Le clergé dans l’État”. In Reinhard, Wolfgang (ed.) - Les Élites du pouvoir et la construction de l’État en Europe. Paris: PUF, 1996, pp. 237-258 and also the collection I canonici al servizio dello stato. Secoli XIII-XVI, Modena: Istituto di studi rinascimentali, 1992. Elisabeth Mornet was also one of the historians who from the 1990s wrote studies on the presence of the clergy among royal officials, with an example being her article “Entre Église et l’État, elites scandinaves à Paris sous le regne de Charles VI”. In Saint-Denis et la royauté. Études offertes à Bernard Guenée. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1999, pp. 91-108. More recently see the articles of the book “Église et État, èglise ou État? Les clercs et la genèse de l’État Moderne”, dir. of Chrisitne Barralis, Jean –Patrice Boudet, Fabrece Delivré and Jean- Philippe Genet, Roma, École Française de Rome, 2014.

9 Mattoso, José - Identificação de um País...

10 A good overview of the production of the Histories of Portugal can be seen in the articles compiled in e- Journal of Portuguese History, 8 (2), winter 2010. url: http://www.brown.edu/Departments/Portuguese_Brazilian_Studies/ejph/html/Winter10.html

11 See, for example, some of the articles in the collected articles series published as part of the Fasti Ecclesiae Portugaliae project: A Igreja e o Clero Português no Contexto Europeu. Lisboa: CEHR-UCP, 2005 and Carreiras Eclesiásticas no Ocidente Cristão (séculos XIII-XIV). Lisboa: CEHR-UCP, 2007.

12 Homem, Armando Carvalho - "Perspectivas sobre a prelazia portuguesa do reino em tempos dionisinos", offprint from Revista da Faculdade de Letras- História. Porto, 1998 and Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - "O episcopado do tempo de D. Dinis – trajectos pessoais e carreiras eclesiásticas (1279-1325)", offprint from Arquipélago, História. Ponta Delgada, 2001.

13 Branco, Maria João - Poder Real e Eclesiásticos: a Evolução do Conceito de Soberania Régia e a sua Relação com a Praxis Política de Sancho I e Afonso II. 2 vols, PhD thesis in History. Lisboa: Universidade Aberta, 2000; idem - “Elites eclesiásticas e construção de uma identidade: do rei ao reino (sécs. XII e XIII)”. In Nação e Identidades. Portugal, os Portugueses e os Outros. Lisboa: Centro de História/Caleidoscópio, 2009, pp. 135-156.

14 Ventura, Margarida Garcez - Igreja e Poder no Século XV: Dinastia de Avis e Liberdades Eclesiásticas (1383-1450). Lisboa: Colibri, 1997.

15 Freitas, Judite Gonçalves de - Teemos por bem e mandamos. A Burocracia Régia e os seus Oficiais em meados de Quatrocentos (1439-1460), 2 vols. Cascais: Patrimonia, 2001.

16 Gomes, Rita Costa - A Corte dos reis de Portugal no final da Idade Média. Lisboa: Difel, 1995.

17 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - Estruturas e protagonistas religiosos na historiografia medieval portuguesa”. Lusitania Sacra, 2nd series, volume XXI – Da História Eclesiástica à História Religiosa. Lisboa, 2009, pp. 125-152.

18 Among others this is the case with the PhD thesis by Farelo, Mário - A Oligarquia Camarária de Lisboa (1325-1433). PhD thesis in Mediaeval History. Lisboa: Faculdade de Letras, Universidade de Lisboa, 2008, which collects a considerable volume of data regarding the Lisbon city council oligarchy and reconstructing elites who were also linked to the central structure.

19 In order to establish this list we used the data collected by Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio, p. 104 and the chancery books of King Dinis. As far as the latter is concerned, there are two volumes already published, namely book II and book V, this latter is normally called Livro das Lezirias. Cf. Chancelaria de D. Dinis, Livro II, pub. by Marreiros, Rosa. Coimbra: Palimage, 2012 and O Livro das Lezirias d’El-rei Dom Dinis, transcription, introductory study and notes by SÁ-NOGUEIRA, Bernardo de. Lisboa: Centro de História da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, 2003.

20 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., p. 101.

21 Ibidem, p. 102.

22 Among other works: Bautier, Robert-Henri - “Le personnel de la chancellerie royale dans les derniers Capétiens”. In Chartes, Sceaux et Chancelleries, 2 vols. Paris: École de Chartres, 1990, pp. 853-877, previously published by Autrand, François - Prosopographie et genèse de l’état moderne. Paris: ESNJF, 1984; Garcia Larragueta, Santos - “Los cancilleres del reino de Navarra desde Martin de Zalba hasta Juan de Beaumont (siglos XIV-XV)”. In De Gualdo, Germano (eds.) - Cancelleria e cultura nel Medio Evo. Città del Vaticano: Archivio Segreto Vaticano, 1990, pp. 241-306 and Sayers, Jane E. - “The English royal chancery: structure and productions”. In Diplomatique Royale du Moyen Age, XIIIe-XIVe siècles. Actes du Colloque. Porto: Faculdade de Letras, 1996, pp. 77-114.

23 On the chancery of the first kings of Portugal and the changes introduced see Costa, Avelino de Jesus da - “A chancelaria real portuguesa e os seus registos de 1217 a 1438”. Revista da Faculdade de Letras – História. Porto, vol. XIII (1996) pp. 71-101.

24 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - A Escrita da Memória: A Chancelaria e os seus Agentes (1211-1325), lesson for aggregation in Medieval History, Évora: Universidade de Évora, 1998.

25 On the path of Estevão Anes and his role in the reign of King Afonso III an essential text continues to be the thesis by Ventura, Leontina - A Nobreza de Corte de Afonso III. 2 vols, PhD thesis in History. Coimbra: Faculdade de Letras, 1992, particularly pp. 585-594.

26 Julião Pais, Gonçalo Mendes, Mestre Vicente, Durando Forjaz and Estevão Anes are the five chancellors documented for these years. Mattoso, José, Identificação de um País..., pp. 106-109.

27 The set of questions around the coincidence or not of a chancellor with a “vedor” of the chancery or the exclusive existence of a “vedor” of the chancery were considered by Homem, Armando Carvalho Desembargo Régio…, pp. 100-105 and the same author “Subsídios para o estudo da administração central no reinado de D. Pedro I”. In Portugal nos finais da Idade Média: Estado, Instituições, Sociedade, Política. Lisboa: Livros Horizonte, 1990, pp. 63-69 and “Em torno de Álvaro Pais”, Ibidem, pp. 108-148.

28 On the figure of Mestre Vicente see Costa, António Domingues de Sousa - Mestre Silvestre e Mestre Vicente, Juristas da Contenda entre D. Afonso II e suas Irmãs. Braga, 1963; Branco, Maria João - Poder real e eclesiásticos…., and Fernandes, Hermenegildo - D. Sancho II. Tragédia. Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores, 2006, p. 210-218.

29 Branco, Maria João - D. Sancho I. Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores, 2006, pp. 185-186.

30 Homem, Armando Carvalho - “Em torno de Álvaro Pais”...

31 Gomes, Rita Costa - A Corte dos Reis de Portugal…, pp. 140-141 and the bibliography indicated in the footnotes. Farelo, Mário - A Oligarquia Camarária de Lisboa…, anex. 1, pp. 360-364.

32 Lopes, Fernão - Crónica de D. João I. Lisboa: Livraria Civilização- Editora, 1990, vol. I, in particular cap V – XIII, pp. 11-33.

33 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio…, pp. 376-377. Farelo, Mário - A Oligarquia Camarária de Lisboa…,anex. 1, p. 684.

34 Farelo, Mário - ibidem, anex. 1, pp. 684-685. We have some doubts regarding the identification of Pedro do Sem as the canon of Viseu by the author in note 5270. We may be facing a case of homonymy.

35 Gomes, Rita Costa - A Corte dos Reis de Portugal…, p. 136-138.

36 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio…., pp. 354-356 and also by the same author “Diplomacia e burocracia nos finais da Idade Média: a propósito de Lourenço Anes Fogaça, Chanceler-Mor (1374-1395) e negociador do tratado de Windsor”. In Estudos e Ensaios em Homenagem a Vitorino Magalhães Godinho. Lisboa: Sá da Costa, 1988, pp. 217-228; Gomes, Rita Costa - A Corte dos Reis de Portugal…, pp. 138-140 and also by this author, D. Fernando. Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores, 2005, particularly pp. 166-167 and Farelo, Mário - A Oligarquia Camarária..., anex. 1, pp. 552-557.

37 Sousa, Bernardo Vasconcelos e - D. Afonso IV (1291-1357). Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores, 2005, p. 122.

38 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., p. 390.

39 Gomes, Rita Costa - A Corte dos Reis de Portugal, p. 88.

40 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio…, pp. 183-187

41 idem, ibidem, p. 104 and p. 387-388.

42 idem, ibidem, p. 295-296 and p. 312.

43 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., pp. 176-179.

44 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., pp. 176-179.

45 idem, ibidem, p. 347.

46 About the importance of the income of the church of Santarém see “Catálogo de todas as igrejas, comendas e mosteiros que havia nos reinos de Portugal e Algarves, pelos de anos de 1320 e 1321”, published in História da Igreja em Portugal, new edition prepared and edited by PERES, Damião. Porto Lisboa: Livraria Civilização, 1971, vol. IV, pp. 90-144. Regarding this church see the work of Botão, Maria de Fátima - Poder e Influência de uma Igreja Medieval. A Colegiada de Santa Maria da Alcáçova de Santarém. Cascais: Patrimonia, 1998.

47 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - “In defence of episcopal power: the case of bishop Egas of Viseu”. In Carreiras Eclesiásticas no Ocidente Cristão ( séculos XII-XIV). Lisboa: CEHR-UCP, 2007, pp. 221-244.

48 On this prelate and his path see Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra. A Instituição e a Chancelaria (1080-1318). Lisboa: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian - Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia, 2010, pp. 154-165 and its bibliography. He is mentioned in the chancery of King D. Dinis between 1279 and May 1281, always identified as chancellor. See, above all, ANTT, Chancelaria de D. Dinis, Livro 1.

49 Ventura, Leontina - A Nobreza de Corte de Afonso III..., vol. II, p. 1050.

50 Norte, Armando - Letrados e cultura letrada em Portugal ( sécs XII e XIII), 2 vols, Ph Dissertation in History. Lisboa: Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, 2013, vol. II, pp. 272-273.

51 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - ibidem, p. 155.

52 Domingos Anes Jardo is referred to as chancellor from at least August 1281. ANTT, Chancelaria de D. Dinis, Lº1, fl. 76.

53 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - "O episcopado no tempo de D. Dinis...", pp. 591-592; idem - As Dimensões de um Poder. A Diocese de Évora na Idade Média. Lisboa: Editorial Estampa, 1999, pp. 61-68 on the governments of D. Domingos Anes Jardo and D. Pedro in Évora.

54 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra..., p. 158.

55 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos – Papa Clemente V, Reg. Vat.60, cap. 659, f.211ª (cartas comuns)

56 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra... p. 154

57 Farelo, Mário, Roldão, Filipa and Marques, André Evangelista - “Les clercs dans l’administration dionysienne (1279-1325)”. In Carreiras Eclesiásticas no Ocidente Cristão (séc. XII-XIV). Lisboa: CEHR – UCP, 2007, p. 271-316, p. 296.

58 The chancery itself echoed this election at least between 17 July 1283 and January 1284, in documents where Domingos Anes is identified as chancellor, having been elected from Lisbon. ANTT, Chancelaria de D. Dinis, L.º 1, fls 162-165 and fls 185-189.

59 Costa, António Domingues de Sousa - “D. Frei Telo, arcebispo –primaz, e as concordatas de D. Dinis”. In IX Centenário da Dedicação da Sé de Braga. Congresso Internacional. Actas. Braga, 1990, vol. II (1), pp. 284-286.

60 Costa, António Domingues de Sousa - “D. Frei Telo, arcebispo –primaz, e as concordatas de D. Dinis”. In IX Centenário da Dedicação da Sé de Braga. Congresso Internacional. Actas. Braga, 1990, vol. II (1), pp. 284-286.

61 Costa, António Domingues de Sousa - “As concordatas portuguesas”. Itinerarium, Braga, ano 12, n.º 51 (1966) pp. 24-46.

62 Regarding episcopal elections see: Harvey, Katherine - Episcopal Appointments in England c. 1214 1344. From episcopal election to papal provision. London: Ashgate, 2014, pp. 189-228.

63 The documentation refers only to 1290 but only from 1291 does the name of a new chancellor appear, João Peres de Alprão. Before, in 1290, the same member of the clergy had been mentioned as vice-chancellor in documents from 1290 from which one can presuppose that D. Domingos had remained at the head of the institution. See Farelo, Mário, Roldão, Filipa and Marques, André Evangelista, ibidem, pp. 296 and 305.

64 ANTT, Mosteiro de Alcobaça, 1.ª inc., Documentos Particulares, m. 19, n.º 8. The document of creation is published in , A. Moreira de (ed.) - Chartularium Universitatis Portugalensis (1288-1537), vol. I Lisboa, 1966, pp. 16-20; Antunes, João - A Cultura Erudita em Portugal nos Séculos XIII e XIV (Juristas e Teólogos). Ph Dissertation in History, Coimbra: Faculdade de Letras, 1995, pp. 491-504.

65 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - As Dimensões de um Poder..., pp. 62-63.

66 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa e os seus cónegos (1277-1377). Master dissertation in Medieval History. Lisboa: Universidade de Lisboa, 2003, anex. 1B, p.270.

67 Chartularium Universitatis Portugalensis (1288-1537), vol I, doc. 8, pp. 16-20.

68 This is at least the relationship advanced by Maria do Rosário Morujão, A Sé de Coimbra...

69 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa…., anex. 1B, p. 204 and vol. II, pp. 525-531.

70 Mário Farelo refers to the existence of one mention from 1314. However this mention is not clear in respect to his place as chancellor. See Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa, anex. 1B 1, p. 210 and Chartularium Universitatis Portugalensis , vol. I, n.º 39, pp. 61-62.

71 His will dates from December 1328 and it is possible that his death occurred a short time afterwards. Nevertheless, the references to his name as chancellor stopped from 1323 onwards, though this did not mean his removal from royal circles, as will be seen later, since his name continued to be mentioned in other contexts. However, from 1325, with King Afonso IV, Miguel Vivas is repeatedly mentioned as “vedor” of the chancery.

72 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa, appendix 1B, p. 206 and Botão, Maria de Fátima - Poder e Influência de uma Igreja Medieval..., p. 113.

73 Mário Farelo mentions that in the documents from 1318 and from 1319 Francisco Domingues is referred to as canon of Braga, Lisbon, Coimbra and Rector of St.ª Maria da Alcáçova. Farelo, Mário – O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa, anex. 1B, pp. 211-212. However Francisco Domingues is not mentioned in Rodrigues, Ana Maria, Ribeiro, João Taveira, Costa, Maria Antonieta and Maciel, Maria Justiniana, Os Capitulares Bracarenses (1245-1374). Notícias Biográficas. Lisboa: CEHR, 2005.

74 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., p. 305.

75 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa…, anex. 1B pp. 203-214.

76 O Livro das Lezirias d’el rei D. Dinis, pp. 201-219.

77 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio..., p. 305.

78 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra..., pp. 166-168.

79 Morujão, Maria do Rosário (ed.) - Testamenti Ecclesiae Portugaliae (1071-1326), Lisboa: CEHR, 2010, pp. 194-203.

80 Saraiva, Anísio - “Nepotism, illegitimacy and papal protection in the construction of a career: D. Rodrigo Pires de Oliveira, bishop of Lamego (1311-1330)”. e-Journal of Portuguese History, n.º 6 (1) (2008) p. 1-12. URL: http://www.brown.edu/Departments/Portuguese_Brazilian_Studies/ejph/html/issue11/pdf/asaraiva.pdf

81 Ordenações Afonsinas, livro II, pp. 47-48.

82 Geraldo Domingues, who had formerly been an accused party in the plea with the monastery of Alcobaça concerning its relations to the bishop of Lisbon.

83 Some authors put him as chancellor until 1318, the probable date of his death, as there are no systematic references to other chancellors. However, just as Mário Farelo, Filipa Roldão and André Evangelista have emphasised, the fact is that after 1305 Estevão Anes stopped being mentioned as chancellor but only as bishop of Coimbra and the Chancery documentation for these years also does not refer to him. Farelo, Mário, Roldão, Filipa and Marques, André Evangelista - “Les clercs dans l’administration…”, p. 298.

84 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra..., pp. 170-171.

85 At least that is what Farelo, Mário, Roldão, Filipa and Marques, André Evangelista, ibidem, p. 298 proposed for the year 1288.

86 Morujão, Maria Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra..., pp. 170-171 and Pizarro, José Augusto - Linhagens Medievais Portuguesas. Genealogias e Estratégias (1279-1325), vol. 2. Porto: Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto, 1999, pp. 460-464.

87 Morujão, Maria do Rosário - A Sé de Coimbra..., p. 171.

88 idem, ibidem, p. 172.

89 ANTT, Chancelaria de D. Dinis, L.º 2 – fl.º 487.

90 Farelo, Mário, Roldão, Filipa and Marques, André Evangelista, ibidem, p. 305.

91 Documentos de Nicolas IV (1288-1292) referentes a España. Leon: Universidad de Leon, 2009, doc. nº 664, p. 582-583.

92 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - “In defence of episcopal power…”

93 saraiva, Anísio - A Sé de Lamego na primeira metade do século XIV (1296-1349). Leiria: Magno Edições, 2003, p. 38-40.

94 Vilar, Hermínia Vasconcelos - ibidem, pp. 236-237.

95 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa, vol. II, anex. 1B, pp. 274-275.

96 Saraiva, Anísio- A Sé de Lamego…., p. 38.

97 For other documentation besides that one published in Livro das Lezirias see Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa, anex. 1B, pp. 156-160.

98 See the introduction to this book by Bernardo de Sá Nogueira.

99 Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa…, vol. II, anex.1B, pp. 156-160.

100 Homem, Armando Carvalho - O Desembargo Régio…., p. 105.

101 idem, ibidem, pp. 369-370.

102 Sousa, Bernardo Vasconcelos e - D. Afonso IV..., p. 93 defends the information of Carvalho Homem about the Aragonese origin of Miguel Vivas. Mário Farelo, however, talks about a Portuguese origin. Farelo, Mário - O Cabido da Sé de Lisboa, vol. II, anex. 1B, pp. 313-317.

103 Ut per Litteras - Pope John XXII, A. 268, f. 492 b. V. 92, ep. 3333 (litterae communes).

104 Sousa, Bernardo Vasconcelos e - ibidem, p. 93. Ut per Litteras - Pope John XXII, A. 29, f. 460 a, V. 85, ep. 645 B. (litterae communes).

105 About the relationship between kings and bishops of Porto, a city which belongs to episcopal jurisdiction, see Coelho, Maria Helena da Cruz - “Bispos e reis: oposições em torno de bens e jurisdições temporais”, offprint of Revista Lusitana Sacra. Lisboa: Centro de Estudos de História Religiosa/Universidade Católica Portuguesa, 2.ª série, tomo 15 (2003), pp. 279-287; Marques, José - “Igreja e poder Régio”. In A Génese do Estado Moderno no Portugal Tardo-Medievo. Ciclo de Conferências. Lisboa: Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa, 1999, pp. 217-256; Sousa, Armindo de - “Tempos medievais”. In Ramos, Luís de Oliveira (dir.) - História do Porto, Porto: Porto Editora, 1994, pp. 118-253 and Oliveira, Miguel de - “O senhorio da cidade do Porto e as primeiras questões com os bispos”, offprint of Revista Lusitania Sacra. Lisboa, 1959.

Auteur

Universidade de Évora, CIDEHUS

Professor of Medieval History at the University of Évora. Her main research fields are political society and the construction of royal power in Portugal in the late Middle Ages, ecclesiastical elites and urban societies. She was the main researcher of the the project DEGRUPE and participated in other national and international projects. Her main publications include Afonso II. Um Rei sem Tempo, Lisboa, Círculo de Leitores, 2005, 312 pp; Categorias Sociais e mobilidade urbana na Baixa Idade Média. Entre o Islão e a Cristandade, (ed.), 2012 ; « Les clerici regis et le service du roi dans le Portugal des XIIIe et XIVe siècles » in Église et État, Église ou État. Les clercs et la génese de l’ État Moderne, Paris, 2014, pp. 153-158; Religión e identidad urbana: seculares y mendicantes en las ciudades del sur de Portugal en la Baja Edad Media in Ante su identidad. La ciudad hispánica en la Baja Edad Media, 2013, pp. 263-285; « Da vilania à nobreza : trajetórias de ascensão e de consolidação no Sul de Portugal (séculos XIII-XIV) ”, in “Categorias Sociais e Mobilidade Urbana na Baixa Idade Média. Entre o Islão e a Cristandade”, 2012, pp. 145-161.

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