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Entangled peripheries. New contributions to the history of Portugal and Morocco

Beyond nationalism and colonialism

Experts, study tours, arboretums and tree manuals: eucalyptus introduction in Portugal and its connections with Morocco and Spain

Ignacio García-Pereda

Résumé

This paper explores the development of Portuguese eucalyptus plantations since the 19th century. Eucalyptus, the exotic Australian tree, came up then as a novel solution to turn poor and dry Mediterranean lands into a profitable resource. The shaping of Portuguese eucalyptus plantations was, on the one hand, related to the emergence and consolidation of the bourgeoisie, which saw the new exotic tree as a viable economic asset. On the other hand, scientists played a key role in the exploration and transformation of rural spaces. The complex circulations of people and knowledge generated controversies, but also collaborations between foresters, botanists and other experts. Portugal and Morocco, their governments, industries and scientists, played a secondary role in the global expansion of eucalyptus, but there were some relevant initiatives and interchanges between them that will be properly studied here.

Texte intégral

Introduction

  • 1 Afonso Cautela. O Alentejo na reforma agrária: a viragem decisiva (Lisboa: Diabril, 1975).

1This paper explores the development of Portuguese eucalyptus plantations since the 19th century. Eucalyptus, the exotic Australian tree, came up then as a novel solution to turn poor and dry Mediterranean lands into a profitable resource. The shaping of Portuguese eucalyptus plantations was, on the one hand, related to the emergence and consolidation of the bourgeoisie, which saw the new exotic tree as a viable economic asset. Forest owners, visitors and national authorities were all interested in making profits from rural estates and the countryside in general. On the other hand, scientists played a key role in the exploration and transformation of rural spaces. The complex circulations of people and knowledge generated controversies, but also collaborations between foresters, botanists and other experts.1 The success of the new eucalyptus plantations depended in large part on the scientific authority of the experts who studied them, and on his ability to persuade forest owners and government officials to choose this new biological option. Finally, the “study tours” of forest scientists were instrumental to the transfer of plants and the circulation of knowledge and practices about them. The set-up of new arboretums – botanical gardens composed exclusively of trees – was linked to them and became a key means to increase the number of forest owners aware of this biological innovation, as well as the options for establishing forest tree nurseries.

  • 2 Juan Luis Delgado, “Del bosque a la fábrica: Técnica y ciencia de la resina de pino en la España co (...)
  • 3 Haripriya Rangan, Christian A. Kull, “Acacia exchanges: wattles, thorn trees, and the study of plan (...)

2More specifically, this paper investigates the history behind the arboretum organized by the government official Ernesto da Silva Reis Goes (1917–2010) in the 1950s and of his project of transformation of the south of Portugal into an economic and scientific forest-space. Some historiography has already focused on experts, notably foresters within Europe, as well as on the institutions for which they worked. Both tacitly and explicitly, it suggests they had a very significant role in the history of tree transfers.2 Our study complements this previous scholarship by illuminating key aspects of the “eucalypts transfer” experience. More broadly, it offers insight into the relationship between trees and experts by addressing central historiographic questions: Are there general points to be made about the human acceptance and encouragement of tree introduction? Which forces operate towards the acceptance of plant transfers? Both the long-distance scientific transfer (of interest to historians) and the ongoing dispersal process (of interest to biologists) left distinctive and long-lasting marks on regional identities, ways of life, and bio-geographical landscapes.3

  • 4 Deborah Fitzgerald et al., “Roundtable: Agricultural History and the History of Science,” Agricultu (...)
  • 5 Pamela Long, “Trading Zones in Early Modern Europe,” Isis 106, 4 (2015): 840-848.
  • 6 Fabrizio Baldassarri, Oana Matei (eds.), “Gardens as Laboratories. The History of Botany through th (...)

3This paper also engages with emerging historiography on the interplay between the history of science and agricultural history4, where it is possible to find Pamela Long’s conceptual framework of “trading zones”5, meaning that different spaces beyond the laboratory in which knowledge is exchanged and negotiated are regarded as places of knowledge production. Following an example of this approach, Fabrizio Baldassarri’s and Oana Mattei’s perspective of “gardens as laboratories”6, I argue that in eucalypts arboretums, botany and applied forest science practices were rehearsed to take better advantage for the development of forestry knowledge. Moreover, arboretums were “trading zones” in which several types of experts, with different know-hows (gardeners, foresters, botanists), met and exchanged knowledge for a common purpose. This article allows the crossing of history of science with history of agronomy in a novel way because it is based on three case studies who played a fundamental role in the development of Mediterranean eucalypts plantations.

  • 7 Ignacio Suay-Matallana, “Between chemistry, medicine and leisure: Antonio Casares and the study of (...)
  • 8 Botanical knowledge was integral to forestry studies. Skills and institutions were required to iden (...)
  • 9 From 1954 to 1975 he was a forestry consultant for Herdade do Rio Frio (Montijo and Alcochete munic (...)
  • 10 In 1957 he started his collaboration as forestry consultant of the SOCEL company. The factory in Se (...)

4Although Joaquim Vieira Natividade (1899-1968) was the most famous among the Portuguese foresters who became interested in the possibilities of forest science in the mid-20th century, the case of Ernesto da Silva Reis Goes is especially relevant from the point of view of understanding the economic impact and the role of experts.7 Regarding the latter, Goes was one of the leading foresters during the Estado Novo regime. He combined a deep theoretical knowledge (as a graduate in forestry by the Agronomy Institute of Lisbon in 1944) with an effective practical knowledge (especially of nursery management),8 and a relevant institutional power base (mainly in the Direçao Geral dos Serviços Florestais e Agrícolas, henceforth DGSFA). He was a well-known expert on eucalyptus, not only for his publications (he was a prolific writer, with a bibliography of over fifty items on botany, entomology, forestry and old trees; his correspondence was equally prolific), but also because of the assistance he lent to forest owners.9 Goes was central in the efforts to organize “Portuguese eucalyptus expertise” from the 1950s. His publications are sources of historical detail about the imaginary of eucalyptus planting: he was a prominent advocate for this strategy, laid out his view of its purpose and practices, and addressed other´s critiques of this approach. Regarding economic impact, Goes was one of the first foresters to have a close relationship with the industry (from 1957).10 He would hold important positions at SOCEL (Sociedade Industrial da Celulosa), where he supplemented his academic income by working as an “expert” who offered “specialist advice”, specifically as the firm’s plantation manager.

5Before dealing with Goes activities, this paper will begin, however, by analyzing the relationship between acclimatization doctrines and the introduction of eucalyptus in 19th century Portugal and how scientific research improved this process. We will examine how experts such as the gardener Edmond Goeze (1838-1929) took advantage of acclimatization reports and scientific literature, pointing out their utility for the development of botanical gardens, and how their scientific expertise was demanded to open new gardens in various cities. We will also show how our understanding of the development of acclimatization as a movement has historical roots in the 19th century. Secondly, we will explore the relation between study tours and the creation of forestry arboretums in Portugal, Spain and Morocco. It will be argued that foresters – together with forest owners – considered eucalyptus to be a profitable asset. Their publications and tour reports added an extra value to this biological innovation and promoted the economic development of some barren rural areas. Finally, we will consider how the elaboration of forestry manuals was based not just on arboretum tests but also on the study of nature to examine wood production. They required a complex scientific circulation during the field operations carried out to inspect tree growing, while involving collaborations between different experts, as well as the careful management of controversies related to impacts of industrial plantations.

Who spreads trees and why

  • 11 Calestous Juma, The Gene Hunters (London: Zed Books, 1989). In the 17th century, some 1000 plants a (...)
  • 12 Bobbi J. Ward, The plant hunter’s garden. The new explorers and their discoveries (Portland: Timber (...)
  • 13 Vernon H. Heywood, “Changing attitudes to plant introduction and invasives,” in Invasive plants in (...)
  • 14 Philip Short, In pursuit of plants (Portland: Timber Press, 2003).

6Countries such as Portugal have been engaged in a two-way traffic of introduction and export of plant resources for centuries. As US president Thomas Jefferson once famously said, “the greatest service which can be rendered to any country is to add a useful plant to its culture.”11 Plant introduction has been driven by commercial, scientific, medicinal and even personal goals.12 Specific reasons for introducing plants were diverse and included scientific curiosity, biophilia, collections (the history of collections has emerged as a new and exciting specialization), medicinal potential, trade (such as in spices), agriculture, forestry, gardening, ornamental horticulture, and community benefit and social use.13 Collectors roamed the world to find new plants and deposit them in botanical gardens and herbaria.14

  • 15 James Simpson, Creating wine. The Emergence of Wine Industry, 1840–1914 (Princeton: Princeton Unive (...)

7In modern times, certain European foresters argued that national improvement could be better pursued by means of ecological diversification rather than further colonial expansion. The impact of plant introduction has actually been far-reaching and often a major force in economic development. Imported plants contributed to the development of the pharmaceutical, dye, horticultural and paper industries in Europe. For example, in the late 19th century, one of the main impacts of American introductions in Europe and the Mediterranean basin was on the fight against the phylloxera epidemic that had destroyed most of the vineyards for wine grapes.15 The introduction of crops with higher resistance value had also a marked impact on rural economy, with the increased productivity allowing substantial development.

8Our hypothesis is that plant exchanges also contributed in a major way to the consolidation of a new group of experts on forest management. A defining characteristic of agronomy and forestry science development was the acquisition and introduction of new plants, which involved the movement of stocks of economically useful plants from one part of the world to another. The combined networks of technical schools, botanical gardens and forestry nurseries served as very effective vehicles for the transfer of germplasm around the globe before the modern genetic breeding movement was born. Foresters formed an increasingly varied field of practice that was connected with collecting, nursery management, gardening, science, travel and so on.

  • 16 James R Ault (ed) “Plant exploration: protocols for the present, concerns for the future,” in Plant (...)
  • 17 During his seven years in Angola, Welwitsch collected over 5000 species of plants and 3000 species (...)

9The basic procedures of plant introduction have remained largely unchanged over the past 200 years. During this time, tens of thousands of species have been brought into cultivation outside their territory of origin. The initial focus of introductions was on plants that could add to the agricultural wealth of the country although ornamentals were also included and interest in these grew as gardening gradually became a leisure pursuit.16 The many and varied actors behind this massive process have included travelers, explorers, field botanists, diplomats, surgeons, ship captains, civil servants, nursery and forest owners, gardeners, and, of course, celebrated professional plant collectors, which in Portugal included the German born Friedrich Welwitsch (1806-1872)17 or Júlio Henriques (1838-1928), a cultivator whose global connections facilitated key plant transfers.

  • 18 Lucile H. Brockway, “Science and colonial expansion: the role of the British Royal Botanical Garden (...)
  • 19 Knowles A. Ryerson “History and Significance of the Foreign Plant Introduction Work of the United S (...)

10An important strategy in writing about plant history has actually been to follow the role of these plant experts and their institutions in the spread of economy-useful plants. Lucile H. Brockway, for example, has focused on Kew Gardens and its directors as they transferred tea from China to India, cinchona and rubber from Latin America to Southeast Asia and sisal from Mexico to East Africa.18 As early as the 1850s, Portugal hired “agricultural explorers” such as Welwitsch to scout its African colonies for new plant and seed material to be shipped back to Coimbra and Lisbon. In later periods, the responsibility for introductions gradually transferred to agricultural and forestry stations, while collectors became sponsored by official institutions. Thus, the renowned plant explorer Frank Nicholas Meyer (1875-1918) was hired by the US Department of Agriculture, being responsible for thousands of plant introductions from China to other parts of Eastern Asia between 1905 and 1918, as well as 2,500 plants into the United States.19

From the Coimbra Botanical Garden to forestry nurseries

  • 20 Peter Del Tredici. “Plant exploration: a historic overview,” in Plant Exploration: Protocols for th (...)
  • 21 Esther Helena Arens, “Flowerbeds and hothouses: botany, gardens, and the circulation of knowledge i (...)
  • 22 Brockway, “Science”; William Beinart, Karen Middleton, “Plant transfers in historical perspective: (...)
  • 23 Ana Carneiro, Ana Simões, Maria Paula Diogo, “Enlightenment Science in Portugal: the Estrangeirados (...)

11Almost any country ranging from Europe to South America practiced eucalyptus introduction. In Portugal, this process dates back to the 19th century.20 The new epistemological context arising from the Enlightenment allowed for the emergence of professional botanists who helped to elevate botany to the rank of an autonomous science. Botanists, the changers of the names of so many plants, were making of botany a matter of specialized professionals. By the end of the second half of the 19th century, widespread commercial interests in and biological fascination with foreign, exotic plants had also produced specific techniques of observation, data collection and taxonomy.21 In parallel, botanic gardens progressively freed themselves from the tutelage of medicine on the grounds of a new scientific cadre based on plant anatomy, morphology and systematics, eventually becoming scientific institutions in their own right. Portuguese botanic gardens acted as tree introduction canters and played a major role in the spread of germplasm of forestry and ornamental trees around the country.22 In this sense, the Coimbra Botanic Garden (whose works were initiated in 1774) played a pioneering role. One of his most famous directors, Félix de Avelar Brotero (1744-1828) – who fled to France in 1788 to escape persecution by the Portuguese Inquisition and published there his Compendio de Botanica – was given the chair of botany and agriculture at the University of Coimbra, upon his return to Portugal in 1790. His best-known work,  Flora Lusitanica (1804), was the first lengthy descriptions of native Portuguese plants.23 Another Coimbra professor, Júlio Henriques, would publish the renowned Terminologia Botânica in 1885.

  • 24 New technology, such as Wardian cases – protective miniature glasshouses that reduced the need for (...)

12The Coimbra Botanic Garden, organized according to Linnaeus’s principles of classification, has remained an important hub of plant trade in Portugal for over 240 years. Still in function today, it was instrumental in introducing the Eucalyptus citridodora, as well as other trees, such as Abies pinsapo,24 and other germplasm resources, such as the celebrated Araucaria cultivars. Its reputation as an acclimatization garden was influential in persuading Lisbon’s Escola Politécnica to establish a new teaching garden in the country’s capital. The Politécnica Garden was originally envisaged by its founder, the Conde de Ficalho (1837-1903), botany professor of the school, as a trial garden to grow a range of nutritious crops such as Persian date palm (Phoenix dactylifera), and of tea (Camellia sinensis) for trade.

  • 25 Santiago Aragón, « Le rayonnement international de la Société Zoologique d’Acclimatation : particip (...)
  • 26 Michael Osborne, Nature, the Exotic, and the Science of French Colonialism (Bloomington: Indiana Un (...)

13The introduction of eucalyptus to Portugal was also influenced by foreign scientific institutions. The Société impériale zoologique d´acclimatation (SZA), founded in 1854 in Paris to pursue “the introduction, acclimatization and domestication of useful and ornamental animal and vegetal species” in France, soon extended its activities to the transfer of exotic plants. The society’s directors subscribed the theories of the Comte de Buffon and Jean-Baptiste Lamarck about the adaptation of living forms according to the demands of the environment, and contested George Cuvier´s belief in the “fixity” of species.25 The origins of the SZA were tied to colonial botany, particularly to Algeria, where the French government operated two dozen botanical gardens in that period.26 By 1860, the society counted on more than 2,600 members – diplomats and heads of foreign states among them. Most importantly, it had secured the patronage of Emperor Napoleon III and the Portuguese King D. Pedro V. This would not be its only connection with Portugal. Among the SZA’s naturalists, two of them contributed to eucalyptus introduction in the country: Ferdinand von Mueller and Robert Hickel.

  • 27 Robert Hickel, Notice sur les forêts de chêne-liège d´Espagne et de Portugal, Bulletin du Ministè (...)
  • 28 Pedro Teixeira, “Desenhar e construir a paisagem : o povoamento florestal entre Mira e Quiaios, na (...)

14Mueller was a prominent figure in Australian acclimatization. Director of the Melbourne Botanic Garden from 1857 until 1873 and leading member of the Acclimatization Society of Victoria, he was well connected throughout the globe and exchanged seeds and plants with most of the world's scientific institutions, including the Coimbra Garden. Mueller tirelessly promoted Australian plants overseas, being an advocate of transferring eucalyptus to places where it served as an antimalarial agent. He also wrote a manual for plant acclimatization. With regard to forestry professor Robert Hickel (1861-1935), he was also a founding member of the Société Dendrologique de France (SDF) in 1905. SDF projects to plant sequoias and eucalyptus in France were conceived as solutions to economic needs of the country for new resources and products. Some foresters defended the use of exotic species to renovate the biota of their territories. Hickel visited Portugal in 1893 and was surprised by the high number of eucalyptus, planted and grown close to roads and railway lines.27 Júlio Henriques and the forester António Mendes de Almeida (1867-1937), who extensively used acacia trees for the Caparica dune works.28, were also SDF members by 1914.

  • 29 Beinart, Middleton, “Plant transfers”.
  • 30 García-Pereda, “Experts florestais”.
  • 31 Ana Duarte Rodrigues, Ana Simões, “Horticulture in Portugal 1850–1900: The role of science and publ (...)

15Frequently, political and financial support for acclimatization depended on influential elites. In this sense, while a focus on knowledge, institutions and governments is interesting in its own terms, these may be “the tip of the iceberg in relation to long term patterns of global plant transfers.”29 In the Alentejo region, for example, the aristocracy opened its estates to acclimatization societies and patronized the movement with influence and money. Such was the case with José Maria Eugenio de Almeida (1811-1872), an important forest owner. Companies and forest owners, rather than the state or scientists, often took the initiative in institutional development because, prior to 1914, Portugal had shoestring bureaucracies with few forestry experts.30 The country became a center of eucalyptus production in the second half of the 19th century not only due to the activities of agronomists of the Public Works ministry and gardeners of the Coimbra Botanic Garden, but also because the estate-owning elite took a great interest in plant research and breeding. Many of the key transfers were thus made outside of institutional contexts. Forest owners evolved their own intermediate, non-professional, botanical intelligence and technology that informed their decisions about which exotics were useful and desirable – and how they could be grown. The best example is the firm Horto Loureiro, one of the most important in the Iberian Peninsula, which played a key educational role after 1870. Indeed, King D. Luís I paid an informal visit to its facilities after he was offered a new variety of Dracaena’s species created there.31 Loureiro clients helped to create a new floral kingdom, an amalgam of exotics, valued for their perceived beauty and their capacity to acclimatize.

  • 32 G. Shaughnessy, “A Case Study of Some Woody Plant Introductions to the Cape Town Area,” in I.A.W. M (...)

16The rise of this eucalyptus acclimatization movement defined a time when fascination with the exotic was still spread among Europe's scientists and government officials. The cultural semiotics of acclimatization was diverse. Even when projects failed, naturalists and amateur gained ample knowledge of the care and physiology of exotic flora. Moreover, the acclimatized Australian tree functioned as a symbol of forestry's power over nature and over difficult lands.32 Acclimatized trees provided material manifestations of science serving the interests of national forestry experts. By their very nature, these acclimatization projects seemed to confirm that forest development was possible in every situation and that forest owners were interested in science and had the ability to conduct experiments. Thus, even in the face of considerable obstacles, eucalyptus acclimatization projects emboldened foresters, enabled the continuation of plantation projects, and offered new reasons to extend managed forests. In Portugal, the Coimbra Botanic Garden from 1774, or the Loureiro private establishment from 1870, certainly helped in the spread of exotics. The forestry authority, from 1871, also played a major role. But the big science project about eucalyptus and forestry would only start in the 1950s.

Study tours and arboretums: connections with Morocco and Spain

  • 33 Ignacio García-Pereda, “The Emergence of Forest Genetics in Portugal. The Works of Joaquim Vieira N (...)

17Within the Portuguese DGSFA of the Estado Novo years, the ambivalence between the desire for diversity and the need for standardization can be observed very clearly. Foresters such as Joaquim Vieira Natividade, a specialist in tree genetics, certified the quality of raw material sold by others and produced their own seeds and distributed them through the forestry service. This made them key actors in tree standardization and homogenization.33 Ernesto Goes sought also to obtain the uniform and stable variety as an industrial predicate – being regarded as a predictable and standardized factor in an industrialized form of forest production system. But he still cherished, more than his geneticist colleagues, biological diversity. Between 1954 and 1974 Goes and Natividade shared institutional membership, trips and correspondence with international experts such as Manuel Martín Bolaños from Madrid, Gaspar de la Lama Gutiérrez from Sevilla and André Metro (1907-1995) from Nancy, for the formation of the new European eucalyptus community. These foreign experts were involved in three very important “study tours”: two to Australia (1948 and 1952), and one to the French Protectorate in Morocco (1954).

  • 34 Niccolò Mignemi, “Italian agricultural experts as transnational mediators: the creation of the Inte (...)
  • 35 Riccardo Morandini, “Aldo Pavari, forestale moderno,” L’Italia Forestale e Montana, 65, 4 (2010), 4 (...)
  • 36 Rangan, “Acacia”.

18The latter two were organized by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO),34 more specifically, by its new Sub-Commission on Mediterranean Forestry Problems (henceforth SCMFP) headed by Aldo Pavari (1888-1960). This sub-commission, created in 1948, was a continuation of the interwar-period organization Silva Mediterranea. This had been born of an idea of Hickel's first presented in Madrid in 1911 on the occasion of the 9th International Agricultural Congress. Pavari, the longtime director of the Florence Forest Research Institute, acted as Italian representative in the Marseilles 1922 meeting in which the association was actually founded. As one of the main moving spirits, he would eventually become its Vice-President, as well as chief editor of its review. After WWII, he was appointed chairman of the new SCMFP for the first decade of its existence.35 In general, from the late 1940s, the networks of scientific-industrial developmental agencies such as the United Nations’ FAO played a key role in the transoceanic transfer of many plants.36

  • 37 André Metro, Possibilité d'emploi des eucalyptus dans les reboisements en France, Annales de l'Éc (...)
  • 38 Andrea E. Duffy, “Civilizing through Cork: Conservationism and the Mission Civilisatrice in French (...)
  • 39 The tragedy of the commons is a term used in social science to describe a situation in a shared-res (...)

19The first study tour funded by the SCMFP to Australia in May 1948 had relevant consequences for French Morocco thanks to the participation of André Metro, director of the Station des Recherches Forestiers of Rabat since its creation in 1945. The French Protectorate’s forestry service actually intensified the introduction of Australian eucalyptus after Metro’s return, on the basis of his report Possibilité d'emploi des eucalyptus dans les reboisements en France. Notes de voyage en Tasmanie et dans les Alpes australiens.37 For Metro, rapid population growth, biomass shortages, and land degradation were contributing to low agricultural productivity and extreme poverty in the Moroccan countryside. He was part of a group of colonial French foresters that claimed that centuries of misuse and abuse had decimated the African environment.38 In his opinion, forest degradation in Morocco was a consequence of what Garrett Hardin would later term “the tragedy of the commons”.39 In his report, published in 1950, Metro argued that an expansion of eucalyptus planting on Moroccan hillsides and degraded areas could check those problems and bring very large ecologic and economic benefits.

  • 40 Hubert Bonin, « Une histoire bancaire transméditerranéenne : la Compagnie algérienne, d’un ultime a (...)

20Among the latter, preliminary studies for the setting up of a pulp factory in French Morocco – the predecessor of the Morocco Pulp Company (Cellulose du Maroc) – dated back to 1949.40 They were conducted jointly by the Protectorate’s Administration des Eaux et Forêts, the Association des Proprietaires des Forets du Gharb (a society of the leading eucalyptus planters), and a specific study group. Studies included research on pulp yields of eucalyptus and investigation of raw material supplies for the factory, bearing in mind its geographical location and rate of utilization. In order to guarantee an adequate supply of wood to the new industrial plant, it was first thought necessary to have at least 60,000 hectares of plantations within a radius of no more than 90 to 100 kilometers. Although forest owners and the forestry service tried planting Casuarina and pine (such as Pinus canariensis) with varying degrees of success, they finally limited themselves to eucalyptus and acacia (Acacia mollisima), the latter in order to obtain tannin for the local leather industry. The low rainfall (400mm) and poor soils obliged to the choice of eucalyptus with a colored wood (Eucalyptus camaldulensis), which required a complicated and costly chemical decolorizing treatment. In spite of this, its advantages (rapid growth and good habit) were such that for years remained the main source of timber. Eucalyptus camaldulensis timber yields about 22% of pulp, that is, it takes about 4.5 kilograms of raw material to obtain one kilogram of pulp.

  • 41 Ignacio García-Pereda, Joaquim Vieira Natividade, 1899-1968: ciência e politica do Sobreiro e da Co (...)

21Back to study tours, André Metro’s relation with Portuguese foresters may have started shortly after the publication of his Australian report, also under FAO’s auspices, during the first meeting of the organization’s Permanent Working Group on Cork Issues held in Lisbon in May 1951. The following delegates exchanged views at the DGSFA library where reunions took place: Joaquim Vieira Natividade, Alfred Dugelay, André Metro and Guglielmo Giordano.41 Spain, which had just been admitted into the FAO, was represented for the first time by Salvador Robles Trueba and Jaime de Foxá Torroba. At this meeting, Métro proposed to do a French translation of the treaty on Subericultura (cork oak plantation) published by Natividade in 1950. Some of those foresters were also present at the FAO general conference held in Rome in November-December of the same year. There, the Director General of the organization was asked by Metro and others to fund a new eucalyptus study tour in Australia. Invitations were issued from FAO headquarters to member nations likely to be interested. Each country was invited to send not more than two participants, who should be senior officers of forestry services or technical staff of commercial enterprises and have a working knowledge of the English language.

22The participants assembled in Canberra on 1st September 1952 and the tour formally concluded in Sydney on 28th October. There were 34 foresters from 24 countries; while Portugal did not send any representative, Spain sent the foresters Antonio Peña and Manuel Martin Bolaños. The study tour covered approximately 5,000 miles of air travel and a similar distance by road. The main purpose was to familiarize participants with the great wealth of eucalypt species and their adaptability to diverse climatic and soil conditions. The detailed objectives may be summarized briefly as follows: 1. To study the natural occurrence of eucalyptus species in Australia; 2. To obtain particulars of the forestry details of these species, their formations, associations, natural and artificial regeneration; 3. To study growth rates and methods of forest management; 4. To investigate the climatic and edaphic factors controlling the occurrence of eucalypt species.

  • 42 Butler, “Trabajos”.
  • 43 Enrique Sánchez Gullón, J. M. Caraballo Martínez, Federico Ruiz, “Una visión histórica de los Ar (...)

23When Bolaños returned from that tour, he brought back a collection of seeds from a large number of species of eucalyptus that, once in Spain, were handed over to several arboretums (El Villar, Las Parcelas de don Gaspar) for the investigation of their behavior with a view to their use in forest plantations.42 With an extension of 75 hectares, the Arboreto del Villar (located in the village of Bonares, in the Andalusian province of Huelva), was one of the most important in Spain. It had been created by Bolaños and Gaspar de la Lama, both of whom worked there until 1970.43 This arboretum came to have almost 80 plots with more than 80 different species of eucalyptus. Bolaños had planted the oldest one in March 1955 with a set of 18 species gathered during his trip to Australia. In fact, many of the trees at El Villar may have arrived not directly from their place of origin, but from “staging posts”. That arboretum was itself a key staging post for eucalypts sent to Portugal thanks to the friendship developed between Bolaños and Goes.

  • 44 D. F. Davidson, “Diary of a visit to the forests of Morocco, including a short visit to Algeria,” T (...)
  • 45 Ernesto Goes, Eucalipto. Ecologia, cultura e produções (Lisboa: DGSFA, 1962).
  • 46 Goes, Eucalipto, 24. The latter’s full name in the 1960s was Centro Experimental de Eucalyptus da M (...)

24Certain members of the SCMFP planned – during its fourth session held in Athens in June 1954 – a new eucalyptus study tour, this time in French Morocco, where Metro’s proposal had begun to be implemented. Participants in that session included José Alves and Joaquim Vieira Natividade from Portugal; Ezequiel González Vázquez from Spain; Alfred Dugelay (Nice) and Henri Gaussen (Toulouse) from France. The representatives for the study tour assembled on 22nd October 1954 and the tour formally concluded on 30th October. Portugal sent this time Ernesto Goes, who joined foresters from Cyprus, Italy, Libya, France, Algeria and Tunisia. Goes and his colleagues visited the arboretum of Wadi Cherrate, created in 1947 within a reforestation area near the Rabat-Casablanca road, which in 1954 was composed of a collection of 128 species of eucalyptus, seemingly the most interesting for reforestation in Morocco.44 The species had “a paper where several records were indicated: origin of seeds, date of planting, exact location, plantation, mortality, growth, time of flowering and fruiting, etc.”45 For Goes, it was the best eucalyptus arboretum of the Mediterranean basin, only to be compared with those of Aveiro (Quinta do Eixo, 85 species planted in 1902), Virtudes national forest (58 species in 1906) and Escaroupim national forest (400 hectares, started in 1910 with Eucalyptus globulus; a new arboretum in 1952 with 105 species; 125 species in 1962, when it was the richer in Europe).46

  • 47 Beinart, Middleton, “Plant transfers”, 5.

25Visiting Wadi Cherrate was especially interesting for Goes because the ecological and climatic conditions there were very similar to those in the south of Portugal. More generally, it can be argued that a similar organizational model of eucalyptus arboretums took root throughout the Mediterranean countries. The examples of Wadi Cherrate, El Villar and Escaroupim emerged during a period when forestry scientists collaborated across huge distances to develop the resources of their respective forestry services. The scientific activities of these groups reflected an innovative vision of forest plantations and development. Promoted as the incarnation of a cooperative mission, eucalyptus acclimatization projects were also touted as a utilitarian activity that promised economic improvement and even aesthetic enjoyment. New forestry complexes in Mediterranean Europe and the north of Africa resulted, thus, from the adoption of a range of tree species totally new to these areas.47 In this sense, the properties of the trees themselves played a major role in shaping the pattern, scale and success of transfers. The Iberian and Moroccan landscapes took their modern shape not simply because of capitalist interests, but also because of the opportunities and constraints inherent in the botanical characteristics of the eucalyptus genrus.

26Different pieces of botanical writings and circulatory regimes (the commercial and the academic), came together to crystallize these projects. In Escaroupim, for example, Goes was very active in procuring eucalyptus seeds, as he perceived that the success of the project would depend on the capacity to draw on as large and diverse a gene pool for introduction as possible. On the other hand, he relied on (and sometimes produced) “tour reports”, such as those derived from the trips of experts to Australia, Morocco, Spain and Portugal. The better-known Goes became as a national expert, the more his international contacts proliferated; his network snowballed. His Morocco report was published in the agriculture magazine Lavoura Portuguesa, directed by the forest owner Ruy d´Andrade (1883-1976). Andrade was the owner and manager of the Agolada estate, a huge (5,500 hectares) eucalyptus plantation in the Coruche district.

Tree manuals

  • 48 Edmond Goeze, “O modo de colher e expedir sementes e plantas das províncias ultramarinas,” Jornal d (...)

27Within such circulatory regimes for eucalyptus, which connected very distant and different spaces, it became a crucial issue to manage information in a metaphorical sense (the information coded within the plants themselves genetically), that is, to master the complex procedures needed to transport and cultivate the plants. For example, in 1872, Edmond Goeze, gardener of the Coimbra Garden, published a paper in the Jornal de Horticultura Práctica about the best way to send plants and seeds to the colonial provinces.48 The text depicted several boxes so that readers got an immediate understanding of the management of light and air, a didactic strategy that points to a crossover of practical and scientific knowledge spread with the help of a commercially successful print culture. This kind of practical advice must have been in great demand at that time and the case of Goeze in the Coimbra garden shows how knowledge about seeds and plant nurseries became embodied in the position of the professional gardener with many years of practice. A similar situation was found elsewhere in Portugal, with academic and private botanists and foresters competing for this tacit and practical knowledge as a crucial resource to keep plants alive and productive. From the 1870s onwards, amateurs and professionals popularized practical knowledge by way of publications such as the above mentioned journal.

  • 49 Foresters, forest owners, botanists and naturalists of all kinds are now familiar with these tree g (...)
  • 50 Mario de Azevedo Gomes, Silvicultura, (Lisboa: Livraria Sá da Costa, 1947)
  • 51 António Xavier Pereira Coutinho, Curso de Silvicultura: Botânica Florestal (Lisboa: Academia das Sc (...)
  • 52 Huffel was one of the favorite authors of Azevedo Gomes, forestry professor in the Lisbon Agronomy (...)
  • 53 Ignacio García-Pereda, “Creando el bosque matemático en la década de 1860. Barros Gomes en la Mata (...)
  • 54 The “area framework” was an approach to spatial control initiated by Cotta in Saxony. He stated tha (...)

28Finding places for such plants became also a pressing problem in Portuguese forestry since the 19th century. It was essential to understand tree properties when explaining their spread and utilization but actual knowledge was insufficient. Portuguese foresters had to wait for a long time before forest tree identification manuals in their native language began to appear.49 The earliest was Carlos Augusto de Sousa Pimentel’s Eucalyptus globulus: modo de vegetar, cultura, producção, etc, in 1876. However, before 1947, when Mário de Azevedo Gomes published his Silvicultura manual with Sá da Costa editions,50 apparently only two forestry handbooks had been published in Portugal specifically to address the burgeoning need for improved forestry education of trainee foresters and agronomists, and they have been described as “little-known” works.51 Several factors contributed to this delay. First, there was no massive and sudden reform demanding forestry education for the masses as occurred in Spain in 1848. The closest that Portugal came to this was the passing of the Agriculture Education Act of 1864. This Act stipulated that one chair of forestry training had to be established in the syllabus of the Lisbon Agronomy School. However, despite a boom in field instruction as a result of this Act, there was no comparable phenomenon with regard to the publishing of forestry manuals. Another factor contributing to the delay in the appearance of functional forestry field guides in Portugal was that the most used serious forestry works – such as those by Gustave Huffel (1859-1935) – were those published in French.52 With the exception of Barros Gomes (1839-1910),53 no other national forester attempted to translate the works of German forestry innovators such as Heinrich Cotta (1763-1844). Actually, Portuguese foresters almost never adopted any of the difficult methods the German teachers produced, such as Cotta’s “area framework”54.

  • 55 André Métro, Les eucalyptus dans les reboisements (Roma : FAO, 1954).
  • 56 Ambrosoli emphasises the centrality of botanical knowledge, and texts, in the intensification of ag (...)

29In general, modern forest tree identification and forestry manuals were forged by over a century of attempts to make forestry ideas as simple and easy as possible. Their development required foresters to be practical and community minded, the latter thing because teaching the next generation of foresters and forest owners was what often spurred innovation. Manuals as a kind of communications technology therefore grew out of and played important roles in holding communities together. They united forestry amateurs with experts and brought together naturalists of different ages and in different countries, all with the shared goal of encouraging what today we designate as “sustainable forestry”. For eucalyptus, some foresters, sensing a market opportunity, began to produce a range of teaching resources in the second half of the 20th century. In 1954 Metro published the French manual Les eucalyptus dans les reboisements;55 in 1955 Bolaños published the Spanish manual Eucaliptos de mayor interés para España; in 1960 Goes published the Portuguese manual Os Eucaliptos em Portugal (see image 1). Metro, Bolaños and Goes saw their botanical monographs as having an explicitly educative value for the public at large,56 especially for the forest owners, following the first examples published in the 19th century. The plates illustrating these books were intended to convey to the observer an outline of the principal characters of the species, and many of the discriminative marks of orders, which these lithographs are intended to unfold. The three manuals were widely used and discussed, had informal style, with discursive comments on the species, the meaning of its name, and economic or other noteworthy characteristics.

Image 1 - Cover of Goes’ manual Os Eucaliptos em Portugal (1960)

Image 1 - Cover of Goes’ manual Os Eucaliptos em Portugal (1960)

Source: Euronatura collection

  • 57 The most important non-elite collectors were forest owners. All forms of expertise were relevant to (...)
  • 58 Louis Pardé, Arbres étrangers qui méritent d’être plantés dans les forêts françaises,” Journal d´a (...)
  • 59 Diego Terrero, Organización económico-forestal de Portugal (Madrid: Artes de la Ilustración, 1921).
  • 60 Mary M. Slaughter, Universal Languages and Scientific Taxonomy in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridg (...)

30Several factors came together to create this market niche. One was the popularity of eucalyptus trees as economically beneficial option throughout all sectors of forest owners, small and big, whether in the north or in the south of Portugal.57 The influx and diffusion of “foreign” trees,58 such as the Acacia, further fueled this kind of forestry’s appeal. Established foresters, such as the Spanish Diego Terrero59, hoped to recruit and cultivate new correspondents who could in turn contribute to the developing activity. Finally, the increase in the publication of texts eager to make forest botany easy to learn by self-instruction also testifies to a growing demand for forestry education toward the 1950s. Books about forest trees, however, could not be mere lists of plant names – particularly when foresters felt overwhelmed by the hundreds of undescribed plants that were coming to their attention.60

  • 61 M. Palahi, R. Mavsar, C. Gracia, Y. Birot, “Mediterranean forests under focus,” International Fores (...)

31By 1960 Portuguese foresters had been using manuals of their field for almost a century. These guides may lack, sometimes, visual appeal, but they are certainly worthy of scholarly attention. A more comprehensive study of the origins of forestry manuals requires a great deal of interdisciplinary and multilingual research. It involves an examination of the constraints affecting the publication of illustrated works, 20th century debates about the expected arrangement of living things (expressed in terms of ‘‘natural’’ or ‘‘artificial’’, sustainable or not) and contemporary botanical and forestry pedagogy. Studying the origins of this genre of publication is rewarding, as it contributes to a better understanding of ‘‘natural’’ and ‘‘artificial’’ classifications, and the roles the recruitment of foresters and forestry pedagogy played in the development of forestry as a discipline, with special characteristics in the Mediterranean basin.61

Conclusion

  • 62 Long, “Trading Zones”, 842.

32Eucalypts arboretums acted as laboratories and as fundamental places for education, clearly confirming their function as “trading zones”, following Pamela Long’s conceptual framework. They served as unexpected but fundamental sites for knowledge- building by fostering multidisciplinary practices and know-hows and promoting a sort of brain-storming between different practitioners and learned men who stood in continuous contact with nature in a controlled, artificial milieu. As Long claims, in Escaroupim there existed a mutual and reciprocal influence between artisans (farmers) and scholars and a welding together of both cultures62. The last sections of this article have focused on the forestry uses of three study tours, three Eucalyptus arboretums and three forestry textbooks in mid-20th century. Although showing the participation of a wide range of experts, it has highlighted the role of Ernesto Goes, a prominent forester, author of many publications and, perhaps, the most important Portuguese expert in eucalyptus to this date. Goes achieved great authority not just because of his academic degrees or his institutional positions, but also because of his role as consultant, and his practical knowledge. His position as researcher of the DGSFA offered him excellent opportunities to be integrated in the national power elites, to strengthen his international networks, and to obtain commissions to conduct private consultancy. Simultaneously, his scientific advice on industrial plantations and pulp factories was extremely valuable in the south of Portugal – the area where he conducted most of his work – contributing to the development of plantations. His reports had three main uses: to help transform some rural areas, to add an economic value to forestry activity, and to promote the scientific and collaborative study in a way that was sensitive to context and cognizant of practical procedural difficulties. As a result, he became an internationally renowned expert who contributed to promote the expansion of eucalyptus plantations. Goes’ many publications and letters demonstrate his life-long emphasis in precise observation and description, interest in field observation and ecology.

33Even now, these letters and travel reports help us to reconstruct the Portuguese community of forestry experts. Friendship and sharing the same passion were factors capable of effacing some of the social differences between them, for example of Goes with a rich forest owner (Andrade), in whose relation respect and links existed in both ways. In the continuous search for new discoveries, friends of friends recommended each other. Goes and his friends Bolaños and Metro used international meetings and correspondence both as a means to obtain and exchange information and as an instrument to disseminate his views in the wider international community of foresters. They operated exchanging gifts for gifts (seeds for seeds) and information for information. But perhaps the most valuable gift was the feeling of belonging to a virtual but real community of friends and experts. The goals of this eucalyptus acclimatization movement followed the universalistic scope for science proclaimed by the literature. In three territories of the Mediterranean basin, Portugal, Spain and French Morocco, the same leitmotifs infused tree acclimatization projects. The first was the crafting of a new forestry reality along the lines proposed by FAO officials. The second was that foresters would use their science and technology to restore the dry regions to the fertility they had supposedly had before.

34The case of Goes shows that, in creating the role of technical expert, success depended upon the ability to design arboretums and forestry plantations that could perform useful work for the institutions that were engaging the expert. This required, in turn, careful attention to the interaction of botanical and other forms of expertise and knowledge, as well as the creation of practical processes bridging the gap between science and economy. Goes definitely combined scholarly and economic interests. Eucalyptus transfer was intimately connected with expansive, capitalist, European social formations, and the markets, technologies and sciences that they spawned. Forestry knowledge about the qualities of plants in turn drew on and systematized local knowledge. Practitioners of eucalyptus plantations, when operating in this sophisticated fashion, with careful attention to geographical context, played an important part in shaping industrial forests as spaces located across the borders of the state, the territory and the industry. The history of Ernesto Goes is, in this sense, a chronicle of the decline of public leadership in forestry matters against the rise of private industry.

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Notes

1 Afonso Cautela. O Alentejo na reforma agrária: a viragem decisiva (Lisboa: Diabril, 1975).

2 Juan Luis Delgado, “Del bosque a la fábrica: Técnica y ciencia de la resina de pino en la España contemporánea” (PhD Thesis: Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 2015); Isabel Butler Sierra. “Los trabajos de Manuel Martín Bolaños sobre la vegetación y la flora forestal de la provincia de Huelva. Aplicación al análisis de cambios espaciotemporales en el Paraje Natural Sierra Pelada y Rivera del Aserrador” (PhD Thesis: Universidad de Huelva, 2016).

3 Haripriya Rangan, Christian A. Kull, “Acacia exchanges: wattles, thorn trees, and the study of plant movements,” Geoforum 39 (2008): 1258–1272.

4 Deborah Fitzgerald et al., “Roundtable: Agricultural History and the History of Science,” Agricultural History 92, 4 (2018): 569–604.

5 Pamela Long, “Trading Zones in Early Modern Europe,” Isis 106, 4 (2015): 840-848.

6 Fabrizio Baldassarri, Oana Matei (eds.), “Gardens as Laboratories. The History of Botany through the History of Gardens,” Journal of Early Modern Studies, 6, 1 (2017): 9-19.

7 Ignacio Suay-Matallana, “Between chemistry, medicine and leisure: Antonio Casares and the study of mineral waters and Spanish spas in the nineteenth century,” Annals of Science, 73, 3 (2016): 289-302; Harry Collins, Robert Evans, “The third wave of science studies. Studies of expertise and experience”, Social Studies of Science, 32 (2002): 235–296.

8 Botanical knowledge was integral to forestry studies. Skills and institutions were required to identify the most suitable species, acclimatize them in new surroundings and breed them to increase yields.

9 From 1954 to 1975 he was a forestry consultant for Herdade do Rio Frio (Montijo and Alcochete municipalities), Herdade do Zambujal (Palmela), Herdade da Comporta (Alcácer do Sal and Grândola), Herdade da Mata do Duque e Fidalgos (Montijo and Coruche), Quinta do Duque (Loures), Quinta da Espinheira (Cadaval), Mina de S. Domingos (Mértola), Herdade das Borbolegas (Santiago do Cacem), etc... Ernesto da Silva Reis Goes, Curriculum Vitae, Arquivo do Instituto Superior de Agronomia (ISA), Lisboa.

10 In 1957 he started his collaboration as forestry consultant of the SOCEL company. The factory in Setubal began production in 1964. We can say that before 1957 there was in Portugal a virtual vacuum of the private investment into industrial forestry. Amelia Branco, "Was the Portuguese Forest Policy a contribution towards economic modernization? The case of the paper pulp industry during the Estado Novo (1930-1974)," Revista de Historia Industrial, 44 (2010): 69-96.

11 Calestous Juma, The Gene Hunters (London: Zed Books, 1989). In the 17th century, some 1000 plants and in the 18th century some 9000 were introduced into England. Paul Gepts, “Plant Genetic Resources Conservation and Utilization,” Crop Science, 46 (2006): 2278-2292.

12 Bobbi J. Ward, The plant hunter’s garden. The new explorers and their discoveries (Portland: Timber Press, 2004); Australian eucalyptus and northern hemisphere pines were identified in the 19th century as quick growing species suitable for plantation culture in a wide range of settings, from Uruguay and California to the Cape and India. Scientific forestry techniques evolved in 18th century Germany and France for local species were reproduced in extra-European contexts such as India, and subsequently facilitated the transfer of a wide variety of exotics into colonial lands. Colonial forestry departments, followed by private forestry enterprises, helped to transform the vegetation of many of the higher rainfall zones of the European empires. Richard Grove, Vinita Damodoran, Satpal Sangwan (eds.), Nature and the Orient: The Environmental History of South and Southeast Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998).

13 Vernon H. Heywood, “Changing attitudes to plant introduction and invasives,” in Invasive plants in Mediterranean type regions of the world (Strasbourg: Council of Europe, 2006), 119–128.

14 Philip Short, In pursuit of plants (Portland: Timber Press, 2003).

15 James Simpson, Creating wine. The Emergence of Wine Industry, 1840–1914 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011).

16 James R Ault (ed) “Plant exploration: protocols for the present, concerns for the future,” in Plant Exploration: Protocols for the Present, Concerns for the Future. Symposium proceedings March 1999 (Glencoe, IL: Chicago Botanical Garden, 2000): 18–19.

17 During his seven years in Angola, Welwitsch collected over 5000 species of plants and 3000 species of insects and animals, a large proportion of which were hitherto unknown in the West. Among them, he discovered the remarkable plant that he named Tumboa, later renamed Welwitschia in his honor by J.D. Hooker. S. Albuquerque, R.K. Brummitt, E. Figueiredo, “Typification of names based on the Angolan collections of Friedrich Welwitsch,” Taxon, 58 (2009): 641-646.

18 Lucile H. Brockway, “Science and colonial expansion: the role of the British Royal Botanical Gardens,” American Ethnologist, 6 (1979): 449-465.

19 Knowles A. Ryerson “History and Significance of the Foreign Plant Introduction Work of the United States Department of Agriculture.” Agricultural History 7, n.3 (1933): 110 –28. Tragically, Meyer never returned to the United States, drowning in the Yangtze River in late 1918 just as he was beginning his trip home. However, a much-anticipated collection of Pirus calleryana seeds was shipped back in his absence. Theresa M. Culley, “The rise and fall of the ornamental callery pear tree,” Arnoldia, 74, 3 (2017): 2–11.

20 Peter Del Tredici. “Plant exploration: a historic overview,” in Plant Exploration: Protocols for the Present, Concerns for the Future. Symposium proceedings March 1999 (Glencoe, IL: Chicago Botanical Garden, 2000), 1-6.

21 Esther Helena Arens, “Flowerbeds and hothouses: botany, gardens, and the circulation of knowledge in things,” Historical Social Research, 40, 1 (2015): 265–283.

22 Brockway, “Science”; William Beinart, Karen Middleton, “Plant transfers in historical perspective: a review article,” Environment and History, 10 (2004): 3-29.

23 Ana Carneiro, Ana Simões, Maria Paula Diogo, “Enlightenment Science in Portugal: the Estrangeirados and their Networks of Communication,” Social Studies of Science, 30 (2000): 591–619.

24 New technology, such as Wardian cases – protective miniature glasshouses that reduced the need for fresh water – greatly improved plant survival during transit by sea and land. Ignacio García-Pereda, “Experts florestais: os primeiros silvicul­tores em Portugal” (PhD Thesis: Universidade de Évora, 2018).

25 Santiago Aragón, « Le rayonnement international de la Société Zoologique d’Acclimatation : participation de l’Espagne entre 1854 et 1861 » (Master Thesis : EHESS Paris, 2002).

26 Michael Osborne, Nature, the Exotic, and the Science of French Colonialism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994).

27 Robert Hickel, Notice sur les forêts de chêne-liège d´Espagne et de Portugal, Bulletin du Ministère de l´Agriculture, 9 (1893) : 291-315.

28 Pedro Teixeira, “Desenhar e construir a paisagem : o povoamento florestal entre Mira e Quiaios, na primeira metade do século XX” (Master Thesis: Universidade de Coimbra, 2016).

29 Beinart, Middleton, “Plant transfers”.

30 García-Pereda, “Experts florestais”.

31 Ana Duarte Rodrigues, Ana Simões, “Horticulture in Portugal 1850–1900: The role of science and public utility in shaping knowledge,” Annals of Science, 74, 1 (2017): 192–213.

32 G. Shaughnessy, “A Case Study of Some Woody Plant Introductions to the Cape Town Area,” in I.A.W. Macdonald, F.J. Kruger, A.A. Ferrar. (eds.) The ecology and management of biological Invasions in Southern Africa (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1986): 37–43.

33 Ignacio García-Pereda, “The Emergence of Forest Genetics in Portugal. The Works of Joaquim Vieira Natividade (1899-1968) in the Alcobaça Cork Oak Station,” Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences, 47, 1 (2017): 76-106.

34 Niccolò Mignemi, “Italian agricultural experts as transnational mediators: the creation of the International Institute of Agriculture, 1905 to 1908,” Agricultural History Review, 65, 2 (2017): 254-276.

35 Riccardo Morandini, “Aldo Pavari, forestale moderno,” L’Italia Forestale e Montana, 65, 4 (2010), 407-410.

36 Rangan, “Acacia”.

37 André Metro, Possibilité d'emploi des eucalyptus dans les reboisements en France, Annales de l'École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts et de la D.R.E.F., 13, 1 (1950) : 271-319.

38 Andrea E. Duffy, “Civilizing through Cork: Conservationism and the Mission Civilisatrice in French Colonial Algeria,” Environmental History, 23, 2 (2018): 270–292.

39 The tragedy of the commons is a term used in social science to describe a situation in a shared-resource system where individual users acting independently according to their own self-interest behave contrary to the common good of all users by depleting or spoiling that resource through their collective action. The concept and phrase originated in an essay written in 1833 by the British economist William Forster Lloyd. The concept became widely known over a century later due to an article written by the American ecologist Garrett Hardin. Garrett Hardin, “The Tragedy of the Commons,” Science 162 (1968): 1243–1248.

40 Hubert Bonin, « Une histoire bancaire transméditerranéenne : la Compagnie algérienne, d’un ultime apogée au repli (1945-1970), » dans D. Lefeuvre et al. (Dir.)  La Guerre d’Algérie au miroir des décolonisations françaises (Paris : Publications de la Société française d’histoire d’outre-mer, 2000), 151-176.

41 Ignacio García-Pereda, Joaquim Vieira Natividade, 1899-1968: ciência e politica do Sobreiro e da Cortiça (Lisboa: Euronatura, 2008).

42 Butler, “Trabajos”.

43 Enrique Sánchez Gullón, J. M. Caraballo Martínez, Federico Ruiz, “Una visión histórica de los Arboretos de eucaliptos de Huelva,” Boletín CIDEU, 8-9 (2010): 43-56

44 D. F. Davidson, “Diary of a visit to the forests of Morocco, including a short visit to Algeria,” The Empire Forestry Review, 33, 1 (1954), 48-60.

45 Ernesto Goes, Eucalipto. Ecologia, cultura e produções (Lisboa: DGSFA, 1962).

46 Goes, Eucalipto, 24. The latter’s full name in the 1960s was Centro Experimental de Eucalyptus da Mata Nacional de Escaroupim. It received seeds directly from the Australian Forestry Service.

47 Beinart, Middleton, “Plant transfers”, 5.

48 Edmond Goeze, “O modo de colher e expedir sementes e plantas das províncias ultramarinas,” Jornal de Horticultura Práctica, 5 (1872): 29-30.

49 Foresters, forest owners, botanists and naturalists of all kinds are now familiar with these tree guides and other types of reference works used to learn forestry practices, which contain the names and descriptions of trees, usually illustrated with drawings or photographs. They are designed for amateurs and professionals alike to identify and plant trees quickly.

50 Mario de Azevedo Gomes, Silvicultura, (Lisboa: Livraria Sá da Costa, 1947)

51 António Xavier Pereira Coutinho, Curso de Silvicultura: Botânica Florestal (Lisboa: Academia das Sciencias, 1886); Horário Eliseu, Noções de silvicultura, (Leiria, 1926).

52 Huffel was one of the favorite authors of Azevedo Gomes, forestry professor in the Lisbon Agronomy School between 1917 and 1957.

53 Ignacio García-Pereda, “Creando el bosque matemático en la década de 1860. Barros Gomes en la Mata Nacional da Machada (Barreiro, Portugal): Testigos cartográficos,” in Pedro Fidalgo, coord. Estudos da Paisagem (Lisboa: IHC, 2017), 217-240.

54 The “area framework” was an approach to spatial control initiated by Cotta in Saxony. He stated that it is usually more important to establish spatial order than to estimate volumes. The basic unit considered in this approach is the compartment. An example of a lowlands compartment is a rectangular block measuring 400x800 meters (32 hectares), which usually consisted of several sub-compartments distinguished on the basis of species composition, age class, and site. E. K. Morgenstern, “The origin and early application of the principle of sustainable forest management,” Forestry Chronicle, 83 (2007): 485-489.

55 André Métro, Les eucalyptus dans les reboisements (Roma : FAO, 1954).

56 Ambrosoli emphasises the centrality of botanical knowledge, and texts, in the intensification of agronomy in Europe, and especially in the spread of fodder crops during the early modern period. Mauro Ambrosoli, The Wild and the Sown: Botany and Agriculture in Europe, 1350-1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

57 The most important non-elite collectors were forest owners. All forms of expertise were relevant to foresters, both learned knowledge and the practical expertise of those who were in daily touch with nature.

58 Louis Pardé, Arbres étrangers qui méritent d’être plantés dans les forêts françaises,” Journal d´agriculture traditionnelle et de botanique appliquée, 29 (1924) : 3-10.

59 Diego Terrero, Organización económico-forestal de Portugal (Madrid: Artes de la Ilustración, 1921).

60 Mary M. Slaughter, Universal Languages and Scientific Taxonomy in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982).

61 M. Palahi, R. Mavsar, C. Gracia, Y. Birot, “Mediterranean forests under focus,” International Forestry Review, 10, 4 (2008): 676–688.

62 Long, “Trading Zones”, 842.

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Titre Image 1 - Cover of Goes’ manual Os Eucaliptos em Portugal (1960)
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